The Rank and File (Play for Today)

Last updated

"The Rank and File"
Play for Today episode
The Rank and File.jpg
Episode no.Series 1
Episode 21
Directed by Ken Loach
Written by Jim Allen
Produced by Graeme McDonald
Original air date20 May 1971 (1971-05-20)
Episode chronology
 Previous
"Orkney"
Next 
"The Man In The Sidecar"

"The Rank and File" is the 21st episode of first season of the British BBC anthology TV series Play for Today . The episode was a television play that was originally broadcast on 20 May 1971. [1] "The Rank and File" was written by Jim Allen, directed by Ken Loach and produced by Graeme McDonald. It is included in the Ken Loach at the BBC boxset released in 2011, although the recording is of unusually poor quality for a DVD release.

Contents

Background

In 1970, an unofficial strike took place at the Pilkington Glass Works in St. Helens, Lancashire, initially after an error in wage packets but the strikers later demanded a wage rise to £25 per week. The cause was described in the New Statesman as 'the cumbersome structure of different bonus and shift payments which meant that men doing similar jobs took home different and unpredictable pay packets'. [2] Six thousand workers went on strike for two months. [3] The BBC insisted that the name of the company be changed from "Pilkington" to "Wilkinson", and the location moved from St. Helens to the Staffordshire Potteries. [1] [2] However, the film begins with an on-screen caption that reads, "A film based principally on events that took place in Lancashire in the Spring of 1970".

The Trotskyist dramatist Jim Allen visited the strikers to show support and showed them the film The Big Flame , which he had written and Ken Loach had directed. Jim Allen has given an account of how he was subsequently persuaded to write a similar script about the strike at Pilkington.

So, one old bloke said to me, "Will you write a film for us?" And I was really up to my neck in work, committed. I said, "I'm pressed for time." So this old fella said, "come to the toilet with me, I'll show you my 'war medals'." We got to the toilet and he whips his shirt off, and his back was lacerated, as if he'd been whipped by glass, and then he put his shirt back on. He said, "I've worked here all my life, never been on strike and I've been told that unless I scab, they'll take my pension away." Anyway, this fella refused to scab, and he finished up with no pension and he was sweeping up in a Co-Op shop in St. Helens. Well, that was moral blackmail. So, I said, "yes, of course, I'll write a script." [4]

This man became the inspiration for the character Charlie in the film.

The strike took place near the end of Harold Wilson's first government. The unofficial strikes and student protests in France in May 1968 were influential amongst the left-wing in the UK, and there was a subsequent increase in strikes taken outside of the union framework, most notably the miners' strike of October 1969. [5] The union at Pilkington, the General and Municipal Worker’s Union, was strongly supportive of Wilson and did not support the strike launched by the glass workers in 1970. [2]

Passed under the new government of Edward Heath, the Industrial Relations Act 1971 made such unofficial strikes illegal. This Act is mentioned towards the end of the film.

"The Rank and File" has numerous similarities to The Big Flame . As well as sharing the same director and playwright, the films also share most of the lead actors: Peter Kerrigan, Bill Dean, Tommy Summers and Joan Flood. As The Big Flame was the more popular film, "The Rank and File" has become overlooked. [1] [2]

Plot

A family glassware company dominates the town. There have been no strikes in a hundred years, but sheet workers walk out over a pay discrepancy. When other grievances come to light, all six factories go on strike. The union, the General Municipal, does not support the strike. Eddie Marsden then sets up a Rank and File Strike Committee to organise the strike outside of the union, doing business such as organising pickets and collecting for a hardship fund. The Committee meets in a room above a pub with seven members: Les, Johnny, Eddie, Billy, Bert, Mike and Jerry. They befriend a journalist who was sent to cover the strike, even though he normally only covers gardening news.

Whilst Les is typing out a strike bulletin, a brick is thrown through the back window. Les fails to catch the perpetrators.

During the next committee meeting, they receive a phone call from the journalist to inform them that the General Municipal has secretly accepted a £3, (12%) pay rise, which is lower than the Committee was demanding. When the General Municipal's leader Holtby arrives to address the meeting, he is booed and pelted with stones, and has to be given a police escort away. A vote by show of hands is passed for the strike to continue. Holtby then tells the media that the Communist Party have infiltrated the workforce, but the workers deny this when asked by journalists.

