|Türk dili (noun) |
Türkçe (noun, adverb)
|Pronunciation|| [ˈtyɾctʃe] (|
|Native to||Turkey (official), Northern Cyprus (official), Cyprus (official), Azerbaijan, Iraq, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina|
|Region||Anatolia, Balkans, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, Levant, Transcaucasia|
|75.7 million (2002–2018)|
88 million ( L1 + L2 )
| Latin (Turkish alphabet)|
Official language in
Countries where Turkish is an official language
Countries where it is recognized as a minority language
The Turkic languages are a language family of at least thirty-five documented languages, spoken by the Turkic peoples of Eurasia from Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, Central Asia, and West Asia all the way to North Asia and East Asia. The Turkic languages originated in a region of East Asia spanning Western China to Mongolia, where Proto-Turkic is thought to have been spoken, according to one estimate, around 2,500 years ago, from where they expanded to Central Asia and farther west during the first millennium.
Southeast Europe or Southeastern Europe (SEE) is a geographical region of Europe, consisting primarily of the coterminous Balkan Peninsula. There are overlapping and conflicting definitions as to where exactly Southeastern Europe begins or ends or how it relates to other regions of the continent. Sovereign states that are most frequently included in the region are, in alphabetical order: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, and Slovenia.
To the west, the influence of Ottoman Turkish—the variety of the Turkish language that was used as the administrative and literary language of the Ottoman Empire—spread as the Ottoman Empire expanded. In 1928, as one of Atatürk's Reforms in the early years of the Republic of Turkey, the Ottoman Turkish alphabet was replaced with a Latin alphabet.
Ottoman Turkish, or the Ottoman language, is the variety of the Turkish language that was used in the Ottoman Empire. It borrows, in all aspects, extensively from Arabic and Persian, and it was written in the Ottoman Turkish alphabet. During the peak of Ottoman power, Arabic and Persian vocabulary accounted for up to 88% of the Ottoman vocabulary, while words of foreign origin heavily outnumbered native Turkish words.
The Ottoman Empire, historically known in Western Europe as the Turkish Empire or simply Turkey, was a state that controlled much of Southeast Europe, Western Asia and North Africa between the 14th and early 20th centuries. It was founded at the end of the 13th century in northwestern Anatolia in the town of Söğüt by the Oghuz Turkish tribal leader Osman I. After 1354, the Ottomans crossed into Europe, and with the conquest of the Balkans, the Ottoman beylik was transformed into a transcontinental empire. The Ottomans ended the Byzantine Empire with the 1453 conquest of Constantinople by Mehmed the Conqueror.
Atatürk's Reforms were a series of political, legal, religious, cultural, social, and economic policy changes that were designed to convert the new Republic of Turkey into a secular, modern nation-state and implemented under the leadership of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in accordance with the Kemalist ideology. Central to these reforms were the belief that Turkish society would have to Westernize itself both politically and culturally in order to modernize. Political reforms involved a number of fundamental institutional changes that brought end of many traditions, and followed a carefully planned program to unravel the complex system that had developed over the centuries.
The distinctive characteristics of the Turkish language are vowel harmony and extensive agglutination. The basic word order of Turkish is subject–object–verb. Turkish has no noun classes or grammatical gender. The language has a strong T–V distinction and usage of honorifics. Turkish uses second-person pronouns that distinguish varying levels of politeness, social distance, age, courtesy or familiarity toward the addressee. The plural second-person pronoun and verb forms are used referring to a single person out of respect.
In phonology, vowel harmony is an assimilatory process in which the vowels of a word have to be members of the same class. In languages with vowel harmony, there are constraints on which vowels may be found near each other. Vowel harmony is found in many agglutinative languages. Suffixes and prefixes will usually follow vowel harmony rules.
Agglutination is a linguistic process pertaining to derivational morphology in which complex words are formed by stringing together morphemes without changing them in spelling or phonetics. Languages that use agglutination widely are called agglutinative languages. An example of such a language is Turkish, where for example, the word evlerinizden, or "from your houses", consists of the morphemes ev-ler-iniz-den with the meanings house-plural-your-from.
In linguistic typology, a subject–object–verb (SOV) language is one in which the subject, object, and verb of a sentence always or usually appear in that order. If English were SOV, "Sam oranges ate" would be an ordinary sentence, as opposed to the actual Standard English "Sam ate oranges".
About 40% of all speakers of Turkic languages are native Turkish speakers.The characteristic features of Turkish, such as vowel harmony, agglutination, and lack of grammatical gender, are universal within the Turkic family. The Turkic family comprises some 30 living languages spoken across Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and Siberia.
In linguistics, grammatical gender is a specific form of noun class system in which the division of noun classes forms an agreement system with another aspect of the language, such as adjectives, articles, pronouns, or verbs. This system is used in approximately one quarter of the world's languages. In these languages, most or all nouns inherently carry one value of the grammatical category called gender; the values present in a given language are called the genders of that language. According to one definition: "Genders are classes of nouns reflected in the behaviour of associated words."
Turkish is a member of the Oghuz group of languages, a subgroup of the Turkic language family. There is a high degree of mutual intelligibility between Turkish and the other Oghuz Turkic languages, including Azerbaijani, Turkmen, Qashqai, Gagauz, and Balkan Gagauz Turkish.
The Oghuz languages are a sub-branch of the Turkic language family, spoken by approximately 110 million people. The three languages with the largest number of speakers are Turkish, Azerbaijani and Turkmen, which combined account for more than 95% of speakers.
In linguistics, mutual intelligibility is a relationship between languages or dialects in which speakers of different but related varieties can readily understand each other without prior familiarity or special effort. It is sometimes used as an important criterion for distinguishing languages from dialects, although sociolinguistic factors are often also used.
Azerbaijani or Azeri, sometimes also Azeri Turkic or Azeri Turkish, is a term referring to two Turkic lects that are spoken primarily by the Azerbaijanis, who live mainly in Transcaucasia and Iran. Caucasian Azerbaijani and Iranian Azerbaijani have significant differences in phonology, lexicon, morphology, syntax, and sources of loanwords. ISO 639-3 groups the two lects as a "macrolanguage".
The Turkic languages were grouped into the now discredited Altaic language group.
Altaic is a hypothetical language family that was once proposed to include the Turkic, Mongolian, and Tungusic language families; and possibly also the Japonic and Koreanic families, and the Ainu language. Speakers of those languages are currently scattered over most of Asia north of 35 °N and in some eastern parts of Europe, extending in longitude from Turkey to Japan. The group is named after the Altai mountain range in the center of Asia.
