Filipino domestic helpers in Canada

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Filipino domestic workers in Canada are Overseas Filipino Workers who frequently immigrated through the Live-In Caregiver program, which was cancelled to new applicants in 2014. After immigration processes and approval "the Live in Caregiver Program required of participants that they work as a live-in caregiver for two full years before applying for an open visa (at which point they are released from the obligation to do live-in domestic work.)". [1] Many Filipinas found this program attractive because of their need to provide for their families, especially children. One of the main ways to provide for their children is giving them proper education. [2] Highly valuing this, "a larger proportion of the mostly women who have come through these programs have come from the Philippines; by 1996 fully 87 percent came from the Philippines." [3]

Contents

After the outbreak of Covid-19, applications and requests for entry were denied by the Canadian Government for mitigation of the COVID Virus.

Cultural background

It is recognized that "domestic service is one of the largest categories of waged work for women in the Philippines; by 1975, one out of five employed women was in domestic service". [4] On the global market "migrant Filipina women [are] employed as domestic workers in more than 130 countries". [5] In conjunction with the rest of the world, gender stereotypes of Filipina women stem from the Philippines itself, with "the ideal Filipino family [consisting] of a male breadwinner and a female housekeeper, and housework and child care are predominantly considered women’s duties". [4] This thus translates back over to the rest of the world with the Western world seeking women as domestic workers and "[creating] a niche for Filipina women in the global labor market". [4]

Ethnicity

Although women may be part of the same occupational group as domestic workers, there are ethnic divisions that grant different attitudes toward them. Filipina domestic workers fall near the bottom of this division. An example would be between Filipinas and Europeans in Canada. Filipinas and Europeans are constructed in different ways in that "Filipinas are constructed as housekeepers, while European women are called nannies". [3] This distinction comes from the fact that Filipino housekeepers (domestic workers) have no title behind them, while European nannies are titled through the Nursery Nurse Examination Board (NNEB). [3]

However, even if Filipina women do not have an NNEB background, many women received degrees through various universities in the Philippines. These women "even go so far as to draw equivalency between a university degree in Canada and one from the Philippines". [3] Thus, these Filipina women have high educational statuses behind them and have every means to be at par with European women who have NNEB status. However, this is not the case as differentiation through ethnicities takes hold again. It seems that "[nanny] agents display an odd forgetfulness about Filipinas’ educations while assigning the NNEB certificate weight and importance". [3]

Perception

Gender and ethnic biases and stereotypes have led to negative perceptions of the Filipina domestic worker. Some perceptions may seem positive, such as those from their employers saying, "they make good immigrants. They’re hard working. And they Canadianize extremely well". [3] Others see them as "respectful" because they "[do] not intrude". [3] They do not overstep their position/speak up and they do not eat a lot of food (227-228, Nurse). However, the underlying position of these views are not positive, as it results in Filipinas being perceived as easy to control, thus making them good employees as domestic workers. This also shows the perception of the Western world viewing themselves as being above them. To corroborate this is the thought that "benefits to the Canadian state and Canadian households are translated into a benefit for the domestic workers". [3] This states that the happiness of the employer ultimately dictates the happiness of the Filipina domestic worker as well. With the perception of Filipinas being more respectful because they do not challenge the employer, employers tend to be more "fond" of them compared to other ethnicities that are more willing to challenge their employers. [3]

Even Filipinos themselves perpetuate the negative perceptions of Filipina domestic workers. As stated in the article, "From Registered Nurse to Register Nanny: Discursive Geographies of Filipina Domestic Workers in Vancouver, B.C.," written by Geraldine Pratt:

Filipinos are sometimes embarrassed by being mistaken as domestic workers when they travel outside the Philippines: "Embarrassment arises from their inability to keep social lines from blurring (thereby rendering problematic their position as privileged representatives of the nation) and maintaining a distinction between ‘Filipino’ as the name of a sovereign people and ‘Filipino’ as the generic term for designating a subservient class dependent on foreign economies". [3]

Thus, the views held by the Western world regarding Filipinos has been adopted by Filipinos themselves, and do not challenge the undeserving negative perceptions regarding Filipina domestic workers.

Working conditions

The working conditions of the Filipina domestic worker do not display proper representation of the Filipina woman. Even from the beginning, conditions start off negatively:

People are welcomed into countries, are border-crosses, only insofar as they meet the need for "cheap labor" and at the same time produce no strain on the resources of the "host" country. As a result, not only are such migrant workers overlooked by policy makers (governmental and nonprofits), but also by the wider public, leaving their lives and especially the benefits of their work invisible. [6]

The Filipina woman falls under these conditions by immigrating as a domestic worker and thus suffers from its implications.