Many strikers are falling behind with rent and evicted from their homes. A female striker is shown sleeping with her baby on the street. She is afraid that the baby will be taken away if she presents herself to a charity or to a welfare office. A march takes place to the union headquarters to demand appropriation of the union's hardship fund. After some marchers (including Les) are arrested, the others discover an old union banner from the 1926 General Strike and carry on marching with it. Les's wife subsequently leaves him, but agrees to give the typewriter for the strike bulletins to Eddie.

A group of men walk back to work under police escort. They are called scabs (a term that is extremely offensive in some parts of England) and spat at, before a scuffle between pickets and police. Shortly afterwards, Johnny takes a taxi to Wood Street, but the taxi driver takes an unexpected term and ignores instructions. When Johnny gets out, he is beaten up by hired muscle. The other members of the committee wait for Johnny at the hospital, and then mock him when he emerges in bandages.

The Trade Union Congress invites the Committee to negotiate on the strike in London. As the strike is taking its toll on the committee both financially and physically, they decided to enter negotiations. Eddie is elected to attend the meeting and obtain written confirmation of the promises made by the General Municipal and the TUC. They return with a signed document which states that there will be no victimisation once the men return to work. The strike is then called off.

Once back at work, the agreement is not honoured. Eddie is followed around by the foreman and production manager constantly. The victimised leaders return to London to discuss the agreement signed with the General Electric and TUC, but the request for a meeting is denied. A new unofficial strike is then called, but collapses after three days. Eddie, Billy and other members of the Committee are sacked and blacklisted. Charlie is allowed to keep his job, but loses his pension rights and his wage is reduced to the level of an apprentice.

The film ends with Eddie critiquing the Industrial Relations Act 1971 for forbidding unofficial strikes. He quotes Trotsky's vision of hope that the young will go on to make a brighter future.

Cast

Evaluation

The film is generally considered to be one of the weaker collaborations between Allen and Loach, and the two men have both expressed their reservations about the picture. Loach has said that the film is too specific to the events of the Pilkington strike, which were quickly forgotten. [1] Allen has questioned whether his script was a success.

Having written plays like "The Rank and File" about collective action, the Pilkington Glass Strike, I think that if you don't take an individual you lose the thread. The Lump is expressed in individuals. It's strong men hustling, fighting. "The Rank and File" was written in three weeks, and had to be done the way it was. The trouble was the imagination limps behind the reality behind Pilkington... If you get too didactic, politically or otherwise, as I probably did in "The Rank and File", it can be a lantern lecture. To express political ideas you need to fuse the individual and the collective... You should allow objective reality to filter through the subjective. [4]

As well as being attacked by right-wing newspapers, the film is also criticised by many on the political left for its portrayal of trade unions. A member of the Communist Party of Great Britain suggested that the film was put out by the BBC to attack trade unions as bureaucratic and dominated by Stalinists. [2]

John Williams described the film as "an unashamedly partial work that shows both the strengths and weaknesses of a politically committed approach to art, in that those characters who have Allen's sympathy are convincingly written and portrayed, while others are often little more than pantomime villains". [1] He writes that it differs from The Big Flame in that the latter contains characters who theorise the strike in Marxist terms and portrays a dispute with far-reaching consequences, whereas "The Rank and File" is more constrained by the facts of the Pilkington case, which was a brief strike led by workers who were not aligned with any Marxist group. [2] Williams feels that the Trotsky quote at the end of the film "seems clumsily inserted, as if Allen and Loach needed to add a wider, revolutionary aspect to the play". [2] He also suggests that the two films were broadcast by the BBC at a time when many of those in the Plays department held similar politics to Allen and Loach. [2]

Jacob Leigh wrote that "The Rank and File" concentrates more than The Big Flame on the collective experiences of the strikers, by showing cases in which strikers are attacked, arrested and deserted by their spouses. [4]

The scene in which Charlie is "given a chance to mend his ways" is analysed by Leigh.