The earliest known Old Turkic inscriptions are the three monumental Orkhon inscriptions found in modern Mongolia. Erected in honour of the prince Kul Tigin and his brother Emperor Bilge Khagan, these date back to the second Turk Kaghanate.After the discovery and excavation of these monuments and associated stone slabs by Russian archaeologists in the wider area surrounding the Orkhon Valley between 1889 and 1893, it became established that the language on the inscriptions was the Old Turkic language written using the Old Turkic alphabet, which has also been referred to as "Turkic runes" or "runiform" due to a superficial similarity to the Germanic runic alphabets.
With the Turkic expansion during Early Middle Ages (c. 6th–11th centuries), peoples speaking Turkic languages spread across Central Asia, covering a vast geographical region stretching from Siberia and to Europe and the Mediterranean. The Seljuqs of the Oghuz Turks, in particular, brought their language, Oghuz—the direct ancestor of today's Turkish language—into Anatolia during the 11th century.Also during the 11th century, an early linguist of the Turkic languages, Mahmud al-Kashgari from the Kara-Khanid Khanate, published the first comprehensive Turkic language dictionary and map of the geographical distribution of Turkic speakers in the Compendium of the Turkic Dialects (Ottoman Turkish: Divânü Lügati't-Türk).
Following the adoption of Islam c. 950 by the Kara-Khanid Khanate and the Seljuq Turks, who are both regarded as the ethnic and cultural ancestors of the Ottomans, the administrative language of these states acquired a large collection of loanwords from Arabic and Persian. Turkish literature during the Ottoman period, particularly Divan poetry, was heavily influenced by Persian, including the adoption of poetic meters and a great quantity of imported words. The literary and official language during the Ottoman Empire period (c. 1299–1922) is termed Ottoman Turkish, which was a mixture of Turkish, Persian, and Arabic that differed considerably and was largely unintelligible to the period's everyday Turkish. The everyday Turkish, known as kaba Türkçe or "rough Turkish", spoken by the less-educated lower and also rural members of society, contained a higher percentage of native vocabulary and served as basis for the modern Turkish language.
After the foundation of the modern state of Turkey and the script reform, the Turkish Language Association (TDK) was established in 1932 under the patronage of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, with the aim of conducting research on Turkish. One of the tasks of the newly established association was to initiate a language reform to replace loanwords of Arabic and Persian origin with Turkish equivalents.By banning the usage of imported words in the press, the association succeeded in removing several hundred foreign words from the language. While most of the words introduced to the language by the TDK were newly derived from Turkic roots, it also opted for reviving Old Turkish words which had not been used for centuries.
Owing to this sudden change in the language, older and younger people in Turkey started to differ in their vocabularies. While the generations born before the 1940s tend to use the older terms of Arabic or Persian origin, the younger generations favor new expressions. It is considered particularly ironic that Atatürk himself, in his lengthy speech to the new Parliament in 1927, used a style of Ottoman which sounded so alien to later listeners that it had to be "translated" three times into modern Turkish: first in 1963, again in 1986, and most recently in 1995.
The past few decades have seen the continuing work of the TDK to coin new Turkish words to express new concepts and technologies as they enter the language, mostly from English. Many of these new words, particularly information technology terms, have received widespread acceptance. However, the TDK is occasionally criticized for coining words which sound contrived and artificial. Some earlier changes—such as bölem to replace fırka, "political party"—also failed to meet with popular approval (fırka has been replaced by the French loanword parti). Some words restored from Old Turkic have taken on specialized meanings; for example betik (originally meaning "book") is now used to mean "script" in computer science.
Many of the words derived by TDK coexist with their older counterparts.[ citation needed ] This usually happens when a loanword changes its original meaning. For instance, dert, derived from the Persian dard (درد "pain"), means "problem" or "trouble" in Turkish; whereas the native Turkish word ağrı is used for physical pain. Sometimes the loanword has a slightly different meaning from the native Turkish word, creating a situation similar to the coexistence of Germanic and Romance words in English.[ citation needed ] Some examples of modern Turkish words and the old loanwords are:
|Ottoman Turkish||Modern Turkish||English translation||Comments|
|müselles||üçgen||triangle||Compound of the noun üç the suffix -gen|
|tayyare||uçak||aeroplane||Derived from the verb uçmak ("to fly"). The word was first proposed to mean "airport".|
|nispet||oran||ratio||The old word is still used in the language today together with the new one. The modern word is from the Old Turkic verb or- (to cut).|
|şimal||kuzey||north||Derived from the Old Turkic noun kuz ("cold and dark place", "shadow"). The word is restored from Middle Turkic usage.|
|teşrinievvel||ekim||October||The noun ekim means "the action of planting", referring to the planting of cereal seeds in autumn, which is widespread in Turkey|
Turkish is natively spoken by the Turkish people in Turkey and by the Turkish diaspora in some 30 other countries. Turkish language is mutually intelligible with Azerbaijani and other Turkic languages. In particular, Turkish-speaking minorities exist in countries that formerly (in whole or part) belonged to the Ottoman Empire, such as Iraq, Bulgaria, Cyprus, Greece (primarily in Western Thrace), the Republic of North Macedonia, Romania, and Serbia. More than two million Turkish speakers live in Germany; and there are significant Turkish-speaking communities in the United States, France, The Netherlands, Austria, Belgium, Switzerland, and the United Kingdom. Due to the cultural assimilation of Turkish immigrants in host countries, not all ethnic Turkish immigrants speak the language with native fluency.
In 2005, 93% of the population of Turkey were native speakers of Turkish, [ citation needed ]about 67 million at the time, with Kurdish languages making up most of the remainder. However, most linguistic minorities in Turkey are bilingual, speaking Turkish with native-like fluency.
Turkish is the official language of Turkey and is one of the official languages of Cyprus. Turkish has official status in 38 municipalities in Kosovo, including Mamusha,and two in the Republic of North Macedonia.
In Turkey, the regulatory body for Turkish is the Turkish Language Association (Türk Dil Kurumu or TDK), which was founded in 1932 under the name Türk Dili Tetkik Cemiyeti ("Society for Research on the Turkish Language"). The Turkish Language Association was influenced by the ideology of linguistic purism: indeed one of its primary tasks was the replacement of loanwords and foreign grammatical constructions with equivalents of Turkish origin.These changes, together with the adoption of the new Turkish alphabet in 1928, shaped the modern Turkish language spoken today. TDK became an independent body in 1951, with the lifting of the requirement that it should be presided over by the Minister of Education. This status continued until August 1983, when it was again made into a governmental body in the constitution of 1982, following the military coup d'état of 1980.
