Although considering himself to be an inheritor of the Bulgarian revolutionary traditions,[6] he opted for Macedonian autonomy.[12] Also for him, like for many prominent people,[13] originating from an area with mixed population,[14] the idea of being 'Macedonian' acquired the importance of a certain native loyalty, that constructed a specific spirit of "local patriotism"[15][16] and "multi-ethnicregionalism".[17][18] He maintained the slogan promoted by William Ewart Gladstone, "Macedonia for the Macedonians", including all different nationalities inhabiting the area.[19][20][21] In this way, his outlook included a wide range of such disparate ideas like Bulgarian patriotism, Macedonian regionalism, anti-nationalism, and incipient socialism.[22][23] As a result, his political agenda became the establishment through revolution of an autonomous Macedono-Adrianople supranational state into the framework of the Ottoman Empire, as a prelude to its incorporation within a future Balkan Federation.[24] Despite having been educated in the spirit of Bulgarian nationalism, he revised the Organization's statute, where the membership was allowed only for Bulgarians.[25] In this way he emphasized the importance of cooperation among all ethnic groups in the territories concerned in order to obtain political autonomy.[11]
Delchev is considered a national hero in Bulgaria and North Macedonia. Because his autonomist ideas have stimulated the subsequent development of Macedonian nationalism,[26] in the latter it is claimed he was an ethnic Macedonian revolutionary. Thus, Delchev's legacy has been disputed between both countries. Nevertheless, some researchers think that behind IMRO's idea of autonomy was hidden a reserve plan for eventual incorporation into Bulgaria.[21][27][28] Per some of his contemporaries and Bulgarian academic sources, Delchev supported Macedonia's incorporation into Bulgaria as another option too. Other researchers find the identity of Delchev and other IMRO figures to be open to different interpretations.
Life
Delchev's mother - SultanaDelchev's father – NikolaDelchev (right) and his former classmate from Kilkis, Imov as officer cadets in Sofia.The diploma of Delchev from his graduation from the Military school in Sofia.
Early life
He was born to a large family on 4 February 1872 (23 January according to the Julian calendar) in Kılkış (Kukush), then in the Ottoman Empire (today in Greece), to Nikola and Sultana. He was christened as Georgi.[29] By the mid-19th century, Kılkış was populated predominantly with Macedonian Bulgarians[30][31][32] and became one of the centers of the Bulgarian national revival.[33][34] During the 1860s and 1870s it was under the jurisdiction of the Bulgarian Uniate Church,[35][36] but after 1884 most of its population gradually joined the Bulgarian Exarchate.[37] As a student, Delchev studied first at the Bulgarian Uniate primary school and then at the Bulgarian Exarchate junior high school.[38] He also read widely in the town's chitalishte (community cultural center), where he was impressed with revolutionary books, and was especially imbued with thoughts of the liberation of Bulgaria.[39] In 1888 his family sent him to the Bulgarian Men's High School of Thessaloniki, where he organized and led a secret revolutionary brotherhood.[40] Delchev also distributed revolutionary literature, which he acquired from the school's graduates who studied in Bulgaria. Bulgarian students graduating from high school were faced with few career prospects and Delchev decided to follow the path of his former schoolmate Boris Sarafov, entering the military school in Sofia in 1891. He became disappointed with life in Bulgaria, especially the commercialized life of the society in Sofia and with the authoritarian politics of the prime minister Stefan Stambolov,[40] accused of being a dictator.[6]
Delchev spent his leaves from school in the company of emigrants from the Macedonian region. Most of them belonged to the Young Macedonian Literary Society. One of his friends was Vasil Glavinov, a leader of the Macedonian-Adrianople faction of the Bulgarian Social Democratic Workers Party.[29] Through Glavinov and his comrades, he came into contact with different people, who offered a new form of social struggle. In June 1892, Delchev and the journalist Kosta Shahov, a chairman of the Young Macedonian Literary Society, met in Sofia with the bookseller from Thessaloniki, Ivan Hadzhinikolov. Hadzhinikolov disclosed at this meeting his plans to create a revolutionary organization in Ottoman Macedonia. They discussed together its basic principles and agreed fully on all scores. Delchev explained that he had no intention of remaining an officer and promised after graduating from the Military School, he would return to Macedonia to join the organization.[41] In September 1894, only a month before graduation, he was expelled for his socialist sympathies.[42][43] He was given the possibility to enter the Army again by re-applying for a commission, but he refused. Afterwards he returned to Macedonia to become a teacher and set up secret committees, based on Vasil Levski's example.[42] At that time, the revolutionary organization commonly known as Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) was in its early stages of development, forming its committees around the Bulgarian Exarchate schools.[44]
Teacher and revolutionary
Diploma from the Bulgarian Exarchate's school in Štip, signed by Delchev as a teacher.Letter from Delchev to the Bulgarian Exarch Yosif, where he resigned as head teacher in Bansko.Letter from Delchev to Nikola Maleshevski dated 5 January 1899, where he called for unity among Bulgarians.Excerpt from the statute of BMARC, with corrections made by hand, personally by Gotse Delchev with intention to work out the new statute of the SMARO.Excerpt from the statute of SMARO, whose author was Delchev.