"The film proposes that the employers do not care about Charlie: they have exploited him all his life and continue to do so, yet he takes his job back. Apart from one shot of the personnel officer, Loach films this scene with a close-up of Charlie: his face is haggard and he appears worn out: but he can only acquiesce. Throughout the shot, the personnel officer's head is on the left side of the frame, taking up about a quarter of the framed space. In the foreground, and close in, is Charlie's gloomy face: cracked glasses perched on his nose, eyes tired, greying hair greased back. "Right, thank you sir," he says. The scene ends with a freeze-frame on his face: he is one of the casualties of the strike." [4]

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Winnipeg general strike</span> 1919 strike in Canada

The Winnipeg General Strike of 1919 was one of the most famous and influential strikes in Canadian history. For six weeks, May 15 to June 26, more than 30,000 strikers brought economic activity to a standstill in Winnipeg, Manitoba, which at the time was Canada's third largest city. In the short term, the strike ended in arrests, bloodshed, and defeat, but in the long run it contributed to the development of a stronger labour movement and the tradition of social democratic politics in Canada.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Strike action</span> Work stoppage caused by the mass refusal of employees to work

Strike action, also called labor strike, labour strike, or simply strike, is a work stoppage caused by the mass refusal of employees to work. A strike usually takes place in response to employee grievances. Strikes became common during the Industrial Revolution, when mass labor became important in factories and mines. As striking became a more common practice, governments were often pushed to act. When government intervention occurred, it was rarely neutral or amicable. Early strikes were often deemed unlawful conspiracies or anti-competitive cartel action and many were subject to massive legal repression by state police, federal military power, and federal courts. Many Western nations legalized striking under certain conditions in the late 19th and early 20th centuries.

The miners' strike of 1984–1985 was a major industrial action within the British coal industry in an attempt to prevent colliery closures. It was led by Arthur Scargill of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) against the National Coal Board (NCB), a government agency. Opposition to the strike was led by the Conservative government of Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who wanted to reduce the power of the trade unions.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">National Union of Mineworkers (Great Britain)</span> British coal mining trade union

The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) is a trade union for coal miners in Great Britain, formed in 1945 from the Miners' Federation of Great Britain (MFGB). The NUM took part in three national miners' strikes, in 1972, 1974 and 1984–85. Following the 1984–85 strike, and the subsequent closure of most of Britain's coal mines, it became a much smaller union. It had around 170,000 members when Arthur Scargill became leader in 1981, a figure which had fallen in 2015 to an active membership of around 100.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Seattle General Strike</span> 1919 workers strike in Seattle, Washington

The Seattle General Strike was a five-day general work stoppage by 65,000 workers in the city of Seattle, Washington from February 6 to 11, 1919. The goal was to support shipyard workers in several unions who were locked out of their jobs when they tried to strike for higher wages. Most other local unions joined the walk-out, including members of the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). The national offices of the AFL unions were opposed to the shutdown. Local, state and federal government officials, the press, and much of the public viewed the strike as a radical attempt to subvert American institutions.

<i>Harlan County, USA</i> 1976 documentary film

Harlan County, USA is a 1976 American documentary film covering the "Brookside Strike", a 1973 effort of 180 coal miners and their wives against the Duke Power Company-owned Eastover Coal Company's Brookside Mine and Prep Plant in Harlan County, southeast Kentucky. It won the Academy Award for Best Documentary at the 49th Academy Awards.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Derek Robinson (trade unionist)</span> British trade unionist (1927–2017)

Derek Robinson (1927–2017) was a British trade unionist. Formerly a convenor and shop steward within car manufacturer British Leyland for much of the 1970s, he was commonly known as "Red Robbo" in the British press.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Pilkington</span> Glass Manufacturer

Pilkington is a glass-manufacturing company which is based in Lathom, Lancashire, United Kingdom. It includes several legal entities in the UK, and is a subsidiary of Japanese company Nippon Sheet Glass (NSG).

<i>Kes</i> (film) 1969 British drama film by Ken Loach

Kes is a 1969 British kitchen sink drama film directed by Ken Loach and produced by Tony Garnett, based on the 1968 novel A Kestrel for a Knave, written by the Hoyland Nether–born author Barry Hines. Kes follows the story of Billy, who comes from a dysfunctional working-class family and is a no-hoper at school, but discovers his own private means of fulfillment when he adopts a fledgling kestrel and proceeds to train it in the art of falconry.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Strikebreaker</span> Person who works despite an ongoing strike

A strikebreaker is a person who works despite a strike. Strikebreakers are usually individuals who were not employed by the company before the trade union dispute but hired after or during the strike to keep the organization running. Strikebreakers may also refer to workers who cross picket lines to work.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Memphis sanitation strike</span> 1968 American strike