Modern standard Turkish is based on the dialect of Istanbul.This "Istanbul Turkish" (İstanbul Türkçesi) constitutes the model of written and spoken Turkish, as recommended by Ziya Gökalp, Ömer Seyfettin and others.
Dialectal variation persists, in spite of the levelling influence of the standard used in mass media and the Turkish education system since the 1930s.Academically, researchers from Turkey often refer to Turkish dialects as ağız or şive, leading to an ambiguity with the linguistic concept of accent, which is also covered with these words. Projects investigating Turkish dialects are being carried out by several universities, as well as a dedicated work group of the Turkish Language Association. Work is currently in progress for the compilation and publication of their research as a comprehensive dialect atlas of the Turkish language.
Rumelice is spoken by immigrants from Rumelia, and includes the distinct dialects of Ludogorie, Dinler, and Adakale, which are influenced by the theoretized Balkan sprachbund. Kıbrıs Türkçesi is the name for Cypriot Turkish and is spoken by the Turkish Cypriots. Edirne is the dialect of Edirne. Ege is spoken in the Aegean region, with its usage extending to Antalya. The nomadic Yörüks of the Mediterranean Region of Turkey also have their own dialect of Turkish.This group is not to be confused with the Yuruk nomads of Macedonia, Greece, and European Turkey who speak Balkan Gagauz Turkish.
Güneydoğu is spoken in the southeast, to the east of Mersin. Doğu, a dialect in the Eastern Anatolia Region, has a dialect continuum. The Meskhetian Turks who live in Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Russia as well as in several Central Asian countries, also speak an Eastern Anatolian dialect of Turkish, originating in the areas of Kars, Ardahan, and Artvin and sharing similarities with Azerbaijani, the language of Azerbaijan.
The Central Anatolia Region speaks Orta Anadolu. Karadeniz, spoken in the Eastern Black Sea Region and represented primarily by the Trabzon dialect, exhibits substratum influence from Greek in phonology and syntax; Kαραμανλήδικα. It is the literary standard for the Karamanlides.it is also known as Laz dialect (not to be confused with the Laz language). Kastamonu is spoken in Kastamonu and its surrounding areas. Karamanli Turkish is spoken in Greece, where it is called
|Stop||p||b||t||d||( c )||( ɟ )||k||ɡ|
|Approximant||( ɫ )||l||j|
At least one source claims Turkish consonants are larengially specified three-way fortis-lenis (aspirated/neutral/voiced) like Armenian.
The phoneme that is usually referred to as yumuşak g ("soft g"), written ⟨ğ⟩ in Turkish orthography, represents a vowel sequence or a rather weak bilabial approximant between rounded vowels, a weak palatal approximant between unrounded front vowels, and a vowel sequence elsewhere. It never occurs at the beginning of a word or a syllable, but always follows a vowel. When word-final or preceding another consonant, it lengthens the preceding vowel.
In native Turkic words, the sounds [c], [ɟ], and [l] are in complementary distribution with [k], [ɡ], and [ɫ]; the former set occurs adjacent to front vowels and the latter adjacent to back vowels. The distribution of these phonemes is often unpredictable, however, in foreign borrowings and proper nouns. In such words, [c], [ɟ], and [l] often occur with back vowels: some examples are given below.
Turkish orthography reflects final-obstruent devoicing, a form of consonant mutation whereby a voiced obstruent, such as /b d dʒ ɡ/, is devoiced to [p t tʃ k] at the end of a word or before a consonant, but retains its voicing before a vowel. In loan words, the voiced equivalent of /k/ is /g/; in native words, it is /ğ/.
|Dictionary form||Dative case /|
This is analogous to languages such as German and Russian, but in the case of Turkish, the spelling is usually made to match the sound. However, in a few cases, such as ad/at/ 'name' (dative ada), the underlying form is retained in the spelling (cf. at/at/ 'horse', dative ata). Other exceptions are od 'fire' vs. ot 'herb', sac 'sheet metal', saç 'hair'. Most loanwords, such as kitap above, are spelled as pronounced, but a few such as hac 'hajj', şad 'happy', and yad 'strange(r)' also show their underlying forms.[ citation needed ]
Native nouns of two or more syllables that end in /k/ in dictionary form are nearly all //ğ// in underlying form. However, most verbs and monosyllabic nouns are underlyingly //k//.
The vowels of the Turkish language are, in their alphabetical order, ⟨a⟩, ⟨e⟩, ⟨ ı ⟩, ⟨i⟩, ⟨o⟩, ⟨ö⟩, ⟨u⟩, ⟨ü⟩. The Turkish vowel system can be considered as being three-dimensional, where vowels are characterised by how and where they are articulated focusing on three key features: front and back, rounded and unrounded and vowel height. Vowels are classified [±back], [±round] and [±high].
The only diphthongs in the language are found in loanwords and may be categorised as falling diphthongs usually analyzed as a sequence of /j/ and a vowel.
|Turkish Vowel Harmony||Front Vowels||Back Vowels|
|Vowel||e /e/||i /i/||ü /y/||ö /œ/||a /a/||ı /ɯ/||u /u/||o /o/|
|Fourfold (Backness + Rounding)||i||ü||ı||u|
Turkish is an agglutinative language where a series of suffixes are added to the stem word; vowel harmony is a phonological process which ensures a smooth flow, requiring the least amount of oral movement as possible. Vowel harmony can be viewed as a process of assimilation, whereby following vowels take on the characteristics of the preceding vowel.It may be useful to think of Turkish vowels as two symmetrical sets: the a-undotted (a, ı, o, u) which are all back vowels, articulated at the back of the mouth; and the e-dotted (e, i, ö, ü) vowels which are articulated at the front of the mouth. The place and manner of articulation of the vowels will determine which pattern of vowel harmony a word will adopt. The pattern of vowels is shown in the table above.
Grammatical affixes have "a chameleon-like quality",and obey one of the following patterns of vowel harmony:
Practically, the twofold pattern (also referred to as the e-type vowel harmony) means that in the environment where the vowel in the word stem is formed in the front of the mouth, the suffix will take the e-form, while if it is formed in the back it will take the a-form. The fourfold pattern (also called the i-type) accounts for rounding as well as for front/back.The following examples, based on the copula -dir4 ("[it] is"), illustrate the principles of i-type vowel harmony in practice: Türkiye'dir ("it is Turkey"), kapıdır ("it is the door"), but gündür ("it is the day"), paltodur ("it is the coat").
There are several exceptions to the vowel harmony rules, which can be categorised as follows:
Some rural dialects lack some or all of these exceptions mentioned above.
