The June 1980 West Bank bombings were a series of bombings carried out by Israeli settlers against Palestinian mayors of West Bank cities on 2 June 1980. Three car bombs were detonated, severely wounding the mayors of Nablus and Ramallah. [1]
Following the Six-Day War in 1967, the state of Israel began an occupation of the Palestinian West Bank. As part of the occupation, the Israeli government encouraged the establishment of Israeli settlements in the West Bank, in contravention of international law. In 1976, municipal elections were held throughout the West Bank, with the Israeli occupation authority hoping to calm unrest. However, Palestinian nationalist supporters of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) won most contests.
On 2 May 1980, the 1980 Hebron attack occurred, where a group of yeshiva students in their early-20s were ambushed by Fatah militants as they returned from a prayer service at the Cave of the Patriarchs. Six were killed and twenty injured, in what was one of the worst attacks in the West Bank since the start of the Israeli occupation in 1967. Following the attack, the Israeli occupation authority would expel two Palestinian nationalist city mayors in the West Bank, Fahd Qawasmeh of Hebron and Mohammed Milhim of Halhul, and would exile them from Palestine, accusing them of having incited the attack. The United Nations Security Council would unamiously pass a resolution condemning the expulsions as illegal, with only the United States abstaining. [2] The attack and the subsequent expulsions significantly raised tensions in the West Bank. [3] [4]
On 2 June 1980, a series of car bombs exploded simultaneously in the West Bank. Mayor of Nablus Bassam Shakaa and Mayor of Ramallah Karim Khalaf were both seriously injured by the bombs, with Khalaf losing a leg and Shakaa losing both of his legs. [5] Another bomb targeted an Arab school in Hebron, wounding seven. After the Israeli occupation authority ordered that the cars of all West Banks mayors be inspected, an Israeli Druze police officer named Suleiman Hirbawi was pemanently blinded attempting to defuse a fourth bomb targeting the mayor of Al-Bireh. [6]
On 5 June, an aide to far-right rabbi and politician Meir Kahane was detained by Israeli police for questioning over the bombings. That same day, at the 100th anniversay conference of the World ORT, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin stated that the Israeli should not pressed to find the perpetrators of the bombings quickly, saying that it might take time. [7]
In August 1980, American newspaper The Washington Star would publish an article claiming that Begin had attempted to obstruct the investigation into the bombings. The Shin Bet director denied that the allegations, as did Begin himself. [8] Attorney General of Israel Yitzhak Zamir would subsequently open an investigation into the author of the article, an Israeli journalist, for violation of Israeli military censorship laws. [9] Ratz MK Shulamit Aloni also alleged that the Israeli government interfered with the investigations, telling American journalist Robert I. Friedman that a list of potential suspects linked to far-right movements uncovered by Israeli journalist Danny Rubinstein had been given to the government, "but the government never wanted to do anything about it." [10]
Former deputy mayor of the Israeli settlement Kiryat Arba Zeev Friedman and the settlement's former security chief Moshe Rosenthal were arrested in early 1983 on charges of destroying evidence linked to the bombings. In 1982, explosives had been discovered wrapped in newspapers from the date of the attack and concealed in Kiryat Arba, and Friedman and Rosenthal had destroyed the explosives instead of submitting them to the Israeli police. Friedman argued that he done so to protect the reputation of the settlement, not to tamper with evidence. [11]
In June 1984, two Israel Defense Forces officers were arrested in connection with the bombings. Major Shlomo Livyatan was charged with having planted car bombs and Captain Aharon Gilla was charged with having led the mayor of Al-Bireh to the car that he knew had been rigged. [12] Gilla claimed that he was unaware that a bomb had been planted, and claimed that he would not have entered the garage where the car was with Hirbawi if he had known there was a bomb. [13] Hirbawi claimed that Gilla had not in fact entered the garage with him and had instead remained in a jeep outside. [14]
Israeli police named two other suspects in the case, Yossi Indore and Ira Rappaport. Indore, a settler from Ofra, was suspected of being on the run within Israel, while Rappaport, an American-Israeli settler, was known to be in the United States at the time the arrest warrant was issued. Rappaport had been born in Flatbush, New York City, and had previously been involved in the American civil rights movement. He immigrated permanently to Israel in 1971, and was recruited into the Jewish Underground by Yehuda Etzion, his brother-in-law. [15] In December 1986, Rappaport voluntarily surrendered to Israeli police at Ben Gurion Airport. [16] He was subsequently convicted for involvement in the bombings on charges of aggravated assault and belonging to a terrorist organisation, and sentenced to 30 months incarceration. After being sentenced, Rappaport stated that imprisonment was "what's called suffering for the love of Israel" and justified the bombings as necessary for law and order, saying that they "led without a doubt to a very, very peaceful time for the next year and a half." [17]
Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin described the bombings as "crimes of the worst kind." [18] Begin, however, rejected calls to disarm the fundamentalist pro-settler Gush Emunim movement. [19] Mayor of Jerusalem Teddy Kollek accused Begin of "philosophically" supporting the bombings, saying that "although the government is very much opposed to this, you have their philosophical support, therefore you cannot divorce it from the actions." [20] In response, Likud chair Avraham Sharir accused Kollek of slandering Begin and of providing aid to the PLO. [21]
National Religious Party politician and rabbi Haim Drukman expressed support for the bombings, a move that was criticised by fellow NRP MK David Glass. [22] In 1984, Minister of Science Yuval Ne'eman described the bombings as "an illegal act," but also "an assault on individual persons who were, at the time, responsible for incitement," adding that "the fact is that after they were attacked - which, by the way, didn't cause death - we never again heard of the National Guidance Committee." [23]
Labour Alignment MK Yossi Sarid stated that the bombings "blasted to smithereens any illusion that Israel could maintain its control of the administered territories indefinitely." [19]
In response to the bombings, a general strike was declared throughout the West Bank. [24] Israeli forces moved to prevent the strike, ordering shops in the West Bank to remain open unde threat of imprisonment and dispersing gathering protests, including one outside the hospital where Shakaa was being treated. [18] Three Palestinian youth who had attempted to remove a roadblock were injured by the Israeli forces. [19]
Mayor of Bethlehem Elias Freij and the rest of the city council resigned in protest against the bombings, as did the Gaza City council and Mayor of Gaza City Rashad al-Shawwa. [25]
World Zionist Organization president Arieh Dulzin called for the perpetrators of the bombings to be "found and punished severely," and stated that Israelis and Jews would not celebrate attacks against Palestinians, unlike Palestinians responding to attacks against Israelis. [26] Bertram Gold of the American Jewish Committee condemned the attack and stated that "the tragic cycle of violence will truly be broken only when the PLO and its supporters in the Arab world renounce terrorism, and the neighboring Arab states come forward to negotiate genuine peace with Israel." [26]
On 5 June, the United Nations Security Council unanimosly passed a motion condemning the bombings as "assassination attempts" and accused Israel of failing "to provide adequate protection to the civilian population in the occupied territories." [27] The United States abstained from voting on the motion. [28] In response, the Israeli government accused the Security Council of wanting Israel to withdraw from the West Bank and of failing to condemn terrorist attacks on Israelis. The same day as the government released its response, it also approved plans to expand eight Israeli settlements in the West Bank. [27]
Following the general strike in the West Bank, United States Secretary of State Edmund Muskie called for "maximum restraint," saying that "terrorism is unacceptable for any reason by any party" and that "this is a time for cooling down of emotions and for reason to prevail over passion." [29]
In late July 1980, the Israeli occupation government banned further meetings of the National Guidance Committee and announced that further municipal elections in the West Bank would be indefinitely postponed, claiming that elections "would cause damage to the peace process." [30] The next local elections in the West Bank would be held in 2004, under the Palestinian Authority.
Khalaf would undergo medical treatment in the United States, returning to Ramallah for the first time since the bombings in December 1980, vowing to "increase my efforts to establish a Palestinian state headed by the PLO." [31] [32] Shakaa would undergo medical treatment in Jordan, after refusing an offer by the Israeli government to be treated in Israel. [33] He would return to Nablus in January 1981. [34]
Ira Rappaport was pardoned by Israeli president Chaim Herzog and released from prison in 1988. [35] As of August 2023, Rappaport was still involved in Israeli settler activism. [36] Yossi Indore was never arrested, being sheltered by settlers until the Israeli authorities lost interest in pursuing him. [37] His son, Yehiel Indore, was arrested by Israeli police in 2023 after the fatal shooting of a Palestinian 19-year-old. [37] [38]
The Jewish Defense League (JDL) is a far-right religious and political organization in the United States and Canada. Its stated goal is to "protect Jews from antisemitism by whatever means necessary"; it has been classified as "right-wing terrorist group" by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) since 2001, and is also designated as hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center. According to the FBI, the JDL has been involved in plotting and executing acts of terrorism within the United States. Most terrorist watch groups classify the group as inactive as of 2015.
Nablus is a Palestinian city in the West Bank, located approximately 49 kilometres (30 mi) north of Jerusalem, with a population of 156,906. Located between Mount Ebal and Mount Gerizim, it is the capital of the Nablus Governorate and a commercial and cultural centre of the State of Palestine, home to An-Najah National University, one of the largest Palestinian institutions of higher learning, and the Palestine Stock Exchange. Nablus is under the administration of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA).