In OttomanThessaloniki, IMRO was founded in 1893, by a small band of anti-Ottoman Macedono-Bulgarian revolutionaries, including Hadzhinikolov. The earliest known statute of the Organization calls it Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Committees (BMARC).[10][47] It was decided at a meeting in Resen in August 1894 to preferably recruit teachers from the Bulgarian schools as committee members.[33] In 1894, Delchev became a teacher in an Exarchate school in Štip,[48] where he met another teacher, Dame Gruev, who was also a leader of the newly established local committee of the IMRO.[29] Gruev told him about the existence of the Organization.[42] Delchev impressed Gruev with his honesty and joined the Organization immediately, gradually becoming one of its main leaders.[43] After this, Gruev concentrated his attention on Štip, while Delchev attempted to win over the surrounding villages.[33] It is unknown how many active members the Organization had from 1893 to 1897. Despite his and Gruev's efforts, the number of members grew slowly.[43] Delchev travelled during the vacations throughout Macedonia and established and organized committees in villages and cities. In this period, he adopted Ahil (Archilles) as his nom de guerre.[29] Delchev also established contacts with some of the leaders of the Supreme Macedonian-Adrianople Committee (SMAC). Its official declaration was a struggle for the autonomy of the Macedonian and Adrianople regions.[49] However, as a rule, most of SMAC's leaders were officers with stronger connections with the governments, waging terrorist struggle against the Ottomans in the hope of provoking a war and thus Bulgarian annexation of both areas. In late 1895 he arrived in Bulgaria's capital Sofia from the name of the "Bulgarian Central Macedonian-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Committee" to prevent any foreign interference in its work.[50] In 1896, he advocated for the establishment of a secret revolutionary network, that would prepare the population for an armed uprising against the Ottoman rule, based on Levski's example.[11] After spending the next school year (1895/1896) as a teacher in the town of Bansko, in May 1896 he was arrested by the Ottoman authorities as a person suspected of revolutionary activity and spent about a month in jail. Delchev participated in the Thessaloniki Congress of the IMRO in 1896.[43] The Central Committee was placed in Thessaloniki. He, along with Petrov, wrote the new organization's statute, which divided Macedonia and Adrianople areas into seven regions, each with a regional structure and secret police, following the Internal Revolutionary Organization's example.[10][51] Afterwards, Delchev gave his resignation as a teacher and in the same year, he moved back to Bulgaria.[52]
Revolutionary activity as part of the leadership of the Organization
From 1896 to 1902,[43] he was a representative of the Foreign Committee of the IMRO in Sofia. Gyorche Petrov joined him as a representative in March 1897.[29] At that time the Organization was largely dependent on the Bulgarian state and army assistance, that was mediated by him and Petrov.[53] Delchev envisioned independent production of weapons and traveled in 1897 to Odessa,[29] where he met with Armenian revolutionariesStepan Zorian and Christapor Mikaelian to exchange terrorist skills and especially bomb-making.[54] That resulted in the establishment of a bomb manufacturing plant in the village of Sabler near Kyustendil in Bulgaria. The bombs were later smuggled across the Ottoman border into Macedonia.[52] In 1898 the Organization decided to create permanent acting armed bands (chetas) in every district, with Delchev as their leader.[55]
He was the first to organize and lead a band into Macedonia with the purpose of robbing or kidnapping rich Turks. This activity of his had variable success.[56] His experiences demonstrate the weaknesses and difficulties which the Organization faced in its early years.[57] In 1900, he resided for a while in Burgas, where Delchev organized another bomb manufacturing plant, whose dynamite was used later by the Boatmen of Thessaloniki.[58] After the assassination of the Romanian newspaper editor Ștefan Mihăileanu in July, who had published unflattering remarks about the Macedonian affairs, Bulgaria and Romania were brought to the brink of war. At that time Delchev was preparing to organize a detachment which, in a possible war to support the Bulgarian army by its actions in Northern Dobruja, where a compact Bulgarian population was available.[59] From 1901 to 1902, he made an important inspection in Macedonia, touring all revolutionary districts there. He also led the congress of the Adrianople revolutionary district held in Plovdiv in April 1902. Afterwards Delchev inspected IMRO's structures in the Central Rhodopes. The inclusion of the rural areas into the organizational districts contributed to the expansion of the Organization and the increase in its membership, while providing the essential prerequisites for the formation of its military power, at the same time having Delchev as its military advisor (inspector) and chief of all internal revolutionary bands.[52]
After 1897 there was a rapid growth of secret officers' brotherhoods, whose members by 1900 numbered about a thousand.[60] Much of the brotherhoods' activists were involved in the revolutionary activity of the IMRO.[61] He was among the main supporters of their activities.[62] Delchev aimed also for better coordination between IMRO and the Supreme Macedonian-Adrianople Committee. For a short time in the late 1890s Bulgarian lieutenant Boris Sarafov, who was a former schoolmate of Delchev became its leader, as he was promoted as a candidate by him and Petrov.[33] IMRO delegates Delchev and Petrov became by rights members of the leadership of the Supreme Committee in May 1899 and so the IMRO even managed to gain de facto control of the SMAC.[63][43] Until 1901, the two organizations had close cooperation. General Ivan Tsonchev and other fellow officers organized a faction against Delchev and Petrov.[10] The relations between IMRO and SMAC deteriorated and in March 1901, he and Petrov sent a circular to local committee leaders of the internal organizations, denouncing the attempt of SMAC to seize the direction of IMRO. They ordered the termination of all relations with it, as well as ordered all local committees to refuse any transition of any armed group which did not have a pass signed by him or Petrov, and their weapons to be seized.[43]
The primary question regarding the timing of the uprising in Macedonia and Thrace implicated an apparent discordance not only between the SMAC and SMARO, but also among SMARO's leadership. At the Thessaloniki Congress of January 1903, where Delchev did not participate,[64] an early uprising was debated and it was decided to stage one in May 1903. This led to fierce debates among the representatives at the Sofia SMARO's Conference in March 1903. By that time two strong tendencies had crystallized within the SMARO. The right-wing majority was convinced that if the Organization would unleash a general uprising, Bulgaria would be provoked to declare war on the Ottoman Empire and after the subsequent intervention of the Great Powers the Ottoman Empire would collapse.[65] Delchev opposed the plan for a mass uprising,[55] instead supporting terrorist tactics and guerilla tactics such as the Thessaloniki bombings of 1903.[66][67] Finally, he had no choice but to agree to that course of action, at least managing to delay its start from May to August. Delchev also convinced the SMARO leadership to transform its idea of a mass rising involving the civil population into a rising based on guerrilla warfare. Towards the end of March 1903, Delchev with his detachment destroyed the railway bridge over the Angista river, aiming to test the new guerrilla tactics.[29] Following that he set out for Thessaloniki to meet with Dame Gruev after his release from prison in March 1903. Delchev met with Gruev in late April, and they discussed the decision of starting the uprising. After the meeting, he left for Serres, with the intention of holding a regional congress to lay out his plans for the uprising.[56]
Death and aftermath
The American daily New York Times's report from 11 May 1903, about the death of Delchev.Telegram by the Ottoman authorities to their Embassy in Sofia informing, Delchev, one of the leaders of the Bulgarian Committees, was killed.The first biographical book about Delchev, issued in 1904 by his friend, the Bulgarian poet and revolutionary Peyo Yavorov.The ruins of Kilkis after the Second Balkan War.The bell tower among ruins of the village of Banitsa, where Delchev was buried until 1913.The moving of the remains of Delchev to the seat of the Ilinden Organization in Sofia in 1923. Until then, the bones were kept in the house of the revolutionary Mihail Chakov in Plovdiv, and between 1913 and 1919 in his home in Xanthi (then part of Bulgaria).The restored grave-place of Delchev among the ruins of Banitsa during World War II Bulgarian annexation of Northern Greece.