The road sign in the photograph above illustrates several of these features:
The rules of vowel harmony may vary by regional dialect. The dialect of Turkish spoken in the Trabzon region of northeastern Turkey follows the reduced vowel harmony of Old Anatolian Turkish, with the additional complication of two missing vowels (ü and ı), thus there is no palatal harmony. It's likely that elün meant "your hand" in Old Anatolian. While the 2nd person singular possessive would vary between back and front vowel, -ün or -un, as in elün for "your hand" and kitabun for "your book", the lack of ü vowel in the Trabzon dialect means -un would be used in both of these cases — elun and kitabun.
This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it.(August 2018)
Word-accent is usually on the last syllable in most words. [ɫoˈkanta]lokanta "restaurant" or [isˈcele]iskele "quay"). Proper names are usually accented on the penultimate syllable as in [isˈtanbuɫ]İstanbul, but sometimes on the antepenultimate, if the word ends in a cretic rhythm (– u x), as in [ˈaŋkaɾa]Ankara. (See Turkish phonology#Place names.)There are however, several exceptions. Exceptions include certain loanwords, particularly from Italian and Greek, as well as interjections, certain question words, adverbs (although not adjectives functioning as adverbs), and many proper names. Loanwords are usually accented on the penultimate syllable (
In addition, there are certain suffixes such as -le "with" and the verbal negative particle -me-/-ma-, which place an accent on the syllable which precedes them, e.g. kitáp-la "with the book", dé-me-mek "not to say".
In some circumstances (for example, in the second half of compound words or when verbs are preceded by an indefinite object) the accent on a word is suppressed and cannot be heard.
Turkish has two groups of sentences: verbal and nominal sentences. In the case of a verbal sentence, the predicate is a finite verb, while the predicate in nominal sentence will have either no overt verb or a verb in the form of the copula ol or y (variants of "be"). Examples of both are given below:
|Verbal||Necla||okula gitti||Necla went to school|
|Nominal (no verb)||Necla||oğretmen||Necla is a teacher|
|(copula)||Necla||ev-de-y-miş (hyphens delineate suffixes)||Apparently Necla is at home|
The two groups of sentences have different ways of forming negation. A nominal sentence can be negated with the addition of the word değil. For example, the sentence above would become Necla oğretmen değil ('Necla is not a teacher'). However, the verbal sentence requires the addition of a negative suffix -me to the verb (the suffix comes after the stem but before the tense): Necla okula gitmedi ('Necla did not go to school').
In the case of a verbal sentence, an interrogative clitic mi is added after the verb and stands alone, for example Necla okula gitti mi? ('Did Necla go to school?'). In the case of a nominal sentence, then mi comes after the predicate but before the personal ending, so for example Necla, siz oğretmen misiniz? ('Necla, are you [formal, plural] a teacher?').
Word order in simple Turkish sentences is generally subject–object–verb, as in Korean and Latin, but unlike English, for verbal sentences and subject-predicate for nominal sentences. However, as Turkish possesses a case-marking system, and most grammatical relations are shown using morphological markers, often the SOV structure has diminished relevance and may vary. The SOV structure may thus be considered a "pragmatic word order" of language, one that does not rely on word order for grammatical purposes.
Consider the following simple sentence which demonstrates that the focus in Turkish is on the element that immediately precedes the verb:
|unmarked: Ahmet ate the egg|
|SVO||Ahmet||yedi||yumurta-yı||the focus is on the subject: Ahmet (it was Ahmet who ate the egg)|
|OVS||Yumurta-yı||yedi||Ahmet||the focus is on the object: egg (it was an egg that Ahmet ate)|
The postpredicate position signifies what is referred to as background information in Turkish- information that is assumed to be known to both the speaker and the listener, or information that is included in the context. Consider the following examples:
|Sentence type||Word order|
|Nominal||S-predicate||Bu ev güzelmiş (apparently this house is beautiful)||unmarked|
|Predicate-s||Güzelmiş bu ev (it is apparently beautiful, this house)||it is understood that the sentence is about this house|
|Verbal||SOV||Bana da bir kahve getir (get me a coffee too)||unmarked|
|Bana da getir bir kahve (get me one too, a coffee)||it is understood that it is a coffee that the speaker wants|
There has been some debate among linguists whether Turkish is a subject-prominent (like English) or topic-prominent (like Japanese and Korean) language, with recent scholarship implying that it is indeed both subject and topic-prominent.This has direct implications for word order as it is possible for the subject to be included in the verb-phrase in Turkish. There can be S/O inversion in sentences where the topic is of greater importance than the subject.
Turkish is an agglutinative language and frequently uses affixes, and specifically suffixes, or endings.One word can have many affixes and these can also be used to create new words, such as creating a verb from a noun, or a noun from a verbal root (see the section on Word formation). Most affixes indicate the grammatical function of the word. The only native prefixes are alliterative intensifying syllables used with adjectives or adverbs: for example sımsıcak ("boiling hot" < sıcak) and masmavi ("bright blue" < mavi).
The extensive use of affixes can give rise to long words, e.g. Çekoslovakyalılaştıramadıklarımızdanmışsınızcasına, meaning "In the manner of you being one of those that we apparently couldn't manage to convert to Czechoslovakian". While this case is contrived, long words frequently occur in normal Turkish, as in this heading of a newspaper obituary column: Bayramlaşamadıklarımız (Bayram [festival]-Recipr-Impot-Partic-Plur-PossPl1; "Those of our number with whom we cannot exchange the season's greetings").Another example can be seen in the final word of this heading of the online Turkish Spelling Guide (İmlâ Kılavuzu): Dilde birlik, ulusal birliğin vazgeçilemezlerindendir ("Unity in language is among the indispensables [dispense-Pass-Impot-Plur-PossS3-Abl-Copula] of national unity ~ Linguistic unity is a sine qua non of national unity").
There is no definite article in Turkish, but definiteness of the object is implied when the accusative ending is used (see below). Turkish nouns decline by taking case endings. There are six noun cases in Turkish, with all the endings following vowel harmony (shown in the table using the shorthand superscript notation. The plural marker -ler ² immediately follows the noun before any case or other affixes (e.g. köylerin "of the villages").[ citation needed ]
|köy "village"||ağaç "tree"|
|Nominative||∅ (none)||köy||ağaç||(the) village/tree|
of the village/tree
|Dative||-e ²||köye||ağaca||to the village/tree|
|Ablative||-den ²||köyden||ağaçtan||from the village/tree|
|Locative||-de ²||köyde||ağaçta||in the village/on the tree|
The accusative case marker is used only for definite objects; compare (bir) ağaç gördük "we saw a tree" with ağacı gördük "we saw the tree". [ citation needed ]The plural marker -ler ² is generally not used when a class or category is meant: ağaç gördük can equally well mean "we saw trees [as we walked through the forest]"—as opposed to ağaçları gördük "we saw the trees [in question]".