The Live-in Caregiver Program states that "registrants must live in their employers’ homes". [3] This brings about many implications on its own. First, living in the employer's home gives the feeling of being at work 24 hours a day, 7 days a week. [3] This means that their employer may ask them to do tasks very early or late in the day, even after working a full day. Other issues are vulnerability to sexual abuse and difficulties in challenging their employer due to the fact that their employer is not only providing them a job, but also their shelter. [3]

Most pressing may be the issue of salary and how Filipina domestic workers are unfairly paid. The Filipina woman immigrates as a domestic worker to attain a better life and to provide for her family. However, this becomes difficult to achieve when these women are paid below the minimum wage for their work. [6] Furthermore, it has been reported that while Filipina domestic workers make minimum wage, "those from Europe and Australia make $100 more a month". [3]

Related Research Articles

Temporary residency in Canada Canadian legal status

In Canada, temporary residency applies to those who are not Canadian citizens but are legally in Canada for a temporary purpose, including international students, foreign workers, and tourists.

Domestic worker Person who works within the employers household

A domestic worker is a person who works within the scope of a residence. The term "domestic service" applies to the equivalent occupational category. In traditional English contexts, such a person was said to be "in service". Domestic workers perform a variety of household services for an individual(s), from providing cleaning and household maintenance, or cooking, laundry and ironing, or care for children and elderly dependents, and other household errands.

Migrant worker Person who migrates to pursue work

A migrant worker is a person who migrates within a home country or outside it to pursue work. Migrant workers usually do not have the intention to stay permanently in the country or region in which they work.

Overseas Filipinos Filipino diaspora

An overseas Filipino is a person of full or partial Filipino origin—i.e. people who trace back their ancestry to the Philippines but living or residing outside the country. This term generally applies to both people of Filipino ancestry and citizens abroad. As of 2019, there were over 12 million Filipinos overseas.

Filipinos in Hong Kong

Filipinos constitute the largest ethnic minority in Hong Kong, numbering approximately 130,000, many of whom work as foreign domestic helpers. The Eastern District has the highest concentration of Filipino residents in Hong Kong, with 3.24% of the district's population being of Filipino descent.

Overseas Filipino Worker Filipino migrant worker

Overseas Filipino Worker (OFW) is a term often used to refer to Filipino migrant workers, people with Filipino citizenship who reside in another country for a limited period of employment.

Migrant domestic workers are, according to the International Labour Organization’s Convention No. 189 and the International Organization for Migration, any persons "moving to another country or region to better their material or social conditions and improve the prospect for themselves or their family," engaged in a work relationship performing "in or for a household or households." Domestic work itself can cover a "wide range of tasks and services that vary from country to country and that can be different depending on the age, gender, ethnic background and migration status of the workers concerned." These particular workers have been identified by some academics as situated within "the rapid growth of paid domestic labor, the feminization of transnational migration, and the development of new public spheres." Prominent discussions on the topic include the status of these workers, reasons behind the pursue in this labour, recruitment and employment practices in the field, and various measures being undertaken to change the conditions of domestic work among migrants.

There are many Spanish people of Filipino ancestry, consisting of the descendants of early migrants from the Philippines to Spain, as well as more recent migrants. Over 150,000 Filipinos are estimated to live in Spain, including 37,000 expatriates from the Philippines living in Spain who do not hold Spanish citizenship.

A professional live-in caregiver provides personal care and assistance to individuals, including those suffering from chronic illness, Alzheimer’s disease, and dementia, within the home setting. Typical duties of a live-in caregiver include meal planning and preparation, assistance with grooming, dressing and toileting, medication management, laundry and light housekeeping, and transportation/escorts to doctor’s appointments or social engagements. Professional live-in caregivers are often provided by an outside agency, which may also coordinate their services with the client’s preferred in-home health agency and other medical providers.

The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) of the People’s Republic of China is a destination and transit territory for men and women trafficked for the purposes of commercial sexual exploitation and forced labor.

Rhacel Parreñas Filipino sociologist

Rhacel Salazar Parreñas is Professor of Sociology and Gender Studies at USC. She previously taught at Brown University, the University of California, Davis and the University of Wisconsin–Madison. Her research has been featured in NPR's "The World", Bloomberg News, the New York Times, the Wall Street Journal, de Volkskrant, and the American Prospect. Parreñas has written five monographs, co-edited three anthologies, and published a number of peer-reviewed articles.