On 28 April, the Bulgarian anarchist group Boatmen of Thessaloniki started terrorist attacks in the city. As a consequence martial law was declared in the city and many Ottoman soldiers and "bashibozouks" were concentrated in the Salonika vilayet. This increased tension led eventually to the tracking of Delchev's cheta and his subsequent death.[10][71] He was killed on 4 May 1903, with a shot to the chest,[43] in a skirmish with Ottoman troops led by his former schoolmate Hussein Tefikov in the village of Banitsa.[55][72] It occurred presumably after betrayal by local villagers, as rumors asserted.[73] Thus the Macedonian liberation movement lost its most important organizer and ideologist, on the eve of the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising.[11] He was recognized as "the most capable and most honest Komitadji" by missionaries.[2] After being identified by the local authorities in Serres, the bodies of Delchev and his comrade, Dimitar Gushtanov, were buried in a common grave in Banitsa. Following the skirmish, more than 500 arrests were made in various districts of Serres and 1,700 households petitioned to return to the Patriarchate.[74] Soon afterwards SMARO, aided by SMAC, organized the uprising against the Ottoman Empire, which after initial successes, was defeated with many casualties.[75] Two of his brothers, Mitso and Milan were also killed fighting against the Ottomans as militants in the SMARO chetas of the Bulgarian voivodasHristo Chernopeev and Krstjo Asenov in 1901 and 1903, respectively. The Bulgarian government later granted a pension to their father Nikola, because of the contribution of his sons to the freedom of Macedonia.[76] During the Second Balkan War of 1913, Kilkis, which had been annexed by Bulgaria in the First Balkan War, was taken by the Greeks. Virtually all of its pre-war 7,000 Bulgarian inhabitants, including Delchev's family, were expelled to Bulgaria by the Greek Army.[77] During Balkan Wars, when Bulgaria was temporarily in control of the area, Delchev's remains were transferred to Xanthi, then in Bulgaria. After Western Thrace was ceded to Greece in 1919, the relic was brought to Plovdiv and in 1923 to Sofia, where it rested until after World War II.[78] During World War II, the area was taken by the Kingdom of Bulgaria again and Delchev's grave near Banitsa was restored.[79] In May 1943, on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of his death, a memorial plaque was set in Banitsa, in the presence of his sisters and other public figures.[80]
The first biographical book about Delchev was issued in 1904 by his friend and comrade in arms, the Bulgarian poet Peyo Yavorov.[81] The most detailed biography of Delchev in English was written by English historian Mercia MacDermott called Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev, published in 1978 and translated into Bulgarian in 1979.[82][83]
Views
The international, cosmopolitan views of Delchev could be summarized in his proverbial sentence: "I understand the world solely as a field for cultural competition among the peoples".[84][85] Per MacDermott, his saying presupposes a world without political and economic conflicts and one which has a very high degree of mutual friendship and co-operation on an international level.[42] In the late 19th century the anarchists and socialists from Bulgaria linked their struggle closely with the revolutionary movements in Macedonia and Thrace.[86] Thus, as a young cadet in Sofia Delchev became a member of a left-wing circle, where he was influenced by modern Marxist and Bakunin's ideas.[87] His views were formed also under the influence of the ideas of earlier anti-Ottoman fighters as Levski, Botev, and Stoyanov,[12] who were among the founders of the BulgarianInternal Revolutionary Organization, the Bulgarian Revolutionary Central Committee and the Bulgarian Secret Central Revolutionary Committee, respectively. Later he participated in the Internal Organization's struggle as a well-educated leader.
According to Mercia MacDermott, he was the co-author of BMARC's statute.[88] Developing his ideas further in 1902 he took the step, together with other left-wing functionaries, of changing its nationalistic character, which determined that members of the organization could be only Bulgarians. The new supra-nationalistic statute renamed it to Secret Macedono-Adrianopolitan Revolutionary Organization (SMARO), which was to be an insurgent organization, open to all Macedonians and Thracians regardless of nationality, who wished to participate in the movement for their autonomy.[89] This scenario was partially facilitated by the Treaty of Berlin (1878), according to which Macedonia and Adrianople areas were given back from Bulgaria to the Ottomans, but especially by its unrealized 23rd. article, which promised future autonomy for unspecified territories in European Turkey, settled with Christian population.[90] His main goal, along with the other revolutionaries, was the implementation of Article 23 of the treaty, aimed at acquiring full autonomy of Macedonia and the Adrianople.[91] Delchev, like other left-wing activists, vaguely determined the bonds in the future common Macedonian-Adrianople autonomous region on the one hand,[92] and on the other between it, the Principality of Bulgaria, and de facto annexed Eastern Rumelia.[93][21] Even the possibility that Bulgaria could be absorbed into a future autonomous Macedonia, rather than the reverse, was discussed.[94] Per Bulgarian academic sources and his contemporaries, Delchev supported Macedonia's eventual incorporation into Bulgaria,[95][96] or its inclusion into a future Balkan Confederative Republic.[97][98] According to American historian Dennis P. Hupchick, he firmly opposed Macedonia's incorporation into Bulgaria.[99] Despite his Bulgarian loyalty, he was against any chauvinistic propaganda and nationalism.[100] For militants such as Delchev and other leftists that participated in the national movement retaining a political outlook, national liberation meant "radical political liberation through shaking off the social shackles".[101] According to him, no outside force could or would help the Organization and it ought to rely only upon itself and only upon its own will and strength. He thought that any intervention by Bulgaria would provoke intervention by the neighboring states as well and could result in Macedonia and Thrace being torn apart. That is why the peoples of these two regions had to win their own freedom, within the frontiers of an autonomous Macedonian-Adrianople state.[102]
The moving of the remains of Delchev from Sofia to Skopje in October 1946. This was a failed effort of Stalin to placate Tito, pressuring the Bulgarian communists to allow this, as part of the policy of developing the Macedonian national identity. The translation of the Bulgarian caption is given in a note.