The declension of ağaç illustrates two important features of Turkish phonology: consonant assimilation in suffixes (ağaçtan, ağaçta) and voicing of final consonants before vowels (ağacın, ağaca, ağacı).[ citation needed ]
Additionally, nouns can take suffixes that assign person: for example -imiz4, "our". With the addition of the copula (for example -im4, "I am") complete sentences can be formed. The interrogative particle mi4 immediately follows the word being questioned: köye mi? "[going] to the village?", ağaç mı? "[is it a] tree?".[ citation needed ]
|evin||your (sing.) house|
|eviniz||your (pl./formal) house|
|evimde||at my house|
|evlerinizin||of your houses|
|evlerinizden||from your houses|
|evlerinizdendi||(he/she/it) was from your houses|
|evlerinizdenmiş||(he/she/it) was (apparently/said to be) from your houses|
|Evinizdeyim.||I am at your house.|
|Evinizdeymişim.||I was (apparently) at your house.|
|Evinizde miyim?||Am I at your house?|
The Turkish personal pronouns in the nominative case are ben (1s), sen (2s), o (3s), biz (1pl), siz (2pl, or 2h), and onlar (3pl). They are declined regularly with some exceptions: benim (1s gen.); bizim (1pl gen.); bana (1s dat.); sana (2s dat.); and the oblique forms of o use the root on. All other pronouns (reflexive kendi and so on) are declined regularly.[ citation needed ]
Two nouns, or groups of nouns, may be joined in either of two ways:
The following table illustrates these principles.In some cases the constituents of the compounds are themselves compounds; for clarity these subsidiary compounds are marked with [square brackets]. The suffixes involved in the linking are underlined. Note that if the second noun group already had a possessive suffix (because it is a compound by itself), no further suffix is added.
|Definite (possessive)||Indefinite (qualifier)||Complement||Meaning|
|"kimse"||yanıtı||the answer "nobody"|
|Atatürk||Bulvarı||Atatürk Boulevard (named after, not belonging to Atatürk)|
|"Orhan"||adı||the name "Orhan"|
|r||sessizi||the consonant r|
|[r sessizi]nin||söylenişi||pronunciation of the consonant r|
|Türk||[Dil Kurumu]||Turkish language-association|
|[Türk Dili]||Dergisi||Turkish-language magazine|
|Ford||[aile arabası]||Ford family car|
|Ford'un||[aile arabası]||(Mr) Ford's family car|
|[Ford ailesi]nin||arabası||the Ford family's car|
|Ankara||[Kız Lisesi]||Ankara Girls' School|
|[yıl sonu]||sınavları||year-end examinations|
|Bulgaristan'ın||[İstanbul Başkonsolosluğu]||the Istanbul Consulate-General of Bulgaria (located in Istanbul, but belonging to Bulgaria)|
|[ [İstanbul Üniversitesi] [Edebiyat Fakültesi] ]||[ [Türk Edebiyatı] Profesörü]||Professor of Turkish Literature in the Faculty of Literature of the University of Istanbul|
|ne oldum||delisi||"what-have-I-become!" madman = parvenu who gives himself airs|
As the last example shows, the qualifying expression may be a substantival sentence rather than a noun or noun group.
There is a third way of linking the nouns where both nouns take no suffixes (takısız tamlama). However, in this case the first noun acts as an adjective, :e.g. Demir kapı (iron gate), elma yanak ("apple cheek", i.e. red cheek), kömür göz ("coal eye", i.e. black eye)
Turkish adjectives are not declined. However most adjectives can also be used as nouns, in which case they are declined: e.g. güzel ("beautiful") → güzeller ("(the) beautiful ones / people"). Used attributively, adjectives precede the nouns they modify. The adjectives var ("existent") and yok ("non-existent") are used in many cases where English would use "there is" or "have", e.g.süt yok ("there is no milk", lit. "(the) milk (is) non-existent"); the construction "noun 1-GEN noun 2-POSS var/yok" can be translated "noun 1 has/doesn't have noun 2"; imparatorun elbisesi yok "the emperor has no clothes" ("(the) emperor-of clothes-his non-existent"); kedimin ayakkabıları yoktu ("my cat had no shoes", lit. "cat-my-of shoe-plur.-its non-existent-past tense").[ citation needed ]
Turkish verbs indicate person. They can be made negative, potential ("can"), or impotential ("cannot"). Furthermore, Turkish verbs show tense (present, past, future, and aorist), mood (conditional, imperative, inferential, necessitative, and optative), and aspect. Negation is expressed by the infix -me²- immediately following the stem.
|gelebil-||(to) be able to come|
|gelme-||not (to) come|
|geleme-||(to) be unable to come|
|gelememiş||Apparently (s)he couldn't come|
|gelebilecek||(s)he'll be able to come|
|gelmeyebilir||(s)he may (possibly) not come|
|gelebilirsen||if thou can come|
|gelinir||(passive) one comes, people come|
|gelebilmeliydin||thou shouldst have been able to come|
|gelebilseydin||if thou could have come|
|gelmeliydin||thou shouldst have come|
Almost all Turkish verbs are conjugated in the same way, most notable exception being the irregular and defective verb i-, the Turkish copula (corresponding to English to be), which can be used in compound forms (the shortened form is called an enclitic): Gelememişti = Gelememiş idi = Gelememiş + i- + -di.[ citation needed ]
(Note. For the sake of simplicity the term "tense" is used here throughout, although for some forms "aspect" or "mood" might be more appropriate.) There are 9 simple and 20 compound tenses in Turkish. 9 simple tenses are simple past (di'li geçmiş), inferential past (miş'li geçmiş), present continuous, simple present (aorist), future, optative, subjunctive, necessitative ("must") and imperative.There are three groups of compound forms. Story (hikaye) is the witnessed past of the above forms (except command), rumor (rivayet) is the unwitnessed past of the above forms (except simple past and command), conditional (koşul) is the conditional form of the first five basic tenses. In the example below the second person singular of the verb gitmek ("go"), stem gid-/git-, is shown.
|English of the basic form||Basic tense||Story (hikaye)||Rumor (rivayet)||Condition (koşul)|
|you have gone||gitmişsin||gitmiştin||gitmişmişsin||gitmişsen|
|you are going||gidiyorsun||gidiyordun||gidiyormuşsun||gidiyorsan|
|you (are wont to) go||gidersin||giderdin||gidermişsin||gidersen|
|you will go||gideceksin||gidecektin||gidecekmişsin||gideceksen|
|if only you go||gitsen||gitseydin||gitseymişsin||–|
|may you go||gidesin||gideydin||gideymişsin||–|
|you must go||gitmelisin||gitmeliydin||gitmeliymişin||–|
There are also so-called combined verbs, which are created by suffixing certain verb stems (like bil or ver) to the original stem of a verb. Bil is the suffix for the sufficiency mood. It is the equivalent of the English auxiliary verbs "able to", "can" or "may". Ver is the suffix for the swiftness mood, kal for the perpetuity mood and yaz for the approach ("almost") mood.Thus, while gittin means "you went", gidebildin means "you could go" and gidiverdin means "you went swiftly". The tenses of the combined verbs are formed the same way as for simple verbs.
