| Formerly | World Finance Corporation |
|---|---|
| Founded | 1971 |
| Founder | Guillermo Hernández-Cartaya |
| Headquarters | , United States |
World Finance Corporation (abbreviated WFC; later renamed simply WFC Corp.) was a financial corporation founded in 1971 and headquartered in Coral Gables Florida. When WFC Corp was headed and controlled by Guillermo Hernandez-Cartaya (a former Cuban banker who was an agent of the CIA, and believed to be an agent of the Mafia, and also of various Colombian drug lords) through the WFC Group shell company, it became known for a major financial scandal in which over $50 million was lost. This scandal was the subject of a 60 Minutes segment on 26 February 1978. Cartaya controlled it through a number of shell companies, the most well known of which was the WFC Group.
The corporation was founded in 1971 by the Cuban expatriate banker Guillermo Hernandez-Cartaya, after he finished serving a Cuban sentence for his participation in The Bay of Pigs Invasion. The New York Times said:
With the formation of WFC, former associates said, Mr. Hernandez-Cartaya hoped to utilize his wide-ranging contacts in the Latin American political and economic world to tap the growing market between American lenders and Latin American borrowers made possible by the 1969 Edge Act. [1]
The WFC Group was a shell company owned entirely by Guillermo Hernandez-Cartaya; it owned a large proportion of WFC and served to also mask Cartaya's controlling interest in it and other corporations. [1]
In 1975, WFC was designated an "exclusive official agent by the Colombian Government for a loan of US$100 million, the largest in the nation's history."
Two years before, in 1973, WFC founded Unibank (Union de Bancos SA), [2] a Panamanian bank. It received with unusual swiftness Panama's most liberal banking license, a Class One license. Most of the equity was held by WFC, but a total of 24% (8% each) was held by three American banks—a subsidiary of Mercantile Trust Company of St. Louis, First National Bank of Louisville, and Midatlantic Banks of West Orange, N. S. [2] Stakes were also held initially by two Latin American banks. [2]
Unibank was rather successful—by 1976 it had affiliates worldwide and about US$50 million in deposit. In 1977, the banking commissioner of Panama seized Unibank; he had little choice since Unibank was a debtor to the National Bank of Panama, and already US$10 million had been lost. [2] Unibank would not be the only bank begun by WFC principals to collapse with great financial loss.
In 1976, the Comptroller of the Currency forced Cartaya out of his control of the Pan American Bank of Hiateah in Florida – US$2 million had gone missing due to bad overdrafts and uncollected funds. This incident was the reason for the Comptroller's later involvement in the investigation that broke open the WFA scandal.
Also in 1976, US Customs agents intercepted a private plane inbound from Panama. Aboard was thousands of dollars in cash, strapped to a woman associated with WFC's Vice President. On the plane were also that Vice President, Cartaya, and Cartaya's wife.
Another bank had been started in the United Arab Emirates's Sheikdom of Ajman, with the collaboration of the Ajman government. It was called the Ajman Arab Bank. It was plagued by the same problems as Unibank, and was shut down May 1977. Cartaya went to the UAE, apparently to try to explain the missing money, and the authorities confiscated his passport. Cartaya nonetheless escaped the UAE, using documents brought him by a fellow Cuban.
WFC came to national attention when an investigation in 1976 by the District Attorney of Dade County, Florida, (along with four other governmental agencies; besides the Dade County Public Safety Office, the FBI, the IRS, the DEA, and the Comptroller of the Currency all participated in the joint investigation) revealed that the WFC held the dubious distinction of being the longest running (and largest) launderer of money for Colombian cocaine smugglers; the investigation proceeded for approximately two years. Somewhat ironically, the law enforcement personnel literally stumbled onto lead, when, during an investigation of a pest-control service called King Spray Service suspected of drug smuggling, two agents of the Dade County Public Safety Office (which, under Donald Skelton, led the investigation until the Justice Department took over) were searching through the company's garbage, in which they found financial records of WFC, recording very large transfers of funds between the bank and the company, along with small amounts of marijuana. The investigation ruined WFC Corp, and it closed in 1980. [3] [ page needed ] Simultaneously, overdrafts at the National Bank of South Florida (controlled by WFC after a large payment of cash for equity) prompted an investigation by bank examiners. [4]
Cartaya used the bank as the centerpiece of an elaborate corporate labyrinth, through which the funds and bad loans (to Cartaya and his associates) were filtered and "laundered". An example of the labyrinth: WFC Corp. was 100% owned by the WFC Group, which itself was owned by Cartaya to the amount of 24.7%; another 23.3% was held by "Neo-Floridian Development Company"- of NFDC, 54.4% was held by Cartaya, again.
