 | |
| Categories | Political magazine |
|---|---|
| Frequency | Monthly |
| Founder |
|
| First issue | January 1932 |
| Final issue | December 1934 |
| Country | Turkey |
| Based in | Ankara |
| Language | Turkish |
| Website | www |
Kadro was an influential left-nationalist and left-Kemalist magazine published in Turkey between January 1932 and December 1934. [1] [2] The title of Kadro translates from Turkish as "cadre" (referring to the "cadre" of intellectuals who were to be the vanguard of the permanent Turkish revolution).
Kadro was first published in January 1932. [2] The founders were the members of one of the three major Kemalist factions in the 1930s. [3] They were leading Turkish journalists and authors: Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu, Şevket Süreyya Aydemir and Vedat Nedim Tör. [2] Of them Karaosmanoğlu was also the license holder who asked for permission from Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, President of Turkey, to publish a magazine. [2] Regular contributors of Kadro included Burhan Asaf Belge, İsmail Hüsrev Tökin and Mehmet Şevki Yazman. [2]
Kadro came out monthly. [3] It increased its criticism over the bureaucrats of the ruling party, Republican People's Party, which led to its closure in 1934. [4]
Kadro believed that a Turkish revolution would occur in two stages: the battle to achieve political sovereignty, achieved in the anti-imperialist Turkish War of Independence, and an ongoing battle to liberate the economy and society from imperialist influence. To this end, the Kadro theorists borrowed heavily from Marxist theory.
Kadro's economic and political theories were influenced by a mix of the elements of the Leninist NEP, the elements of a centrally planned economy of the first Soviet Five-year Plan, and the ideas of Soviet Muslim communist Mirsaid Sultan-Galiev. Kadro also supported a comprehensive land reform to redistribute land from big and middle landlords to landless peasants and yeoman farmers. However, unlike the collectivization in the Soviet Union, the proposal of the Kadro theorists did not include the abolition of private land ownership in Turkey. Kadro developed a unique variant of nationalism in the 1930s that focused on national liberation and opposing imperialist powers. The Kadroist definition of a nation is critical of Ziya Gökalp's definition, which focuses on race, ethnicity, culture, and religion. The Kadroists believed the Turkish national identity is multi-faceted, as they believe nations can also be defined by their technological development and level of economic integration. The Kadroist writers theorized the idea of the existence of two main categories of countries: the industrialized and the non-industrialized countries.
Kadro writers believe Turkey's status as a non-industrialized country makes its development of national industries with state power to prevent private interests from emerging via statist and developmentalist policies of the ruling Kemalist regime necessary. Kadro theorists also believe the policies implemented by the Turkish state were crucial to apply to Turkey's national conditions to achieve full economic sovereignty from foreign imperialist powers. The main difference between Kadro's economic proposal and the regime's economic policy was that they supported a more substantial state role in the economy with no private sector involvement and full electrification of the country.
The Kadroist theory sharp contrasts with the global capitalist society transition to the socialist society linear model of Classical Marxism. The Kadroists also developed a theory of anti-colonialism, which described Western industrialized countries' economic and social prosperity as the results of the colonial exploitations of their non-industrialized colonial subjects. Kadro theorists also criticized traditional Marxist literature for lacking coverage on the topic of colonialism and the theory of national liberation, despite Kadro writers taking certain inspirations from its theories of class struggle and historical determinism. Notably, the Kadrotheorists believed that they were creating a third (non-capitalist, non-socialist) political doctrine that would be essentially a Turkish form of "social nationalism." Kadro was highly critical of Italian fascism and Nazism, condemning fascism as a racist and imperialist ideology designed to benefit the bourgeoisie of the industrialized nations. However, it also criticized the Marxist rejection of nationalism, arguing national liberation is more than a means to the end and emphasizing the importance of economic self-determination of non-industrialized and colonized nations. The Kadro's interpretation of nationalism can also be seen as a form of social patriotism. [5]
The theorists advocated absolute state control of the economy (statism Turkish : devletçilik, a key element of Kemalist ideology), [6] believing that Turkey could overcome the problem of class conflict if the state never developed a middle and upper class. If the state was in charge of development, class conflict would not arise, as capital would be in the hands of the state, not specific classes.
Kadro was important as it sought to provide Kemalist Turkey with a solid theoretical underpinning. Although Kadro policies were never absolutely adapted, Turkey did pursue a state-centered development strategy. The magazine Kadro led to the creation of a so-called Kadro movement consisting of left-wing political theorists and its journalists took part in the nightly political debates organized by Atatürk. [7]
Although it claimed to be supportive of the government and opposed socialism and communism in principle, many members of Kadro, like Ayedemir, were former TKP members. The magazine was shut down in 1934; [7] economically liberal figures in the government (like Celal Bayar) worked against the Kadro theories, which they found far too leftist.
The Republican People's Party is a Kemalist and social democratic political party in Turkey. It is the oldest political party in Turkey, founded by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the first president and founder of the modern Turkish Republic. The party is also cited as the founding party of modern Turkey. Its logo consists of the Six Arrows, which represent the foundational principles of Kemalism: republicanism, reformism, laicism (Laïcité/Secularism), populism, nationalism, and statism. It is currently the second largest party in Grand National Assembly with 127 MPs, behind the ruling conservative Justice and Development Party.
The Sun Language Theory was a Turkish pseudolinguistic, pseudoscientific hypothesis developed in Turkey in the 1930s that proposed that all human languages are descendants of one proto-Turkic primal language. The theory's promotion of Turks as a progenitor race led to it finding favour among Turkish ultranationalists, who used it to justify their nationalist ideology.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, also known as Mustafa Kemal Pasha until 1921, and Ghazi Mustafa Kemal from 1921 until the Surname Law of 1934, was a Turkish field marshal, revolutionary statesman, author, and the founding father of the Republic of Turkey, serving as its first president from 1923 until his death in 1938. He undertook sweeping progressive reforms, which modernized Turkey into a secular, industrializing nation. Ideologically a secularist and nationalist, his policies and socio-political theories became known as Kemalism (Atatürkism).