The Memphis sanitation strike began on February 12, 1968, in response to the deaths of sanitation workers Echol Cole and Robert Walker. The deaths served as a breaking point for more than 1,300 African American men from the Memphis Department of Public Works as they demanded higher wages, time and a half overtime, dues check-off, safety measures, and pay for the rainy days when they were told to go home. The Memphis sanitation strike was led by T.O. Jones and had the support of Jerry Wurf, president of the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME) and the local branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP). The AFSCME was chartered in 1964 by the state; the city of Memphis refused to recognize it. This resulted in the second sanitation Worker Strike in 1968 which began because of several incidents that led the employees to strike. Mayor Henry Loeb refused to recognize the strike and rejected the City Council vote, insisting that only he possessed the power to recognize the union. The Memphis sanitation strike prompted Martin Luther King Jr.'s presence, where he famously gave the “I’ve Been to the Mountaintop” speech a day before his assassination.

A wildcat strike action, often referred to as a wildcat strike, is a strike action undertaken by unionised workers without union leadership's authorisation, support, or approval; this is sometimes termed an unofficial industrial action. The legality of wildcat strikes varies between countries and over time, although they are not typically criminal offenses.

Usually referred to as the "New South Wales General Strike", but referred to by contemporaries as "the Great Strike", it was in fact neither general nor confined to NSW. The strike was however a mass strike, involving around 100,000 workers, mostly in NSW and Victoria. It began in the Australian state of New South Wales and spread to other states over six weeks from 2 August to 8 September 1917 when the official leadership declared the strike over. It took two weeks for all the railway strikers to return, however, as rank and file meetings initially rejected the official capitulation. Outside the railways, significant groups such as the waterside workers in Sydney and Melbourne, and the Hunter Valley coal mines remained out until November as in their case the use of strikebreakers had turned the strike into a lockout.

James Allen was an English socialist playwright, best known for his collaborations with Ken Loach.

<i>The Big Flame</i> 1969 BBC television play directed by Ken Loach

The Big Flame is a 1969 BBC television play by socialist playwright Jim Allen, produced by Tony Garnett and directed by Ken Loach. The play tells the story of 10,000 dockworkers occupying the Liverpool docks in a "work-in". Filmed in a gritty, realistic drama documentary style, it was first broadcast on 19 February 1969 on BBC1, at a time when unemployment was rising in Britain. The play was shown in the BBC's The Wednesday Play anthology strand, which was noted for tackling social issues.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ken Loach</span> British filmmaker (born 1936)

Kenneth Charles Loach is a British film director and screenwriter. His socially critical directing style and socialist ideals are evident in his film treatment of social issues such as poverty, homelessness, and labour rights.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Waterside Workers' Federation of Australia</span> Former maritime trade union in Australia

The Waterside Workers' Federation of Australia (WWF) was an Australian trade union that existed from 1902 to 1993. After a period of negotiations between other Australian maritime unions, it was federated in 1902 and first federally registered in 1907; its first general president was Billy Hughes.

The UK miners' strike of 1969 was an unofficial strike that involved 140 of the 307 collieries owned by the National Coal Board, including all collieries in the Yorkshire area. The strike began on 13 October 1969 and lasted for roughly two weeks, with some pits returning to work before others. The NCB lost £15 million and 2.5 million tonnes of coal as a result of the strike.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Canadian Labour Revolt</span> 20th-century labour conflict

The Canadian Labour Revolt was a loosely connected series of strikes, riots, and labour conflicts that took place across Canada between 1918 and 1925, largely organized by the One Big Union (OBU).

The 1985–1987 Watsonville Cannery strike was a labor strike that involved over 1,000 workers at two food processing facilities in Watsonville, California, United States. The facilities were owned by Watsonville Canning and Richard A. Shaw Inc., two of the largest frozen food processors in the United States, while the workers were all union members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) Local 912. The strike began on September 9, 1985, and completely ended about 18 months later, on March 11, 1987.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 5 Williams, John (2003–14). "Rank and File, The (1971)". BFI Screenonline. Retrieved 14 August 2016.
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 "The Rank and File (1971) – British Television Drama". Britishtelevisiondrama.org.uk. Retrieved 17 September 2017.
  3. "Wages error sparked 1970 strike". St. Helens Reporter. England. 9 April 2014. Retrieved 14 August 2016.
  4. 1 2 3 4 Leigh, Jacob (2002). The Cinema of Ken Loach: Art in the Service of the People. UK: Wallflower Press. pp. 99–101. ISBN   9781903364314.
  5. Douglass, David John (2005). Strike, not the end of the story. Overton, Yorkshire, UK: National Coal Mining Museum for England. p. 17.