Initially, the Macedonian communists questioned the extent of Delchev's alleged Macedonian national consciousness.[108] Macedonian communist leader Lazar Koliševski proclaimed him as "...one Bulgarian of no significance for the liberation struggles...".[109] In 1946, communist activist Vasil Ivanovski acknowledged that Delchev did not have a clear view of a "Macedonian national character", but stated that his struggle made the free and autonomous Macedonia a possibility.[108] On 7 October 1946, under pressure from Moscow,[110] as part of the policy to foster the development of Macedonian national consciousness, Delchev's remains were transported to Skopje.[111] On 10 October, the bones were enshrined in a marble sarcophagus in the yard of the church "Sveti Spas", where they have remained since.[110] Delchev's name became part of the anthem of SR Macedonia - Today over Macedonia.[112] According to Mishe Karev, a nephew of Nikola Karev, after the Tito–Stalin split in 1948, the Macedonian communist elite discussed the idea of scrapping Delchev's name from the anthem of the country and proclaiming him a Bulgarian, but this idea was declined.[113]
After realizing that the Balkan collective memory had already accepted the heroes of the Macedonian revolutionary movement as Bulgarians, Macedonian communist authorities exerted efforts to claim Delchev for the Macedonian national cause.[114] Aiming to enforce the belief that Delchev was an ethnic Macedonian, all documents written by him in standard Bulgarian were translated into standard Macedonian and presented as originals.[115] As a result, Delchev was declared an ethnic Macedonian hero and Macedonian school textbooks began even to hint at Bulgarian complicity in his death.[10] In the People's Republic of Bulgaria, before 1960, Delchev was given mostly regional recognition in Pirin Macedonia.[107] Afterwards, orders from the highest political level were given to reincorporate the Macedonian revolutionary movement as part of the Bulgarian historiography and to prove the Bulgarian credentials of its historical leaders. Since 1960, there have been long unproductive debates between the ruling Communist parties in Bulgaria and Yugoslavia about the ethnic affiliation of Delchev. Delchev was described in SR Macedonia not only as an anti-Ottoman freedom fighter, but also as a hero, who had opposed the aggressive aspirations of the pro-Bulgarian factions in the liberation movement.[116] The claims on Delchev's Bulgarian self-identification, thus were portrayed as a recent Bulgarian chauvinist attitude of long provenance.[107][117] Nonetheless, the Bulgarian side made in 1978 for the first time the proposal that some historical personalities (e.g. Gotse Delchev) could be regarded as belonging to the shared historical heritage of the two peoples, but that proposal did not appeal to the Yugoslavs.[118]
Delchev is regarded in Bulgaria and North Macedonia as a national hero.[119][120][121] His ethnic identity has continued to be disputed in North Macedonia, serving as a point of contention with Bulgaria.[122][123] Some attempts were made for the joint celebration of Delchev between both countries.[124][125] Bulgarian diplomats were also attacked when honoring Delchev by Macedonian nationalists in 2012.[126] On 2 August 2017, the Bulgarian Prime MinisterBoyko Borisov and his Macedonian colleague Zoran Zaev placed wreaths at the grave of Delchev on the occasion of the 114th anniversary of the Ilinden–Preobrazhenie Uprising.[127] Zaev expressed an interest to negotiate about Delchev.[128] A joint commission on historical issues was also formed in 2018 to resolve controversial historical readings, including the dispute about Delchev's ethnic identity, which has been unresolved.[129][130][131] The Association of Historians in North Macedonia came out against the calls for a joint celebration of Delchev, seeing them as a threat to Macedonian national identity.[132] Per Macedonian historian Dragi Gjorgiev, the myth of Delchev is so significant among ethnic Macedonians that it is more important than documents, books, and pieces written by historians.[133] Macedonian philosopher Katerina Kolozova opined that Bulgaria should not negotiate regarding his self-identification, seeing him as important for the national myths of Bulgaria and North Macedonia.[134]
Per anthropologist Keith Brown and political scientist Alexis Heraclides, the identity of Delchev and other IMRO figures is "open to different interpretations",[135] that are incompatible with the views of modern Balkan nationalisms.[136] His memory is honored especially in the Bulgarian part of Macedonia and among the descendants of Bulgarian refugees from other parts of the region, where he has been regarded as one of the greatest revolutionary leaders.[137][138] His name appears also in the national anthem of North Macedonia: "Denes nad Makedonija" (Today over Macedonia). There are two towns named in his honor: Gotse Delchev in Bulgaria and Delčevo in North Macedonia.[55] There are also two peaks named after Delchev: Gotsev Vrah, the summit of Slavyanka Mountain, and Delchev Vrah or Delchev Peak on Livingston Island, South Shetland Islands in Antarctica, which was named after him by the scientists from the Bulgarian Antarctic Expedition. The Goce Delčev University of Štip in North Macedonia carries his name too.[139] Many artifacts related to Delchev's activity are stored in different museums across Bulgaria and North Macedonia.
During the time of SFR Yugoslavia, a street in Belgrade was named after Delchev. In 2015, Serbian nationalists covered the signs with the street's name and affixed new ones with the name of the Chetnik activist Kosta Pećanac. They claimed that Delchev was a Bulgarian and his name has no place there.[140] Though in 2016 the street's name was changed officially by the municipal authorities to "Maršal Tolbuhin". Their motivation was that Delchev was not an ethnic Macedonian revolutionary, but a leader of an anti-Serbian organization with a pro-Bulgarian orientation.[141][142]
In Greece the official appeals from the Bulgarian side to the authorities to install a memorial plaque on his place of death are not answered. The memorial plaques set periodically by Bulgarians afterwards have been removed. Bulgarian tourists have been restrained occasionally from visiting the place.[143][144][145]
On 4 February 2023, on the 151st anniversary of the birth of the revolutionary, both the Macedonian and Bulgarian side paid their respects at the St. Spas Church in Skopje separately, while the delegation of North Macedonia declined the offer to jointly lay wreaths proposed by the Bulgarian delegation.[146] Many Bulgarian citizens who wanted to attend the event were held for hours at the border due to a claimed malfunction of the border system.[147][148] However, problems with the admission of the Bulgarians continued even after the processing of their documents.[149] As a result, many Bulgarian citizens and journalists were prevented from crossing.[150] Three citizens were detained, fined and banned from entering the country for 3 years, due to attempting to physically assault policemen.[151][152] According to their lawyer, two of them were apparently beaten.[153][154] Bulgaria officially reacted sharply to these events.[155]
↑ Below is a statement that the cadet was expelled from the school on the basis of a memorandum of an officer, because of manifest poor behavior, but the school allows him to re-apply to a Commission for recovery of his status.
↑ "During Gotsé's lifetime, the Organization had three Statutes: the first was drawn up by Damé Gruev in 1894, the second by Gyorché Petrov, with some help from Gotsé, after the Salonika Congress in 1896, and the third by Gotsé in 1902 (this was an amended version of the second). Two of these Statutes have come down to us: one entitled 'The Statute of the Bulgarian Macedonian-Adrianople Committees' (BMARC) and the other - 'The Statute of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization' (SMARO). Neither, however, is dated, and it was long assumed that the Statute of the Secret Macedonian-Adrianople Revolutionary Organization was the one adopted after the Salonika Congress of 1896." For more see: Mercia MacDermott, Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev, p. 157.