The Nationalist Movement Party is a Turkish far-right, ultranationalist political party. The group is often described as neo-fascist, and has been linked to violent paramilitaries and organized crime groups. Its leader is Devlet Bahçeli.
Kemalism or Atatürkism is a political ideology based on the ideas of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder and first president of the Republic of Turkey. Its symbol is the Six Arrows.
The Workers' Party(İP) was a Turkish political party founded in 1992 and led by Doğu Perinçek. It had its roots in the Revolutionary Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TİİKP), the Workers' and Peasants' Party of Turkey (TİKP), and the Socialist Party (SP), which was banned by the Constitutional Court in 1992. They were known as "Aydınlıkçılar" (Clarifiers) due to their daily newspaper Aydınlık which had a circulation of 63,000 in 2012.
Yakup Kadri Karaosmanoğlu was a Turkish novelist, journalist, diplomat, and member of parliament.
The Liberal Republican Party was a political party founded by Fethi Okyar upon President Kemal Atatürk's request in the early years of the Turkish republic.
Turkish nationalism is nationalism among the people of Turkey and individuals whose national identity is Turkish. Turkish nationalism consists of political and social movements and sentiments prompted by a love for Turkish culture, Turkish languages and history, and a sense of pride in Turkey and Turkish people. While national consciousness in Turkish nation can be traced back centuries, nationalism has been a predominant determinant of Turkish attitudes mainly since the 20th century. Modern Turkish nationalism rose during the Tanzimat era. It also has a complicated relationship with Muslim identity, Pan-Turkism, and Turanism.
Burhan Belge was a Turkish politician and diplomat, who was a prominent figure among the young intellectuals during the early periods of Republic of Turkey and served as the representative of Muğla province during the 11th term of the Turkish National Assembly. He was a regular contributor to Kadro, a left-wing journal dedicated to "discussions on ideology and economic-development strategy." In the 1950s he began to write for the Democrat Party newspaper Zafer.
Sümerbank was a Turkish bank and industrial holding company established in 1933 and originally owned by the Turkish state, now part of Oyak Bank. On 11 January 2002, Oyak Bank acquired Sümerbank and the combined bank is now known under the Oyak Bank name.
Şevket Süreyya Aydemir was a Turkish writer, intellectual, economist, historian, and one of the founders, publisher and a key theorist of Kadro ("Cadre"), an influential left-wing political journal published in Turkey from 1932 to 1934.
The Citizen, speak Turkish! campaign was a Turkish government-funded initiative created by law students which aimed to put pressure on non-Turkish speakers to speak Turkish in public in the 1930s and onwards. In some municipalities, fines were given to those speaking in any language other than Turkish. The campaign has been considered by some authors as a significant contribution to Turkey's sociopolitical process of Turkification.
Yön was a weekly Turkish political magazine published between 1961 and 1967. It was a Kemalist and leftist magazine. In fact, Yön was more than a publication in that its contributors represented a political movement in the 1960s, Yön movement, which was a successor of the leftist-Kemalist movement in the 1930s known as Kadro movement. The latter also gathered around a publication, Kadro.
Erdoğanism refers to the political ideals and agenda of Turkish president and former prime minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, who became prime minister in 2003 and served until his election to the Presidency in 2014. With support significantly derived from charismatic authority, Erdoğanism has been described as the "strongest phenomenon in Turkey since Kemalism" and used to enjoy broad support throughout the country until the 2018 Turkish economic crisis which caused a significant decline in Erdoğan's popularity. Its ideological roots originate from Turkish conservatism and its most predominant political adherent is the governing Justice and Development Party, a party that Erdoğan himself founded in 2001.
The Turkish History Thesis is a Turkish ultranationalist, pseudohistoric thesis which posited the belief that the Turks moved from their ancestral homeland in Central Asia and migrated to China, India, the Balkans, the Middle East, and Northern Africa in several waves, populating the areas which they had moved to and bringing civilization to their native inhabitants. The theory was developed within the context of pre-Nazi scientific racism, classifying the Turks as an "Alpine subgroup" of the Caucasian race. The intent of the theory was a rejection of Western European assertions that the Turks belonged to the "yellow or mongol" race. Mustafa Kemal Atatürk took a personal interest in the subject after he was shown a French language book that claimed Turks "belonged to the yellow race" and were a "secondaire" people.
Kemalist historiography is a narrative of history mainly based on a six-day speech delivered by Mustafa Kemal [Atatürk] in 1927, promoted by the political ideology of Kemalism, and influenced by Atatürk's cult of personality. It asserts that the Republic of Turkey represented a clean break with the Ottoman Empire, and that the Republican People's Party did not succeed the Committee of Union and Progress (CUP).
Liberal Kemalism is a converge between Kemalism, the founding ideology of the Republic of Turkey, and the idea of liberalism, which is based on liberty.
Atatürk's Principles consist of six principles that determine the pragmatic policies of Turkey's first president, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, which he put into effect under his administration. These principles came to be the fundamental pillars of the Republican People's Party, the founding and sole party of the country, on 13 May 1935. Later, the principles were added to the 1924 Constitution with a law enacted in 1937 and thus became the national ideology of Turkey with this practice.
Atsızism is a far-right ideology based on the thoughts of Nihal Atsız, a Turkish ultranationalist writer and ideologue.
Media related to Kadro at Wikimedia Commons| International | |
|---|---|
| National | |
| Other | |