A considerable proportion of the money was funneled through a bank in the Bahamas called the Cisalpine Bank*, and from thence to the Vatican Bank to Swiss numbered accounts; this bank was owned by Vatican Bank manager Archbishop Paul Marcinkus and notorious dirty Italian banker Roberto Calvi. The Cisalpine Bank* seems to have also been laundering heroin profits through the Nugan Hand Bank for the Grey Wolves.
The bank was involved with a number of prominent Floridians, such as Walter Sterling Surrey, a stockholder in, director of, and lawyer for, WFC Corp. Kwitny recounts,
Surrey says he came aboard mainly to help start a foreign-based mutual fund for an old client, a Cuban exile who helped found World Finance. He says he dropped out in 1976 when the mutual fund deal fell through, and that he was unaware of any criminal or intelligence activities of the company. [3]
The investigation and its aftermath were marred and dogged by persistent rumors and allegations of corruption and cover ups by various governmental agencies. Jonathan Kwitny writes this of the Justice Department's head investigator, Jerome Sanford:
He says the main investigation was halted by Washington in 1978, after the CIA objected that 12 of the Justice Department's chief targets were "of interest" to it. Sanford says he was told that this meant the men he was investigating were CIA operatives of one sort or another. Florida lawmen who worked with Sanford backed up his story. [3]
Two of the suspects were Richard Fincher and Hernandez-Cartaya. In the aftermath, Florida Attorney General Robert Shevin returned $7,600 in contributions from WFC-connected Latin businessmen. Dade County Democratic chairman Michael Abrams resigned from the board of a WFC-backed insurance company. [5]
Kwitny and Sanford were not the only ones to detect things amiss; Kwitny offers this extract from a House Select Committee on Narcotics and Drug Abuse staff report:
There is no question that the parameters of the WFC can encompass a large body of criminal activity, including aspects of political corruption, gun running, as well as narcotics trafficking on an international level ... It is against this background that our investigation encountered a number of veiled or direct references to CIA or KGB complicity or involvement in narcotics trafficking in South Florida. [3]
There were also allegations that 8 of the 12 bank directors were either current or former CIA employees, and that then-CIA director William J. Casey (coincidentally, a Roman Catholic) apparently stymied the investigation for reasons of "national security". And so the two-year investigation ended in the conviction of Cartaya in 1982 for nothing more than tax evasion.

Manuel Antonio Noriega Moreno was a Panamanian dictator, politician and military officer who was the de facto ruler of Panama from 1983 to 1989. An authoritarian ruler who amassed a personal fortune through drug trafficking operations, he had long standing ties to United States intelligence agencies before the U.S. invasion of Panama removed him from power.

Santo Trafficante Jr. was among the most powerful Mafia bosses in the United States. He headed the Trafficante crime family and controlled organized criminal operations in Florida and Cuba, which had previously been consolidated from several rival gangs by his father, Santo Trafficante Sr.

Luis Clemente Posada Carriles was a Cuban exile militant and Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) agent. He was considered a terrorist by the United States' Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) and the Government of Cuba, among others.
The Coordination of United Revolutionary Organizations was a militant group responsible for a number of terrorist activities directed at the Cuban government of Fidel Castro. It was founded by a group that included Orlando Bosch and Luis Posada Carriles, both of whom worked with the CIA at various times, and was composed chiefly of Cuban exiles opposed to the Castro government. It was formed in 1976 as an umbrella group for a number of anti-Castro militant groups. Its activities included a number of bombings and assassinations, including the killing of human-rights activist Orlando Letelier in Washington, D.C., and the bombing of Cubana Flight 455 which killed 73 people.
Guillermo Hernández-Cartaya was a Cuban banker born sometime in 1932 ; he spent 20 years as a banker in Cuba.
The relationship between the Colombia and the United States evolved from mutual cordiality during most of the 19th and early 20th centuries to a recent partnership that links the governments of both nations around several key issues; this includes fighting communism, the War on Drugs, and the threat of terrorism due to the September 11 attacks in 2001. During the last fifty years, different American governments and their representatives have become involved in Colombian affairs through the implementation of policies concerned with the issues already stated. Some critics of current US policies in Colombia, such as Law Professor John Barry, claim that US influences have catalyzed internal conflicts and substantially expanded the scope and nature of human rights abuses in Colombia. Supporters, such as Under Secretary of State Marc Grossman, defend the idea that the United States has promoted respect for human rights and the rule of law in Colombia; in addition, adding to the fight against drugs and terrorism.
The United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has been accused of involvement in drug trafficking. Books and investigations on the subject that have received general notice include works by the historian Alfred McCoy, professor and diplomat Peter Dale Scott, journalists Gary Webb and Alexander Cockburn, and writer Larry Collins. These claims have led to investigations by the United States government, including hearings and reports by the United States House of Representatives, Senate, Department of Justice, and the CIA's Office of the Inspector General.