↑ "Last week the remains of the great Macedonian revolutionary Gotse Delchev were sent from Sofia to Macedonia, and from now on they will rest in Skopje, the capital of the country for which he gave his life."
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"Gotse Delchev" Brigade was a military unit composed of conscripts and volunteers from the region of Macedonia. The brigade was named after the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization revolutionary Gotse Delchev.
Due to the lack of original protocol documentation, and the fact its early organic statutes were not dated, the first statute of the clandestine Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) is uncertain and is a subject to dispute among researchers. The dispute also includes its first name and ethnic character, as well as the authenticity, dating, validity, and authorship of its supposed first statute. Certain contradictions and even mutually exclusive statements, along with inconsistencies exist in the testimonies of the founding and other early members of the Organization, which further complicates the solution of the problem. It is not yet clear whether the earliest statutory documents of the Organization have been discovered. Its earliest basic documents discovered for now, became known to the historical community during the early 1960s.
Danforth, Loring. "Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 1 November 2020. Retrieved 2 October 2020. IMRO was founded in 1893 in Thessaloníki; its early leaders included Damyan Gruev, Gotsé Delchev, and Yane Sandanski, men who had a Macedonian regional identity and a Bulgarian national identity.
Danforth, Loring M. (1997). The Macedonian conflict: ethnic nationalism in a transnational world. Princeton University Press. p.64. ISBN0691043566. The political and military leaders of the Slavs of Macedonia at the turn of the century seem not to have heard Misirkov's call for a separate Macedonian national identity; they continued to identify themselves in a national sense as Bulgarian rather than Macedonians. (...) In spite of these political differences, both groups, including those who advocated an independent Macedonian state and opposed the idea of a greater Bulgaria, never seem to have doubted "the predominantly Bulgarian character of the population of Macedonia". (...) Even Gotse Delchev, the famous Macedonian revolutionary leader, whose nom de guerre was Ahil (Achilles), refers to "the Slavs of Macedonia as 'Bulgarians' in an offhanded manner without seeming to indicate that such a designation was a point of contention" (Perry 1988:23). In his correspondence Gotse Delchev often states clearly and simply, "We are Bulgarians" (Mac Dermott 1978:273).
Perry, Duncan M. (1988). The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893-1903. Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press. p.23. ISBN9780822308133.
İlkay Yılmaz (2023). Ottoman Passports: Security and Geographic Mobility, 1876-1908. Syracuse University Press. p.265. ISBN9780815656937.
1 2 Keith Brown (2018). The Past in Question: Modern Macedonia and the Uncertainties of Nation,. Princeton University Press. p.174. ISBN0691188432.
↑ Hugh Seton-Watson (1981). The Making of a New Europe: R.W. Seton-Watson and the Last Years of Austria-Hungary. Methuen. p.71. ISBN0416747302.
↑ Angelos Chotzidis; Anna Panagiōtopoulou; Vasilis Gounaris, eds. (1993). The Events of 1903 in Macedonia as Presented in European Diplomatic Correspondence. p.60. ISBN9608530334.
↑ Laura Beth Sherman (1980). Fires on the Mountain: The Macedonian Revolutionary Movement and the Kidnapping of Ellen Stone. East European monographs. p.18. ISBN0914710559. From 1899 to 1901, the supreme committee provided subsidies to IMRO's central committee, allowances for Delchev and Petrov in Sofia, and weapons for bands sent to the interior. Delchev and Petrov were elected full members of the supreme committee.
1 2 3 Duncan M. Perry (1988). The Politics of Terror: The Macedonian Liberation Movements, 1893-1903. Duke University Press. pp.39–40, 82–83, 120. ISBN0822308134.
↑ Susan K. Kinnell (1989). People in World History, Volume 1; An Index to Biographies in History Journals and Dissertations Covering All Countries of the World Except Canada and the U.S. ABC-CLIO. p.157. ISBN0874365503.
↑ Delchev was born into a family of Bulgarian Uniates, who later switched to Bulgarian Еxarchists. For more see: Светозар Елдъров, Униатството в съдбата на България: очерци из историята на българската католическа църква от източен обред, Абагар, 1994, ISBN9548614014, стр. 15.
↑ Denis Š. Ljuljanović (2023). Imagining Macedonia in the Age of Empire: State Policies, Networks and Violence (1878–1912). LIT Verlag Münster. p.219. ISBN9783643914460.
↑ Wes Johnson (2007). Balkan inferno: betrayal, war and intervention, 1990-2005. Enigma Books. p.80. ISBN1929631634. The French referred to 'Macedoine' as an area of mixed races— and named a salad after it. One doubts that Gotse Delchev approved of this descriptive, but trivial approach.
↑ Chris Kostov (2010). Contested Ethnic Identity: The Case of Macedonian Immigrants in Toronto, 1900-1996. Peter Lang. p.112. ISBN3034301960. The Bulgarian historians, such as Veselin Angelov, Nikola Achkov and Kosta Tzarnushanov continue to publish their research backed with many primary sources to prove that the term 'Macedonian' when applied to Slavs has always meant only a regional identity of the Bulgarians.
↑ Athanasios Moulakis (2010). "The Controversial Ethnogenesis of Macedonia". European Political Science: 497. ISSN1680-4333. Gotse Delchev, may, as Macedonian historians claim, have 'objectively' served the cause of Macedonian independence, but in his letters he called himself a Bulgarian. In other words it is not clear that the sense of Slavic Macedonian identity at the time of Delchev was in general developed.
↑ Klaus Roth; Ulf Brunnbauer (2009). Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe. LIT Verlag Münster. p.133. ISBN3825813878. The article in Reformi states that some Slavic Macedonian intellectuals felt loyalty to Macedonia as a region or territory without claiming any specifically Macedonian ethnicity. The primary aim of multi-ethnic Macedonian regionalism was an alliance of Greeks and Slavs (read: Bulgarians) against Ottoman rule.
↑ Klaus Roth; Ulf Brunnbauer (2009). Region, Regional Identity and Regionalism in Southeastern Europe. LIT Verlag Münster. p.136. ISBN3825813878. The Bulgarian loyalties of IMRO's leadership, however, coexisted with the desire for multi-ethnic Macedonia to enjoy administrative autonomy. When Delchev was elected to IMRO's Central Committee in 1896, he opened membership in IMRO to all inhabitants of European Turkey since the goal was to assemble all dissatisfied elements in Macedonia and Adrianople regions regardless of ethnicity or religion in order to win through revolution full autonomy for both regions.
1 2 3 Anastasia Karakasidou (2009). Fields of Wheat, Hills of Blood: Passages to Nationhood in Greek Macedonia, 1870-1990. University of Chicago Press. pp.100, 282. ISBN0226424995.
