Tarquinia gens

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Sebastiano Ricci, Tarquin the Elder consulting Attius Navius (1690). Tarquin the Elder consulting Attus Nevius the Augur, Ricci, Sebastiano.png
Sebastiano Ricci, Tarquin the Elder consulting Attius Navius (1690).

The gens Tarquinia was a plebeian family at ancient Rome, usually associated with Lucius Tarquinius Priscus and Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, the fifth and seventh Kings of Rome. Most of the Tarquinii who appear in history are connected in some way with this dynasty, but a few appear during the later Republic, and others from inscriptions, some dating as late as the fourth century AD.

Contents

Origin

The legendary origin of the Tarquinii who reigned at Rome begins with Demaratus of Corinth, a member of the house of the Bacchiadae at Corinth, which was expelled in 657 BC. [1] [2] [3] [4] Demaratus settled at Tarquinii in Etruria, where he married an Etruscan noblewoman, and had two sons, Lucius and Arruns, who took the surname Tarquinius after the town of their birth. Denied political advancement due to his father's foreign birth, Lucius, encouraged by his wife, Tanaquil, determined to settle at Rome, where he could hope to attain high station based solely on his merits. He fell into the retinue of Ancus Marcius, the fourth Roman king, becoming his trusted advisor. Since the Roman monarchy was elective, rather than strictly hereditary, when Marcius died, Tarquinius successfully argued that he should be named the next king, in preference to the sons of Marcius. [5] [6]

Family tree showing relations to Lucretia and Brutus Tarquinia (gens) family tree by shakko.jpg
Family tree showing relations to Lucretia and Brutus

Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, the seventh and last Roman king, was said to have been the son or grandson of the elder Tarquin, while Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, one of the first Roman consuls, was his cousin. [7] Other Tarquinii are mentioned as part of this family, although it is not entirely clear how some of them were related. It is likely that there were additional kings and perhaps other members of the Tarquin dynasty during this period. [8]

It is not clear whether the early Tarquinii should be regarded as patricians or plebeians. The consul Collatinus is generally regarded as a patrician, [9] but as Cornell explains, none of the families that claimed descent from or kinship with the Roman kings were considered patrician in later times, while none of Rome's leading patrician families is represented among the kings. The patricians may have chosen the king, but were probably not eligible for the office, and it is unlikely that the kings themselves were admitted to the patriciate once chosen. [10] It may be that Collatinus was granted patrician status on the overthrow of the Roman monarchy; but as he then accepted exile according to the demand of his colleague, Lucius Junius Brutus, the matter becomes academic, as there was no tradition of patrician Tarquinii at Rome in later times. The Tarquinii of the later Republic were plebeians.

The nomen Tarquinius appears to be the Latin form of the Etruscan Tarchna, apparently the same as the Tarchunies named in one of the frescoes in the famous François Tomb at Vulci. [11] [12] The nomen is certainly derived from the city of Tarquinii, in Etruscan Tarchna or Tarchuna, after its legendary founder, the folk-hero Tarchon, although in historical times the Tarchna family had branches at both Tarquinii and Caere. [13]

Members

This list includes abbreviated praenomina. For an explanation of this practice, see filiation.
Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, Tarquinius Superbus (1867). The king suggests to his son, Sextus, how to bring the city of Gabii under his control, by silently lopping the heads off the tallest poppies in his garden. Lawrence Alma-Tadema 11.jpeg
Sir Lawrence Alma-Tadema, Tarquinius Superbus (1867). The king suggests to his son, Sextus, how to bring the city of Gabii under his control, by silently lopping the heads off the tallest poppies in his garden.