Care work

Care work is a sub-category of work that includes all tasks that directly involve care processes done in service of others. It is often differentiated from other forms of work because it is considered to be intrinsically motivated, meaning that people are motivated to pursue care work for reasons other than financial compensation. Another factor that is often used to differentiate caring labor from other types of work is the motivating factor. This perspective defines care labor as labor undertaken out of affection or a sense of responsibility for other people, with no expectation of immediate pecuniary reward. Regardless of motivation, care work includes care activities done for pay as well as those done without remuneration.

Women migrant workers from developing countries engage in paid employment in countries where they are not citizens. While women have traditionally been considered companions to their husbands in the migratory process, most adult migrant women today are employed in their own right. In 2017, of the 168 million migrant workers, over 68 million were women. The increase in proportion of women migrant workers since the early twentieth century is often referred to as the "feminization of migration".

Reproductive labor

Reproductive labor or work is often associated with care giving and domestic housework roles including cleaning, cooking, child care, and the unpaid domestic labor force. The term has taken on a role in feminist philosophy and discourse as a way of calling attention to how women in particular are assigned to the domestic sphere, where the labor is reproductive and thus uncompensated and unrecognized in a capitalist system. These theories have evolved as a parallel of histories focusing on the entrance of women into the labor force in the 1970s, providing an intersectionalist approach that recognizes that women have been a part of the labor force since before their incorporation into mainstream industry if reproductive labor is considered. Some Marxist anthropologists and economists such as George Caffentzis have gone as far as to suggest that reproductive labor creates value in a similar way to the way in which productive labor creates value, by increasing the value of labor power.

As the number of foreign domestic workers continues to increase around the world, social movements to protect them have begun. The increase in social movements can be attributed to the rise of globalization, increased flows of migratory workers, and issues arising from the neoliberal management of workers. Repeated complaints and demands by pro-labor movements typically revolving around issues such as minimum wage and insurance coverage can be seen. These demands usually move away from a narrative of labor disputes and begin to encompass a human-rights perspective.

A global care chain is a globalized labor market for workers who provide care-intensive labor, such as childcare, eldercare and healthcare. The term was coined by the feminist sociologist Arlie Hochschild. The movement of these workers is an important topic for research and policy development since the number of international migrants around the world has grown substantially since the 1990s.

Almost half of international migrants are women, generally travelling as either migrant workers or refugees. Women migrant workers migrate from developing countries to high-income countries to engage in paid employment, typically in gendered professions such as domestic work. Because their work disproportionately takes place in private homes, they are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse. Wages earned are largely sent home to the originating country to support the cost of living of the family left behind.

Felicita "Fely" Villasin was a Philippine-born activist most notable in her part in the anti-Marcos movement and domestic workers' rights advocacy.

Pura Velasco is a Philippine-born activist and advocate for caregivers based in Canada.

Juana Tejada was a caregiver who inspired a grassroots campaign to lobby for reforms to the Canadian live-in caregiver program.

References

  1. Pratt, Geraldine (July 1999). "From Registered Nurse to Registered Nanny: Discursive Geographies of Filipina Domestic Workers in Vancouver, B.C.". Economic Geography. 75 (3): 215–236. doi:10.2307/144575.
  2. Zosa, Victorina; Aniceto Orbeta Jr. (November 2009). "The Social and Economic Impact of Philippine International Labor Migration and Remittances". Philippine Institute for Development Studies. 32: 1–36.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Pratt, Geraldine (July 1999). "From Registered Nurse to Registered Nanny: Discursive Geographies of Filipina Domestic Workers in Vancouver, B.C.". Economic Geography. 75 (3): 215–236.
  4. 1 2 3 Lan, Pei-Chia (April 2003). "Maid of Madam? Filipina Migrant Workers and the Continuity of Domestic Labor". Gender and Society. 17 (2): 187–208. doi:10.1177/0891243202250730.
  5. Parrenas, Rhacel Salazar (August 2000). "Migrant Filipina Domestic Workers and the International Division of Reproductive Labor". Gender and Society. 14 (4): 560–580. doi:10.1177/089124300014004005.
  6. 1 2 Tung, Charlene (2000). "The Cost of Caring: The Social Reproductive Labor of Filipina Live-in Home Health Caregivers". Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies. 21 (2/1): 61–82. doi:10.2307/3347032.

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