The Jewish Underground, or in abbreviated form, simply Makhteret, was a radical right-wing fundamentalist organization considered terrorist by Israel, formed by prominent members of the Israeli political movement Gush Emunim that existed from 1979 to 1984. Two issues catalyzed the establishment of the underground: One was the signing of the Camp David Accords, which led to the Egypt–Israel peace treaty in 1979, and which the movement, opposed to the peace process, wished to block, viewing it as the first step in the establishment of a Palestinian state in the West Bank. A second element was the settlement project, which, in bringing two distinct ethnic communities into closer proximity, led to an uptick in hostilities that brought about a growing emphasis on the existential threat in both communities. The Jewish Underground developed two operational objectives: One consisted of a plot to blow up the Dome of the Rock, while the other branch concentrated on both avenging acts of Palestinian violence against settlers and of establishing a punitive deterrence. Some understood the terrorist acts as a means of inducing Palestinians to flee their homeland, based on the 1948 and 1967 experience, and parallels are drawn to the Terror Against Terror movement, which had a similar aim. Robert Friedman stated that the Makhteret was "the most violent anti-Arab terrorist organization since the birth of Israel".
Bassam Shakaa was mayor of Nablus from 1976 to 1982.
Events in the year 2002 in Israel.
This is a list of individual incidents and statistical breakdowns of incidents of violence between Israel and Palestinian dissident factions in 2014 as part of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.
Jewish Israeli stone-throwing refers to criminal rock-throwing activity by Jewish Israelis in Mandatory Palestine, Israel, the West Bank, the Gaza Strip and Jerusalem. It includes material about internecine stone-throwing, in which Haredi Jews throw stones at other Jews as a protest against what they view as violations of religious laws concerning Shabbat, modest clothing for women and similar issues, and material about stone-throwing by extremists in the settler movement.
List of violent events related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict occurring in the second half of 2015.
Palestinians are the target of violence by Israeli settlers and their supporters, predominantly in the West Bank. In November 2021, Israeli Defense Minister Benny Gantz discussed the steep rise in the number of incidents between settlers and Palestinians in the West Bank, many of which result from attacks by residents of illegal settler outposts on Palestinians from neighboring villages. Settler violence also includes acts known as price tag attacks that are in response to actions by the Israeli government, usually against Palestinian targets and occasionally against Israeli security forces in the West Bank.
On 11 April 1982, American-Israeli reservist Alan Harry Goodman targeted the Dome of the Rock in a shooting, killing two Palestinians and wounding at least seven.
The 1983 Hebron University attack was a shooting carried out by the Jewish Underground at Hebron University, Palestine, on 26 July 1983. Three Palestinian students were killed and over thirty wounded.
The Spring 1987 West Bank unrest was a period of heightened unrest in the Palestinian West Bank from mid-March to mid-April 1987. The period was marked by a series of interconnected events, including a hunger strike by Palestinians in Israeli custody, the killing of Israeli settler Ofra Moses by Palestinian militants, anti-Palestinian riots by Israeli settlers, and the forced closure of the Palestinian Birzeit University.
On 15 November 1986, 22-year-old Israeli yeshiva student Eliahu Amedi was murdered in the Old City of Jerusalem by three Palestinians affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine. The murder significantly worsened tensions in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, sparking almost two weeks of anti-Arab rioting in Jerusalem.
The November–December 1981 Palestinian protests were a wave of protests and unrest across the Occupied Palestinian Territories in late 1981 over moves by the Israeli government to impose an Israeli civilian administration on the territories. A wave of widespread protests first broke out in the West Bank in November 1981, followed by a two-week general strike in the Gaza Strip in December.
The March 1982 Palestinian general strike was a general strike and wave of protests in Palestine and Israel in March 1982, in opposition to the forced dismissals of Palestinian city councils and mayors.
The Beit Sahour tax strike was a tax strike by the residents of the Palestinian town of Beit Sahour in 1989. Part of the First Intifada, the strike was proclaimed with slogans of "no taxation without representation" and "must we pay for the bullets that kill our children?" The Israeli government acted to crack down on the strike, seizing property from town residents, placing residents under administrative detention, and eventually imposing a 42-day blockade on the town.
The 1987 Dheisheh attack was an attack by Israeli settlers on the Palestinian refugee camp of Dheisheh, in the West Bank, on 6 June 1987.
The Palestinian Village Leagues were a group of rural leadership organisations in the Palestinian West Bank active between 1978 and 1984. Based on clan structures, the Village Leagues were created and armed with Israeli support as part a framework in which the Israeli government believed it could undermine the influence of the more urban, nationalist, and left-wing Palestine Liberation Organization. Widely considered among the Palestinian population as inauthentic and as collaborators, the Village Leagues were ultimately dissolved less than a decade after their creation.
The First Intifada, a mass Palestinian uprising against the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian Territories between 1987 and 1991, had a wide-ranging impact within Israel. The Israeli government acted at first to forcibly suppress the Intifada, before later moving towards a strategy that placed more emphasis on de-escalation and eventually engaging in direct peace negotiations with Palestinians for the first time. The Israeli military's reputation was widely seen, both domestically and internationally, to be diminished as a result of its role in suppressing the Intifada. Within Israeli civil society, the impact of the First Intifada included the creation of new Arab minority political parties, as well as a surge in feminist peace activism.