See also

Footnotes

  1. Usually said to have been named Lucumo prior to coming to Rome; but Lucumo is thought to be a misunderstanding of the Etruscan title lauchme, a chief or king, a parallel to how the Etruscans apparently took the Latin title magister for a personal name, Macstarna. Moreover, the Etruscans were familiar with the Latin praenomen Lucius, which they borrowed, along with many others, so it may be that the Etruscan name of Lucius Tarquinius was simply Lucie Tarchunies. Some scholars have attempted to identify him with the Cneve Tarchunies, or Gnaeus Tarquinius depicted in the François Tomb, but without any positive evidence that they were the same person.
  2. There is some doubt about the true meaning of Egerius, as there was a nymph Egeria, said to have been the counselor of Numa Pompilius the second King of Rome; her name is given different meanings. There is also some reason to believe that Egerius may have been an old praenomen.
  3. Livy notes the uncertainty, but states that the weight of authority makes the younger Tarquin a son of Tarquinius Priscus; Dionysius, basing his opinion on that of the earlier historian Piso rejects this tradition on chronological grounds, as do many modern scholars, noting that according to the traditional dates, the elder Tarquin became king in 616 BC, and died in 578; the younger Tarquin seized the throne in 534, and died in exile in 495. While this does not make it absolutely impossible for them to have been father and son, it seems highly improbable. Dionysius notes that Tanaquil, also an adult before 616, was still alive when Priscus died, thirty-eight years later, when she must have been well over fifty, while Superbus was strong enough to fight in the Battle of Lake Regillus, circa 498 BC.

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References

  1. Livy, i. 34.
  2. Dionysius, iii. 46.
  3. Pliny the Elder, xxxv. 5. s. 43.
  4. Tacitus, Annales, xi. 14.
  5. Livy, i. 34, 35.
  6. Dionysius, iii. 46–49.
  7. Livy, i. 38, 46, 57.
  8. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome, pp. 138–141.
  9. Broughton, vol. I, p. 2.
  10. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome, pp. 142, 143.
  11. Grant, History of Rome, p. 23.
  12. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome, pp. 135, 138, 139.
  13. Grant, History of Rome, p. 23, Roman Myths, pp. 24, 74, 153, 154.
  14. Livy, i. 34.
  15. 1 2 Dionysius, iii. 46, 47, 50.
  16. Livy, i. 35–38.
  17. Dionysius, iii. 49–73.
  18. Grant, Roman Myths, p. 154.
  19. Cornell, The Beginnings of Rome, pp. 130, 138–140.
  20. Livy, i. 34, 38.
  21. Livy, i. 39, 42, 46.
  22. Dionysius, iv. 28.
  23. Livy, i. 46–60, ii. 1–7, 9, 18–21.
  24. Dionysius, iv. 6–8, 28–85, v. 14–16, 50–54,
  25. Grant, Roman Myths, pp. 165, 166, 252 (note 95).
  26. Livy, i. 42, 46.
  27. Dionysius, iv. 28–30.
  28. Livy, i. 57–60, ii. 2.
  29. Dionysius, iv. 64 ff.
  30. Cassius Dio, fragmentum, 24 (ed. Reimar).
  31. Cicero, De Republica, ii. 25, De Officiis, iii. 10.
  32. Livy, i. 56, 60.
  33. Livy, ii. 19, 20.
  34. Livy, ii. 6.
  35. Livy, i. 58–60.
  36. 1 2 Dionysius, v. 53–57.
  37. Plutarch, "The Life of Poplicola", 8.
  38. Obsequens, 114.
  39. Sallust, Bellum Catilinae, 48.
  40. CIL VIII, 6642.
  41. 1 2 3 CIL X, 6396.
  42. AE 2011, 495.
  43. 1 2 CIL VI, 4657.
  44. CIL VI, 1057.
  45. CIL XIII, 867.
  46. CIL V, 3320.
  47. CIL VIII, 7803.
  48. CIL IX, 1546.
  49. CIL IX, 1983.
  50. ILAlg, ii. 1, 1790.
  51. CIL IX, 5331.
  52. CIL XIII, 1200.
  53. CIL X, 4410.
  54. CIL XIII, 3573.
  55. CIL XI, 3627.
  56. CIL VIII, 6643.
  57. ILAlg, ii. 3, 10291.
  58. CIL X, 3562.
  59. CIL X, 1201.

Bibliography