Turkish verbs have attributive forms, including present, -en2); future (-ecek2); indirect/inferential past (-miş4); and aorist (-er2 or -ir4). These forms can function as either adjectives or nouns: oynamayan çocuklar "children who do not play", oynamayanlar "those who do not play"; okur yazar "reader-writer = literate", okur yazarlar "literates".[ citation needed ]similar to the English present participle (with the ending
The most important function of some of these attributive verbs is to form modifying phrases equivalent to the relative clauses found in most European languages. The subject of the verb in an -en2 form is (possibly implicitly) in the third person (he/she/it/they); this form, when used in a modifying phrase, does not change according to number. The other attributive forms used in these constructions are the future (-ecek2) and an older form (-dik4), which covers both present and past meanings. These two forms take "personal endings", which have the same form as the possessive suffixes but indicate the person and possibly number of the subject of the attributive verb; for example, yediğim means "what I eat", yediğin means "what you eat", and so on. The use of these "personal or relative participles" is illustrated in the following table, in which the examples are presented according to the grammatical case which would be seen in the equivalent English relative clause.
|Case of relative pronoun||Pronoun||Literal||Idiomatic|
|Nominative||who, which/that||şimdi konuşan adam||"now speaking man"||the man (who is) now speaking|
|Genitive||whose (nom.)||babası şimdi konuşan adam||"father-is now speaking man"||the man whose father is now speaking|
|whose (acc.)||babasını dün gördüğüm adam||"father-is-ACC yesterday seen-my man"||the man whose father I saw yesterday|
|at whose||resimlerine baktığımız ressam||"pictures-is-to looked-our artist"||the artist whose pictures we looked at|
|of which||muhtarı seçildiği köy||"mayor-its been-chosen-his village"||the village of which he was elected mayor|
|of which||muhtarı seçilmek istediği köy||the village of which he wishes to be elected mayor|
|Remaining cases (incl. prepositions)||whom, which||yazdığım mektup||"written-my letter"||the letter (which) I wrote|
|from which||çıktığımız kapı||"emerged-our door"||the door from which we emerged|
|on which||geldikleri vapur||"come-their ship"||the ship they came on|
|which + subordinate clause||yaklaştığını anladığı hapishane günleri||"approach-their-ACC understood-his prison days-its"||the prison days (which) he knew were approaching|
Latest 2010 edition of Büyük Türkçe Sözlük (Great Turkish Dictionary), the official dictionary of the Turkish language published by Turkish Language Association, contains 616,767 words, expressions, terms and nouns.
The 2005 edition of Güncel Türkçe Sözlük, the official dictionary of the Turkish language published by Turkish Language Association, contains 104,481 words, of which about 86% are Turkish and 14% are of foreign origin.Among the most significant foreign contributors to Turkish vocabulary are Arabic, French, Persian, Italian, English, and Greek.
Turkish extensively uses agglutination to form new words from nouns and verbal stems. The majority of Turkish words originate from the application of derivative suffixes to a relatively small set of core vocabulary.
Turkish obeys certain principles when it comes to suffixation. Most suffixes in Turkish will have more than one form, depending on the vowels and consonants in the root- vowel harmony rules will apply; consonant-initial suffixes will follow the voiced/ voiceless character of the consonant in the final unit of the root; and in the case of vowel-initial suffixes an additional consonant may be inserted if the root ends in a vowel, or the suffix may lose its initial vowel. There is also a prescribed order of affixation of suffixes- as a rule of thumb, derivative suffixes precede inflectional suffixes which are followed by clitics, as can be seen in the example set of words derived from a substantive root below:
|gözlük||göz + -lük||eyeglasses||Noun|
|gözlükçü||göz + -lük + -çü||optician||Noun|
|gözlükçülük||göz + -lük + -çü + -lük||optician's trade||Noun|
|gözlem||göz + -lem||observation||Noun|
|gözlemci||göz + -lem + -ci||observer||Noun|
|gözle-||göz + -le||observe||Verb (order)|
|gözlemek||göz + -le + -mek||to observe||Verb (infinitive)|
|gözetlemek||göz + -et + -le + -mek||to peep||Verb (infinitive)|
Another example, starting from a verbal root:
|yat-||yat-||lie down||Verb (order)|
|yatmak||yat-mak||to lie down||Verb (infinitive)|
|yatık||yat- + -(ı)k||leaning||Adjective|
|yatak||yat- + -ak||bed, place to sleep||Noun|
|yatay||yat- + -ay||horizontal||Adjective|
|yatkın||yat- + -gın||inclined to; stale (from lying too long)||Adjective|
|yatır-||yat- + -(ı)r-||lay down||Verb (order)|
|yatırmak||yat- + -(ı)r-mak||to lay down something/someone||Verb (infinitive)|
|yatırım||yat- + -(ı)r- + -(ı)m||laying down; deposit, investment||Noun|
|yatırımcı||yat- + -(ı)r- + -(ı)m + -cı||depositor, investor||Noun|
New words are also frequently formed by compounding two existing words into a new one, as in German. Compounds can be of two types- bare and (s)I. The bare compounds, both nouns and adjectives are effectively two words juxtaposed without the addition of suffixes for example the word for girlfriend kizarkadaş (kiz+arkadaş) or black pepper karabiber (kara+biber). A few examples of compound words are given below:
|Turkish||English||Constituent words||Literal meaning|
|pazartesi||Monday||pazar ("Sunday") and ertesi ("after")||after Sunday|
|bilgisayar||computer||bilgi ("information") and say- ("to count")||information counter|
|gökdelen||skyscraper||gök ("sky") and del- ("to pierce")||sky piercer|
|başparmak||thumb||baş ("prime") and parmak ("finger")||primary finger|
|önyargı||prejudice||ön ("before") and yargı ("splitting; judgement")||fore-judging|
However, the majority of compound words in Turkish are (s)I compounds, which means that the second word will be marked by the 3rd person possessive suffix. A few such examples are given in the table below (note vowel harmony):
|Turkish||English||Constituent words||Possessive Suffix|
|el çantası||handbag||el (hand) and çanta (bag)||+sı|
|masa örtüsü||tablecloth||masa (table) and örtü (cover)||+sü|
|çay bardağı||tea glass||çay (tea) and bardak (glass)||+ı (the k changes to ğ)|
Turkish is written using a Latin alphabet introduced in 1928 by Atatürk to replace the Ottoman Turkish alphabet, a version of Perso-Arabic alphabet. The Ottoman alphabet marked only three different vowels—long ā, ū and ī—and included several redundant consonants, such as variants of z (which were distinguished in Arabic but not in Turkish). The omission of short vowels in the Arabic script was claimed to make it particularly unsuitable for Turkish, which has eight vowels.