↑ The earliest document which talks about the autonomy of Macedonia and Thrace into the Ottoman Empire is the resolution of the First congress of the Supreme Macedonian Committee held in Sofia in 1895. От София до Костур -освободителните борби на българите от Македония в спомени на дейци от Върховния македоно-одрински комитет, Ива Бурилкова, Цочо Билярски - съставители, ISBN9549983234, Синева, 2003, стр. 6.
↑ Laura Beth Sherman (1980). Fires on the mountain: the Macedonian revolutionary movement and the kidnapping of Ellen Stone, Volume 62. East European Monographs. p.10. ISBN0914710559.
↑ İpek Yosmaoğlu (2013). Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908,. Cornell University Press. p.16. ISBN0801469791.
↑ Dimitris Livanios (2008). The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939-1949. OUP Oxford. p.17. ISBN0191528722.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Mercia MacDermott (1978). Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev. Journeyman Press. pp.32, 84, 87, 127, 171, 346, 405. ISBN0-904526-32-1.
↑ Robert D. Kaplan (1994). Balkan ghosts: a journey through history. Vintage books. p.58. ISBN0-679-74981-0.
↑ Kōnstantinos Apostolou Vakalopoulos (1988). Modern History of Macedonia, (1830-1912). Barbounakis. pp.61–62.
↑ An 1873 Ottoman study, published in 1878 as "Ethnographie des Vilayets d'Andrinople, de Monastir et de Salonique", concluded that the population of Kilkis consisted of 1,170 households, of which there were 5,235 Bulgarian inhabitants, 155 Muslims and 40 Romani people. "Македония и Одринско. Статистика на населението от 1873 г." Macedonian Scientific Institute, Sofia, 1995, pp.160-161.
1 2 3 4 Vemund Aarbakke (2003). Ethnic rivalry and the quest for Macedonia, 1870-1913. East European Monographs. pp.92, 99–105, 132. ISBN0-88033-527-0.
↑ Khristov, Khristo Dechkov. The Bulgarian Nation During the National Revival Period. Institut za istoria, Izd-vo na Bŭlgarskata akademia na naukite, 1980, str. 293.
↑ R. J. Crampton (2007). Bulgaria. Oxford History of Modern Europe. Oxford University Press. pp.74–77. ISBN978-0198205142. Retrieved 20 November 2011.
↑ In one five-year period, there were 57 Catholic villages in the area, whilst the Bulgarian uniate schools in the Vilayet of Thessaloniki reached 64. Gounaris, Basil C. National Claims, Conflicts and Developments in Macedonia, 1870–1912, p. 186.
↑ Светозар Елдъров (1994). Униатството в съдбата на България: очерци из историята на българската католическа църква от източен обред. Абагар. pp.68–69. ISBN9548614014.
↑ Гоце Делчев, Писма и други материали, издирил и подготвил за печат Дино Кьосев, отговорен редактор Воин Божинов (Изд. на Българската академия на науките, Институт за история, София 1967) стр. 15.
↑ Susan K. Kinnell (1989). People in World History: A-M. ABC-CLIO. p.157. ISBN0874365503.
↑ Цочо Билярски (2001). ВМОРО през погледа на нейните основатели. Спомени на Дамян Груев, д-р Христо Татарчев, Иван Хаджиниколов, Антон Димитров, Петър Попарсов (in Bulgarian). Sofia: Св. Георги Победоносец. pp.89–93. ISBN9545092335.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Nadine Lange-Akhund (1998). The Macedonian Question, 1893-1908, from Western Sources. East European Monographs. pp.37–39, 43, 53, 106, 123. ISBN9780880333832.
↑ Elisabeth Özdalga (2013). Late Ottoman Society: The Intellectual Legacy. Routledge. p.263. ISBN1134294743.
↑ N. Chakalova, ed. (1980). The Unity of the Bulgarian language in the past and today. Publishing House of the Bulgarian Academy of Sciences. p.53.
↑ Воин Божинов, ed. (1967). Гоце Делчев, Писма и други материали. Sofia: Изд. на Българската академия на науките, Институт за история. pp.183–186. Archived from the original on 21 May 2018. Kolyo, I have received all your letters hitherto sent by you and through you. May the splits and splinterings not frighten us. It is really a pity, but what can we do, since we are Bulgarians and all suffer from one common disease! If this disease did not exist in our ancestors, from whom it is also an inheritance in us, they would not have fallen under the ugly scepter of the Turkish sultans. Our duty, of course, is not to give in to that disease, but can we make others do the same?
↑ Anthoni Giza (2001). Балканските държави и Македонския въпрос[The Balkan states and the Macedonian question] (in Bulgarian). Sofia.: Macedonian Scientific Institute. Archived from the original on 1 October 2012.
↑ Светлозар Елдъров (2003). Върховният македоно-одрински комитет и Македоно-одринската организация в България (1895–1903). Sofia: Иврай. p.6. ISBN9549121062.
↑ Vančo Gjorgiev (1997). Петар Поп Арсов (1868–1941): Прилог кон проучувањето на македонското националноослободително движење (in Macedonian). Матица македонска. p.61. ISBN9789989481031.
↑ "Спомени на Гьорчо Петров", поредица Материяли за историята на македонското освободително движение, книга VIII, София, 1927, глава VII, (in English: "Memoirs of Gyorcho Petrov", series Materials about history of the Macedonian revolutionary movement, book VIII, Sofia, 1927, chapter VII).
↑ Diana Mishkova, ed. (2009). We, the People: Politics of National Peculiarity in Southeastern Europe. Central European University Press. p.114. ISBN978-963-9776-28-9.
1 2 3 4 Dimitar Bechev (3 September 2019). Historical Dictionary of North Macedonia (2nded.). Rowman & Littlefield. pp.88–89. ISBN9781538119624.
1 2 Michael Palairet (2016). Macedonia: A Voyage through History (Vol. 2, From the Fifteenth Century to the Present), Volume 2. Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp.132, 145. ISBN9781443888493.
↑ Laura Beth Sherman (1980). Fires on the mountain: the Macedonian revolutionary movement and the kidnapping of Ellen Stone. East European Monographs. p.15. ISBN0914710559.
↑ Иван Карайотов, Стоян Райчевски, Митко Иванов: История на Бургас. От древността до средата на ХХ век, Печат Тафпринт ООД, Пловдив, 2011, ISBN978-954-92689-1-1, стр. 192–193.
↑ Любомир Панайотов; Христо Христов (1978). Гоце Делчев: спомени, документи, материали (in Bulgarian). Институт за история (Българска академия на науките). pp.104–105.
↑ Modern history abstracts, 1450–1914, Volume 48, Issue 1–, American Bibliographical Center, Eric H. Boehm, ABC-Clio, 1997, p. 657.
↑ Светозар Елдъров (2002). Тайните офицерски братства в освободителните борби на Македония и Одринско 1897–1912 (in Bulgarian). София: Военно издателство. pp.11–30.
↑ Vassil Karloukovski (1985). Димо Хаджидимов. Живот и дело (in Bulgarian). Sofia: Изд. на Отечествения Фронт. p.60. Archived from the original on 13 November 2006. Retrieved 20 November 2011.
↑ Wojciech Roszkowski; Jan Kofman, eds. (2008). Biographical Dictionary of Central and Eastern Europe in the Twentieth Century. M.E. Sharpe. p.192. ISBN9780765610270.
↑ Mete Tunçay; Erik Jan Zürcher, eds. (1994). Socialism and nationalism in the Ottoman Empire, 1876–1923. Amsterdam: British Academic Press. p.36. ISBN1850437874.
↑ Stefan Troebst (2007). Das makedonische Jahrhundert: von den Anfängen der nationalrevolutionären Bewegung zum Abkommen von Ohrid 1893–2001; ausgewählte Aufsätze (in German). Oldenbourg Wissenschaftsverlag. pp.54–57. ISBN978-3486580501.
↑ Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977, стр. 62–66. (in Bulgarian) In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography Delchev, Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977, pp. 62–66.
↑ It contains the following text in Ottoman Turkish: "We inform you, that on April, 22 (May, 5), in the village of Banitsa one of the leaders of the Bulgarian Committees, with name Delchev, was killed". Tashev, Spas., Some Authentic Turkish Documents About Macedonia, International Institute for Macedonia, Sofia, 1998.
↑ Александар Стоjaновски - "Турски документи за убиството на Гоце Делчев", Скопjе, 1992 година, стр. 38.
↑ Mercia MacDermott (1978). Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev. Journeyman Press. pp.360–362. ISBN9780904526325.
↑ Пейо Яворов, "Събрани съчинения", Том втори, "Гоце Делчев", Издателство "Български писател", София, 1977, стр. 69. (in Bulgarian) In English: Peyo Yavorov, "Complete Works", Volume 2, biography Delchev, Publishing house "Bulgarian writer", Sofia, 1977, p. 69.
↑ Ipek K. Yosmaoglu (2013). Blood Ties: Religion, Violence and the Politics of Nationhood in Ottoman Macedonia, 1878–1908. Cornell University Press. p.204. ISBN9780801452260.
↑ Mercia MacDermott (1978). Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev. Journeyman Press. p.387. ISBN0904526321.
↑ Elisabeth Kontogiorgi (2006). Population exchange in Greek Macedonia: the rural settlement of refugees 1922–1930. Clarendon Press. p.204. ISBN0199278962.
↑ On the plate was this inscription: "In memory of fallen chetniks in the village of Banica on 4 May 1903 for the unification of Macedonia to the mother-country Bulgaria and to the eternal memory of the generations: Gotse Delchev from Kilkis, apostle and leader, Dimitar Gushtanov from Krushovo, Stefan Duhov from the village of Tarlis, Stoyan Zahariev from the village of Banica, Dimitar Palyankov from the village of Gorno Brodi. Their covenant was Freedom or Death." For more: Васил Станчев (2003) Четвъртата версия за убийството на Гоце Делчев, Дружество "Гоце Делчев", Стара Загора, стр. 9.
↑ Charles A. Moser (2019). A History of Bulgarian Literature 865–1944. Walter de Gruyter. p.139. ISBN3110810603.
↑ Maria Todorova (2009). Bones of Contention: The Living Archive of Vasil Levski and the Making of Bulgaria's National Hero. Central European University Press. p.77. ISBN9639776246.
↑ John B. Allcock; Antonia Young, eds. (2000). Black Lambs & Grey Falcons: Women Travellers in the Balkans. Berghahn Books. p.180. ISBN1571817441.
↑ Dino Kyosev (1967). Гоце Делчев: Писма и други материали[Gotse Delchev: Letters and other materials] (in Bulgarian). Sofia: Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History. p.31.
↑ Mercia MacDermott (1978). Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotse Delchev. Journeyman Press. p.88. ISBN0-904526-32-1.
↑ "As a result of the (Salonica) Congress in 1896 a new Statute and Rules, providing for a very centralized form of organization were drawn up by Gyorché Petrov and Gotsé Delchev. The Statute and Rules were probably largely Gyorche's work, based on guidelines agreed by the Congress. He attempted to draw members of the Supreme Macedonian Committee into the task of drafting the Statute by approaching (Andrey) Lyapchev and (Dimitar) Rizov. When, however, Lyapchev produced a first article which would have made the Organization a branch of the Supreme Committee, Gyorché gave up in despair and wrote the Statute himself, with Gotsé's assistance." For more see: Mercia MacDermott, Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev, p. 144.
↑ Yordan Badev recalls in his memoirs that Gotse Delchev, Boris Sarafov, Efrem Chuchkov, and Boris Drangov had organized a group of Bulgarians born in Macedonia to propagate for the future unification of Macedonia and Bulgaria among the cadets of the military school in Sofia. For more see: Katrin Bozeva-Abazi, The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s, thesis, McGill University Department of History, 2003, p. 189; Kosta Tsipushev recalls how, when he and some friends asked Gotsé why they were fighting for the autonomy of Macedonia and Thrace instead of their liberation and reunification with the motherland, he replied: Comrades, can't you see that we are now the slaves not of the Turkish state, which is in the process of disintegration, but of the Great Powers in Europe, before whom Turkey signed her total capitulation in Berlin. That is why we have to struggle for the autonomy of Macedonia and Thrace, in order to preserve them in their entirety, as a stage towards their reunification with our common Bulgarian fatherland... For more see: (MacDermott 1978:322); Pavlos Kyrou (Pavel Kirov) from Zhelevo claims in his memoirs that once, when Delchev came from Bulgaria, he met him in Konomladi. Delchev insisted there that Greek priests and schoolmasters are obstacles. He maintained also that all the local Slavophones are Bulgarians and they must work for Bulgarian cause, because its army will come and help them to throw off the Turkish yoke. For more see: Allen Upward, The East End of Europe, 1908: The Report of an Unofficial Mission to the European Provinces of Turkey on the Eve of the Revolution (Classic Reprint), BiblioBazaar, 2015, ISBN1340987104, p. 326; In the memories of Andon Kyoseto, it is alleged that Delchev explained him that SMARO cannot win full freedom for Macedonia, but it will fight at least for autonomy. The ultimate goal of the Organization, according to Delchev, is a secrecy, but one day, sooner or later, Macedonia will unite itself with Bulgaria, and Greece and Serbia should not doubt in that. For more see: Б. Мирчев, Из спомените на Андон Лазов - Кьосето, сп. Родина, г. VІ, бр. 1, октомври 1931, стр. 12-14.; On 12 January 1903 his fellow Peyo Yavorov recorded one of Delchev's last messages in his shorthand notes, when they crossеd the misty border of Bulgaria to the Ottoman Empire entering Macedonia, namely: "I pointed out the misty area on Delchev, who was close to me and I said: Look, Macedonia welcomes us mourning!" But he answered: “We will tear away this veil and the sun of freedom will arise, but it will be a Bulgarian sun”. For more see: Милкана Бошнакова, Личните бележници на П. К. Яворов, Издателство: Захарий Стоянов, ISBN9789540901374, 2008.
↑ Идеята за автономия като тактика в програмите на национално-освободителното движение в Македония и Одринско (1893–1941), Димитър Гоцев, 1983, Изд. на Българска Академия на Науките, София, 1983, c. 17.; in English: The idea for autonomy as a tactics in the programs of the National Liberation movements in Macedonia and Adrianople regions 1893–1941", Sofia, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Dimitar v, 1983, p. 17. (55. ЦПА, ф. 226); срв. К. Ципушев. 19 години в сръбските затвори, СУ Св. Климент Охридски, 2004, ISBN954-91083-5-X стр. 31–32. in English: Kosta Tsipushev, 19 years in Serbian prisons, Sofia University publishing house, 2004, ISBN954-91083-5-X, p. 31-32.
↑ Гоце Делчев. Писма и други материали, Дино Кьосев, Биографичен очерк, стр. 33.
↑ Mercia MacDermott (1978). Freedom or Death: The Life of Gotsé Delchev. Journeyman Press. p.232. ISBN9780904526325. In a conversation in 1900, with Lozengrad comrades, he was asked whether, in the event of a rising, the Organization should count on help from the Bulgarian Principality, and whether it would not be wiser at the outset to proclaim the union of Macedonia and Thrace with the Principality. Gotse replied: "We have to work courageously, organizing and arming ourselves well enough to take the burden of the struggle upon our own shoulders, without counting on outside help. External intervention is not desirable from the point of view of our cause. Our aim, our ideal is autonomy for Macedonia and the Adrianople region, and we must also bring into the struggle the other peoples who live in these two provinces as well... We, the Bulgarians of Macedonia and Adrianople, must not lose sight of the fact that there are other nationalities and states who are vitally interested in the solution of this question. Приноси към историята на въстаническото движение в Одринско (1895–1903), т. IV, Бургас – 1941.
↑ P. H. Liotta (2001). Dismembering the State: The Death of Yugoslavia and why it Matters. Lexington Books. p.292. ISBN0739102125. In a failed effort to placate Tito, Josef Stalin pressured Bulgarian Communists in 1946 to relinquish Delchev's bones and allow him to be reburied in the courtyard of the Orthodox Church of Sveti Spas in Skopje, Macedonia.
↑ Roumen Dontchev Daskalov; Tchavdar Marinov (2013). Entangled Histories of the Balkans - Volume One: National Ideologies and Language Policies. BRILL. p.328. ISBN9789004250765.
↑ Dimitris Livanios, Dimitris (2008). The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939–1949. Oxford University Press US. p.202. ISBN0199237689.
↑ Vanǵa Čašule (1972). From recognition to repudiation: Bulgarian attitudes on the Macedonian question, articles, speeches, documents. Kultura. p.96.
↑ Dragoslav Janković (1976). The historiography of Yugoslavia, 1965-1976. The Association of Yugoslav Historical Societies. pp.307–310.
↑ Yugoslav— Bulgarian Relations from 1955 to 1980 by Evangelos Kofos from J. Koliopoulos and J. Hassiotis (editors), Modern and Contemporary Macedonia: History, Economy, Society, Culture, vol. 2, (Athens-Thessaloniki, 1992), pp. 277–280.
↑ "North Macedonia, section: History, subsection: The independence movement". Encyclopædia Britannica online. Archived from the original on 3 October 2013. One of IMRO's leaders, Gotsé Delchev, whose nom de guerre was Ahil (Achilles), is regarded by both Macedonians and Bulgarians as a national hero. He seems to have identified himself as a Bulgarian and to have regarded the Slavs of Macedonia as Bulgarians.
↑ Stuart J. Kaufman (2001). Modern Hatreds: The Symbolic Politics of Ethnic War. Cornell University Press. p.193. ISBN0801487366. A more modern national hero is Gotse Delchev, leader of the turn-of-the-century Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO), which was actually a largely pro-Bulgarian organization but is claimed as the founding Macedonian national movement.
↑ Alexis Heraclides (2021). The Macedonian Question and The Macedonians. Taylor & Francis. p.39. As Keith Brown points out, 'for leaders like Goce Delčev, Pitu Guli, Damjan Gruev, and Jane Sandanski - the four national heroes named in the anthem of the modern Republic of Macedonia - the written record of what they believed about their own identity is open to different interpretations. The views and self-perceptions of their followers and allies were even less conclusive.'
Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Исторически преглед, 1969, кн. I, стр. 68–80. (in Bulgarian)
Пандев, К. "Устави и правилници на ВМОРО преди Илинденско-Преображенското въстание", Извeстия на Института за история, т. 21, 1970, стр. 250–257. (in Bulgarian)
Битоски, Крсте, сп. "Македонско Време", Скопје – март 1997, quoting: Quoting: Public Record Office – Foreign Office 78/4951 Turkey (Bulgaria), From Elliot, 1898, Устав на ТМОРО. S. 1. published in Документи за борбата на македонскиот народ за самостојност и за национална држава, Скопје, Универзитет "Кирил и Методиј": Факултет за филозофско-историски науки, 1981, pp 331 – 333. (in Macedonian)
Fikret Adanir, Die Makedonische Frage: ihre entestehung und etwicklung bis 1908., Wiessbaden 1979, p.112.
Friedman, V. (1997) "One Grammar, Three Lexicons: Ideological Overtones and Underpinnings of the Balkan Sprachbund" in CLS 33 Papers from the 33rd Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society. (Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society)
Димитър П. Евтимов, Делото на Гоце Делчев, Варна, изд. на варненското Македонско културно-просветно дружество "Гоце Делчев", 1937. (in Bulgarian)
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