Hernández is a widespread Spanish surname that became common around the 15th century. Originally a patronymic, it means son of Hernán, Hernando or Fernando—the Spanish version of Germanic Ferdinand. Fernández is a very common variant of the name. Hernandes and Fernandes are their Portuguese equivalents.
The Kerry Committee report, formally titled Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy, was the final report of an investigation by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee's Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations. The report examined the problems that drug cartels and drug money laundering in South and Central America and the Caribbean posed for American law enforcement and foreign policy. The Sub-Committee was chaired at the time by Democratic Party Senator John Kerry from Massachusetts, so that the report is often referred to under his name.
Operation 40 was the code name for a Central Intelligence Agency-sponsored counterintelligence group composed of Cuban exiles. The group was formed to seize control of the Cuban government after the Bay of Pigs Invasion. Operation 40 continued to operate unofficially until disbanded in 1970 due to allegations that an aircraft that was carrying cocaine and heroin in support of the group crashed in California.
Jacob Donald Esterline was the CIA project director for the Bay of Pigs Invasion.
Michael Jon Hand is a US ex-Green Beret known for co-founding the Nugan Hand Bank. He has more recently been the owner of TOPS Knives.
The Pujo Committee was a United States congressional subcommittee in 1912–1913 that was formed to investigate the so-called "money trust", a community of Wall Street bankers and financiers that exerted powerful control over the nation's finances. After a resolution introduced by congressman Charles Lindbergh Sr. for a probe on Wall Street power, congressman Arsène Pujo of Louisiana was authorized to form a subcommittee of the House Committee on Banking and Currency. In 1913–1914, the findings inspired public support for ratification of the Sixteenth Amendment that authorized a federal income tax, passage of the Federal Reserve Act, and passage of the Clayton Antitrust Act.
Panama and the United States cooperate in promoting economic, political, security, and social development through international agencies.
CIA Activities in Peru gives an overview of activities supposed to be done by the Central Intelligence Agency in Peru:
Humberto Calzada is a Cuban-American artist living in Miami, Florida, since 1960.
The illegal drug trade in Latin America concerns primarily the production and sale of cocaine and cannabis, including the export of these banned substances to the United States and Europe. The Coca cultivation is concentrated in the Andes of South America, particularly in Colombia, Peru and Bolivia; this is the world's only source region for coca.
Viola June Cobb was an American informant for the CIA. She worked at Fidel Castro's headquarters in Havana as a translator and public relations worker in 1959 and 1960. After leaving Cuba, Cobb continued working for the CIA in Guatemala and Mexico. She was the first CIA asset to relay an account of Lee Harvey Oswald having attended a twist party in Mexico City weeks before the assassination of John F. Kennedy. Earlier in the 1950s, Cobb was involved with the production and trafficking of narcotics with her Colombian fiancé and his twin brother. She later provided information to the US Federal Bureau of Narcotics that led to arrests in Cuba and Colombia.
In December 1971, the freighters Leyla Express and Johnny Express were seized by Cuban gunboats. The Leyla Express was stopped in international waters off the Cuban coast on December 5; the Johnny Express was intercepted by gunboats near the island of Little Inagua in the Bahamas ten days later. Some of the crew of the Johnny Express, including the captain, were injured when the gunboats fired on their vessel. The freighters both carried Panamanian flags of convenience, but belonged to the Bahama Lines corporation, based in Miami. The company was run by four brothers, Cuban exiles who had previously been involved in activities directed against the Cuban government of Fidel Castro. Cuba stated that both vessels were being used by the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) to transport weapons, explosives, and personnel to Cuba, and described the vessels as being engaged in piracy. Cuba had suspected the involvement of one of Bahama Lines's ships in shelling the Cuban village of Samá, on the northern coast of Oriente Province, a few months previously; several civilians had died in the attack. The US government of Richard Nixon and the Bahama Lines denied the accusations.
Gaspar Jiménez Escobedo was a Cuban exile living in Miami. An associate of Luis Posada Carriles, he was convicted of attempting to kidnap a Cuban consul in Mexico in 1976, for which he served 27 months in prison. He was also convicted of attempting to assassinate Cuban President Fidel Castro in Panama in 2000, and was jailed until 2004 when he was pardoned by outgoing Panamanian President Mireya Moscoso.
Representative Lester Wolff, chairman of House Select Committee on Narcotics Abuse and Control, says Guillermo Hernandez-Cartaya is being investigated as a business partner of Fidel Castro. His committee is looking at $100 million loan arranged by Castro and Hernandez-Cartaya's Miami-based international banking firm, WFC Corp, to Colombia. Wolff alleges loan conditions include facililtation of cocaine smuggling from Colombia to US by Miami firm. Cites intelligence reports from various federal agencies.