The reform of the script was an important step in the cultural reforms of the period. The task of preparing the new alphabet and selecting the necessary modifications for sounds specific to Turkish was entrusted to a Language Commission composed of prominent linguists, academics, and writers. The introduction of the new Turkish alphabet was supported by public education centers opened throughout the country, cooperation with publishing companies, and encouragement by Atatürk himself, who toured the country teaching the new letters to the public.As a result, there was a dramatic increase in literacy from its original Third World levels.
The Latin alphabet was applied to the Turkish language for educational purposes even before the 20th-century reform. Instances include a 1635 Latin-Albanian dictionary by Frang Bardhi, who also incorporated several sayings in the Turkish language, as an appendix to his work (e.g. alma agatsdan irak duschamas—"An apple does not fall far from its tree").
Turkish now has an alphabet suited to the sounds of the language: the spelling is largely phonemic, with one letter corresponding to each phoneme. ⟨c⟩, which denotes [dʒ] (⟨j⟩ being used for the [ʒ] found in Persian and European loans); and the undotted ⟨ı⟩, representing [ɯ]. As in German, ⟨ö⟩ and ⟨ü⟩ represent [ø] and [y]. The letter ⟨ğ⟩, in principle, denotes [ɣ] but has the property of lengthening the preceding vowel and assimilating any subsequent vowel. The letters ⟨ş⟩ and ⟨ç⟩ represent [ʃ] and [tʃ], respectively. A circumflex is written over back vowels following ⟨k⟩, ⟨g⟩, or ⟨l⟩ when these consonants represent [c], [ɟ], and [l]—almost exclusively in Arabic and Persian loans. An apostrophe is used to separate proper nouns from inflectional suffixes: e.g. İstanbul'da "in Istanbul"' (but not from derivational suffixes since 2009 spelling revision by TDK, e.g. İstanbullu "from/of Istanbul").[ citation needed ]Most of the letters are used approximately as in English, the main exceptions being
The Turkish alphabet consists of 29 letters (q, x, w omitted and ç, ş, ğ, ı, ö, ü added); the complete list is:
The specifically Turkish letters and spellings described above are illustrated in this table:
|çalıştığı||tʃaɫɯʃtɯˈɣɯ||where/that (s)he works/worked|
Dostlar Beni Hatırlasın by Aşık Veysel Şatıroğlu (1894–1973), a minstrel and highly regarded poet in the Turkish folk literature tradition.
|Ben giderim adım kalır||bæn ɟid̪e̞ɾim äd̪ɯm käɫɯɾ||I depart, my name remains|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
|Düğün olur bayram gelir||d̪yjyn o̞ɫuɾ bäjɾäm ɟe̞liɾ||There are weddings, there are feasts|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
|Can kafeste durmaz uçar||d͡ʒäŋ käfe̞st̪e̞ d̪uɾmäz ut͡ʃäɾ||The soul won't stay caged, it flies away|
|Dünya bir han konan göçer||d̪ynjä biɾ häŋ ko̞nän ɟø̞t͡ʃæɾ||The world is an inn, residents depart|
|Ay dolanır yıllar geçer||äj d̪o̞ɫänɯɾ jɯɫːäɾ ɟe̞t͡ʃæɾ||The moon wanders, years pass by|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
|Can bedenden ayrılacak||d͡ʒän be̞d̪ænd̪æn äjɾɯɫäd͡ʒäk||The soul will leave the body|
|Tütmez baca yanmaz ocak||t̪yt̪mæz bäd͡ʒä jänmäz o̞d͡ʒäk||The chimney won't smoke, furnace won't burn|
|Selam olsun kucak kucak||se̞läːm o̞ɫsuŋ kud͡ʒäk kud͡ʒäk||Goodbye goodbye to you all|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
|Açar solar türlü çiçek||ät͡ʃäɾ so̞läɾ t̪yɾly t͡ʃit͡ʃe̞c||Various flowers bloom and fade|
|Kimler gülmüş kim gülecek||cimlæɾ ɟylmyʃ cim ɟyle̞d͡ʒe̞c||Someone laughed, someone will laugh|
|Murat yalan ölüm gerçek||muɾät jäɫän ø̞lym ɟæɾt͡ʃe̞c||Wishes are lies, death is real|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
|Gün ikindi akşam olur||ɟyn icindi äkʃäm o̞ɫuɾ||Morning and afternoon turn to night|
|Gör ki başa neler gelir||ɟø̞ɾ ci bäʃä ne̞læɾ ɟe̞liɾ||And many things happen to a person anyway|
|Veysel gider adı kalır||ʋe̞jsæl ɟidæɾ äd̪ɯ käɫɯɾ||Veysel departs, his name remains|
|Dostlar beni hatırlasın||d̪o̞st̪ɫäɾ be̞ni hätɯɾɫäsɯn||May friends remember me|
In the Turkish province of Giresun, the locals in the village of Kuşköy have communicated using a whistled version of Turkish for over 400 years. The region consists of a series of deep valleys and the unusual mode of communication allows for conversation over distances of up to 5 kilometres. Turkish authorities estimate that there are still around 10,000 people using the whistled language. However, in 2011 UNESCO found whistling Turkish to be a dying language and included it in its intangible cultural heritage list. Since then the local education directorate has introduced it as a course in schools in the region, hoping to revive its use.
A study was conducted by a German scientist of Turkish origin Onur Güntürkün at Ruhr University, observing 31 "speakers" of kuş dili ("bird's tongue") from Kuşköy, and he found that the whistled language mirrored the lexical and syntactical structure of Turkish language.
Hungarian is a Finno-Ugric language spoken in Hungary and parts of several neighbouring countries. It is the official language of Hungary and one of the 24 official languages of the European Union. Outside Hungary it is also spoken by communities of Hungarians in the countries that today make up Slovakia, western Ukraine (Subcarpathia), central and western Romania (Transylvania), northern Serbia (Vojvodina), northern Croatia and northern Slovenia. It is also spoken by Hungarian diaspora communities worldwide, especially in North America and Israel. Like Finnish and Estonian, Hungarian belongs to the Uralic language family. With 13 million speakers, it is the family's largest member by number of speakers.
Igbo is the principal native language of the Igbo people, an ethnic group of southeastern Nigeria. The language has approximately 44 million speakers, who live mostly in Nigeria and are primarily of Igbo descent. Igbo is officially recognized as one of the three major official languages in Nigeria. Igbo is written in the Latin script, which was introduced by British colonialists.
Kyrgyz is a Turkic language spoken by about four million people in Kyrgyzstan as well as China, Afghanistan, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Turkey, Uzbekistan, Pakistan and Russia. Kyrgyz is a member of the Kyrgyz–Kipchak subgroup of the Kypchak languages, and modern-day language convergence has resulted in an increasing degree of mutual intelligibility between Kyrgyz and Kazakh.
The Mongolian language is the official language of Mongolia and both the most widely-spoken and best-known member of the Mongolic language family. The number of speakers across all its dialects may be 5.2 million, including the vast majority of the residents of Mongolia and many of the Mongolian residents of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region. In Mongolia, the Khalkha dialect, written in Cyrillic, is predominant, while in Inner Mongolia, the language is dialectally more diverse and is written in the traditional Mongolian script. In the discussion of grammar to follow, the variety of Mongolian treated is Standard Khalkha Mongolian, but much of what is to be said is also valid for vernacular (spoken) Khalkha and for other Mongolian dialects, especially Chakhar.
Chechen is a Northeast Caucasian language spoken by more than 1.4 million people, mostly in the Chechen Republic and by members of the Chechen diaspora throughout Russia, Jordan, Central Asia, and Georgia.
Sona is an international auxiliary language created by Kenneth Searight and described in a book he published in 1935. The word Sona in the language itself means "auxiliary neutral thing", but the name was also chosen to echo "sonority" or "sound".
Turkmen is the official language of Turkmenistan and the language of the Turkmen peoples of Central Asia. It is a Turkic language spoken by 5.9 million people in Turkmenistan as well as by around 719,000 people in Northeastern Iran and 1.5 million people in Northwestern Afghanistan. Not all "Turkmen" in Northeastern Iran are speakers of Turkmen; many are speakers of Khorasani Turkic.
Oromo is an Afroasiatic macrolanguage which is primarily composed of four distinct languages: Southern Oromo, which includes the Gabra and Sakuye varieties, Eastern Oromo, Orma, which includes the Munyo, Orma, Waata/Sanye varieties, and West Central Oromo. Like with the varieties of Arabic, Oromo is a dialect continuum, so language varieties spoken in neighbouring regions differ only slightly, but the differences accumulate over distance so widely-separated varieties are not mutually intelligible.
Chuvash is a Turkic language spoken in European Russia, primarily in the Chuvash Republic and adjacent areas. It is the only surviving member of the Oghur branch of Turkic languages. Because of this, Chuvash has diverged considerably from the other Turkic languages, which typically demonstrate mutual intelligibility among one another to varying degrees.
Yaqui, locally known as Yoeme or Yoem Noki, is a Native American language of the Uto-Aztecan family. It is spoken by about 20,000 Yaqui people, in the Mexican state of Sonora and across the border in Arizona in the United States.
The Warlpiri language is spoken by about 3,000 of the Warlpiri people in Australia's Northern Territory. It is one of the Ngarrkic languages of the large Pama–Nyungan family, and is one of the largest aboriginal languages in Australia in terms of number of speakers.
Turkish grammar, as described in this article, is the grammar of standard Turkish as spoken and written by educated people in the Republic of Turkey. The grammars of other Turkic languages such as Azeri, Uzbek, Kazakh, and Uyghur are similar, although they differ in details.
This article is a companion to Turkish grammar and contains some information that might be considered grammatical. The purpose of this article is mainly to show the use of some of the yapım ekleri "structural suffixes" of the Turkish language, as well as to give some of the structurally important words, like pronouns, determiners, postpositions, and conjunctions.
The replacing of loanwords in Turkish is part of a policy of Turkification dating back to the Ottoman Empire. Contemporary Turkish includes Ottoman Turkish loanwords—mostly of Persian and French, but also Arabic, Greek, and Italian origin—which were officially replaced with their Turkish counterparts suggested by the Turkish Language Association as a part of the cultural reforms—in the broader framework of Atatürk's Reforms—following the foundation of Republic of Turkey.
Tsez, also known as Dido is a Northeast Caucasian language with about 15,354 speakers (2002) spoken by the Tsez, a Muslim people in the mountainous Tsunta District of southwestern Dagestan in Russia. The name is said to derive from the Tsez word for "eagle", which is most likely a folk etymology. The name Dido is derived from the Georgian word დიდი (didi), meaning "big".
Khwarshi is a Northeast Caucasian language spoken in the Tsumadinsky-, Kizilyurtovsky- and Khasavyurtovsky districts of Dagestan by the Khwarshi people. The exact number of speakers is not known, but the linguist Zaira Khalilova, who has carried out fieldwork in the period from 2005 to 2009, gives the figure 8,500. Other sources give much lower figures, such as Ethnologue with the figure 1,870 and the latest population census of Russia with the figure 1,872. The low figures are because many Khwarshi have registered themselves as being Avar speakers, which is also considered their literary language.
A notable feature of the phonology of Istanbul Turkish is a system of vowel harmony that causes vowels in most words to be either front or back and either rounded or unrounded. Velar stop consonants have palatal allophones before front vowels.
Yakut, also known as Sakha, Saqa or Saxa, is a Turkic language with around 450,000 native speakers spoken in the Sakha Republic in the Russian Federation by the Yakuts.
Uyghur is a Turkic language spoken mostly in the west of China.
Turkish is the national language of Turkey, spoken by about 60 million people, or 90 percent of the country’s population. There are also some 750,000 speakers in Bulgaria, 150,000 in Cyprus, and 100,000 in Greece. In recent decades a large Turkish-speaking community has formed in Germany, numbering over 2 million people, and smaller ones exist in France, Austria, the Netherlands, Belgium, and other European countries. (90% of 2018 population would be 73 million)
|Turkish edition of Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia|