Turkish phonology

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The phonology of Turkish deals with current phonology and phonetics, particularly of Istanbul Turkish. A notable feature of the phonology of Turkish is a system of vowel harmony that causes vowels in most words to be either front or back and either rounded or unrounded. Velar stop consonants have palatal allophones before front vowels.

Contents

Consonants

Consonant phonemes of Standard Turkish [1]
Labial Dental/
Alveolar 		Postalveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Nasal m n
Plosive/
affricate 		voiceless p t t͡ʃ ( c )1 k 4
voiced b d d͡ʒ ( ɟ )1 ɡ
Fricative voiceless f s ʃ h
voiced v z ʒ 3
Approximant ( ɫ )1 l 5 j ( ɰ )2
Flap ɾ
  1. In native Turkic words, the velar consonants /k,ɡ/ are palatalized to [c,ɟ] (similar to Russian) when adjacent to the front vowels /e,i,œ,y/. Similarly, the consonant /l/ is realized as a clear or light [ l ] next to front vowels (including word finally), and as a velarized [ ɫ ] next to the central and back vowels /a,ɯ,o,u/. These alternations are not indicated orthographically: the same letters ⟨k⟩, ⟨g⟩, and ⟨l⟩ are used for both pronunciations. In foreign borrowings and proper nouns, however, these distinct realizations of /k,ɡ,l/ are contrastive. In particular, [c,ɟ] and clear [ l ] are sometimes found in conjunction with the vowels [a] and [u]. This pronunciation can be indicated by adding a circumflex accent over the vowel: e.g. gâvur ('infidel'), mahkûm ('condemned'), lâzım ('necessary'), although the use of this diacritic has become increasingly archaic. [2] An example of a minimal pair is kar ('snow') vs. kâr (with palatalized [c]) ('profit'). [3]
  2. In addition, there is a debatable phoneme, called yumuşak g ('soft g') and written ⟨ ğ ⟩, which only occurs after a vowel. It is sometimes transcribed /ɰ/ or /ɣ/. Between back vowels, it may be silent or sound like a bilabial glide. Between front vowels, it is either silent or realized as [j], depending on the preceding and following vowels. When not between vowels (that is, word finally and before a consonant), it is generally realized as vowel length, lengthening the preceding vowel, or as a slight [j] if preceded by a front vowel. [4] According to Zimmer & Orgun (1999), who transcribe this sound as /ɣ/:
    • Word-finally and preconsonantally, it lengthens the preceding vowel. [3]
    • Between front vowels it is an approximant, either front-velar [ ɰ̟ ] or palatal [ j ]. [3]
    • Otherwise, intervocalic /ɣ/ is phonetically zero (deleted). [3] Before the loss of this sound, Turkish did not allow vowel sequences in native words, and today the letter ⟨ğ⟩ serves largely to indicate vowel length and vowel sequences where /ɰ/ once occurred. [5]
  3. The phoneme /ʒ/ only occurs in loanwords. It's often, but not always, replaced with [d͡ʒ] when it occurs word-initially.
  4. [ q ] is an allophone of /k/ before back vowels /a,ɯ,o,u/ in many dialects in eastern and southeastern Turkey, including Hatay dialect.
  5. [l] can undergo delateralisation - for example, değil ("not") is pronounced [de.ij] rather than [de.il].

Phonetic notes:

Consonant assimilation

Because of assimilation, an initial voiced consonant of a suffix is devoiced when the word it is attached to ends in a voiceless consonant. For example,

Vowels

Vowels of Turkish. From Zimmer & Orgun (1999:155) Turkish vowel chart.svg
Vowels of Turkish. From Zimmer & Orgun (1999 :155)

The vowels of the Turkish language are, in their alphabetical order, ⟨a⟩, ⟨e⟩, ⟨ı⟩, ⟨i⟩, ⟨o⟩, ⟨ö⟩, ⟨u⟩, ⟨ü⟩. There are no phonemic diphthongs in Turkish and when two vowels are adjacent in the spelling of a word, which only occurs in some loanwords, each vowel retains its individual sound (e.g. aile [a.i.le], laik [la.ic]). In some words, a diphthong in the donor language (e.g. the [aw] in Arabic نَوْبَة[naw.ba(t)]) is replaced by a monophthong (for the example, the [œ] in nöbet [nœ.bet]). In some other words, the diphthong becomes a two-syllable form with a semivocalic /j/ in between.

Istanbul Turkish vowel phonemes [3] [10]
Front Back
unrounded rounded unroundedrounded
Close i y ɯ u
Open e œ a o
Example words for vowels
Phoneme IPA Orthography English translation
/i//ˈdil/dil'tongue'
/y//ɟyˈneʃ/güneş'sun'
/ɯ//ɯˈɫɯk/ılık'warm'
/u//uˈt͡ʃak/uçak'aeroplane'
/e//ˈses/ses'sound'
/œ//ˈɟœz/göz'eye'
/a//ˈdaɫ/dal'branch'
/o//ˈjoɫ/yol'way'

Vowel harmony

Turkish Vowel Harmony Front Back
unroundedroundedunroundedrounded
Vowelse/e/i/i/ü/y/ö/œ/a/a/ı/ɯ/u/u/o/o/
Twofold (Simple system)ea
Fourfold (Complex system)iüıu

With some exceptions, native Turkish words follow a system of vowel harmony, meaning that they incorporate either exclusively back vowels (/a,ɯ,o,u/) or exclusively front vowels (/e,i,œ,y/), as, for example, in the words karanlıktaydılar ('they were in the dark') and düşünceliliklerinden ('due to their thoughtfulness'). /oœ/ only occur in the initial syllable. Native Turkish grammar books call the backness harmony major vowel harmony, and the combined backness and lip harmony minor vowel harmony.

The Turkish vowel system can be considered as being three-dimensional, where vowels are characterised by three features: front/back, rounded/unrounded, and high/low, resulting in eight possible combinations, each corresponding to one Turkish vowel, as shown in the table.

Vowel harmony of grammatical suffixes is realized through "a chameleon-like quality", [15] meaning that the vowels of suffixes change to harmonize with the vowel of the preceding syllable. According to the changeable vowel, there are two patterns:

The vowel /œ/ does not occur in grammatical suffixes. In the isolated case of /o/ in the verbal progressive suffix -i4yor it is immutable, breaking the vowel harmony such as in yürüyor ('[he/she/it] is walking'). -iyor stuck because it derived from a former compounding "-i yorı". [note 3]

Some examples illustrating the use of vowel harmony in Turkish with the copula -dir4 ('[he/she/it] is'):

Compound words do not undergo vowel harmony in their constituent words as in bugün ('today'; from bu, 'this', and gün, 'day') and başkent ('capital'; from baş, 'prime', and kent, 'city') unless it is specifically derived that way. Vowel harmony does not usually apply to loanword roots and some invariant suffixes, such as and -ken ('while ...-ing'). In the suffix -e2bil ('may' or 'can'), only the first vowel undergoes vowel harmony. The suffix -ki ('belonging to ...') is mostly invariant, except in the words bugünkü ('today's') dünkü ('yesterday's'), and çünkü ( 'because that').

There are a few native Turkish words that do not have vowel harmony such as anne ('mother'). In such words, suffixes harmonize with the final vowel as in annedir ('she is a mother'). Also suffixes added to foreign borrowings and proper nouns usually harmonize their vowel with the syllable immediately preceding the suffix: Amsterdam'da ('in Amsterdam'), Paris'te ('in Paris').

Consonantal effects

In most words, consonants are neutral or transparent and have no effect on vowel harmony. In borrowed vocabulary, however, back vowel harmony can be interrupted by the presence of a "front" (i.e. coronal or labial) consonant, and in rarer cases, front vowel harmony can be reversed by the presence of a "back" consonant.

noundative
case		meaningtype
of l		noundative
case		meaningtype
of l
hâlhâlesituationclearrolroleroleclear
halhaleclosed
market		clearsolsoleG (musical
note)		clear
salsalaraftdarksolsolaleftdark

For example, Arabic and French loanwords containing back vowels may nevertheless end in a clear [l] instead of a velarized [ɫ]. Harmonizing suffixes added to such words contain front vowels. [16] The table above gives some examples.

Arabic loanwords ending in ⟨k⟩ usually take front-vowel suffixes if the origin is kāf, but back-vowel suffixes if the origin is qāf: e.g. idrak-i ('perception' acc. from إدراكidrāk) vs. fevk-ı ('top' acc. from ← فوقfawq). Loanwords ending in ⟨at⟩ derived from Arabic tāʼ marbūṭah take front-vowel suffixes: e.g. saat-e ('hour' dat. from ساعةsāʿat), seyahat-e ('trip' dat. from سياحةsiyāḥat). Words ending in ⟨at⟩ derived from the Arabic feminine plural ending -āt or from devoicing of Arabic dāl take the expected back-vowel suffixes: e.g. edebiyat-ı ('literature' acc. from أدبيّاتadabiyyāt), maksat, maksadı ('purpose', nom. and acc. from مقصد maqṣad). [17]

Front-vowel suffixes are also used with many Arabic monosyllables containing ⟨a⟩ followed by two consonants, the second of which is a front consonant: e.g. harfi ('letter' acc.), harp/harbi ('war', nom. and acc.). Some combinations of consonants give rise to vowel insertion, and in these cases the epenthetic vowel may also be front vowel: e.g. vakit ('time') and vakti ('time' acc.) from وقتwaqt; fikir ('idea') and fikri (acc.) from فِكْرfikr. [18]

There is a tendency to eliminate these exceptional consonantal effects and to apply vowel harmony more regularly, especially for frequent words and those whose foreign origin is not apparent. [19] For example, the words rahat ('comfort') and sanat ('art') take back-vowel suffixes, even though they derive from Arabic tāʼ marbūṭah.

Phonotactics

Turkish phonotactics is almost completely regular. The maximal syllable structure is (C)V(C)(C). [note 4] Although Turkish words can take multiple final consonants, the possibilities are limited. Multi-syllable words are syllabified to have C.CV or V.CV syllable splits, C.V split is disallowed, V.V split is only found in rare specific occurrences.

Turkish only allows complex onsets in a few recent English, French and Italian loanwords, making them CCVC(C)(C), such as Fransa, plan, program, propaganda, strateji, stres, steril and tren. Even in these words, the complex onsets are only pronounced as such in very careful speech. Otherwise, speakers often epenthesize a vowel after the first consonant. Although some loanwords add a written vowel in front of them to reflect this breaking of complex onsets (for example the French station was borrowed as istasyon to Turkish), epenthetic vowels in loan words are not usually reflected in spelling. This differs from orthographic conventions of the early 20th century that did reflect this epenthesis.

Rural dialects regularize many of the exceptions described above.[ citation needed ]

Word-accent

Turkish words are said to have an accent on one syllable of the word. In most words the accent comes on the last syllable of the word, but there are some words, such as place names, foreign borrowings, words containing certain suffixes, and certain adverbs, where the accent comes earlier in the word.

A phonetic study by Levi (2005) shows that when a word has non-final accent, e.g. banmamak ('not to dip'), the accented syllable is higher in pitch than the following ones; it may also have slightly greater intensity (i.e. be louder) than an unaccented syllable in the same position. In longer words, such as sinirlenmeyecektiniz ('you would not get angry'), the syllables preceding the accent can also be high pitched. [20]

When the accent is final, as in banmak ('to dip'), there is often a slight rise in pitch, but with some speakers there is no appreciable rise in pitch. The final syllable is also often more intense (louder) than the preceding one. Some scholars consider such words to be unaccented. [21]

Stress or pitch?

Although most treatments of Turkish refer to the word-accent as "stress", some scholars consider it a kind of pitch accent. [22] Underhill (1986) writes that stress in Turkish "is actually pitch accent rather than dynamic stress." [23] An acoustic study, Levi (2005), agrees with this assessment, concluding that though duration and intensity of the accented syllable are significant, the most reliable cue to accent-location is the pitch of the vowel. [24] In its word-accent, therefore, Turkish "bears a great similarity with other pitch-accent languages such as Japanese, Basque, and Serbo-Croatian". [24] Similarly, Özcelik (2016), noting the difference in phonetic realisation between final and non-final accent, proposes that "Final accent in Turkish is not 'stress', but is formally a boundary tone." [25] According to this analysis therefore, only words with non-final accent are accented, and all other words are accentless.

However, not all researchers agree with this conclusion. Kabak (2016) writes: "Finally stressed words do not behave like accentless words and there is no unequivocal evidence that the language has a pitch-accent system."

Pronunciation of the accent

A non-final accent is generally pronounced with a relatively high pitch followed by a fall in pitch on the following syllable. The syllables preceding the accent may either be slightly lower than the accented syllable or on a plateau with it. [26] In words like sözcükle ('with a word'), where the first and third syllable are louder than the second, it is nonetheless the second syllable which is considered to have the accent, because it is higher in pitch, and followed by a fall in pitch. [27]

However, the accent can disappear in certain circumstances; for example, when the word is the second part of a compound, e.g. çoban salatası ('shepherd salad'), from salata, or Litvanya lokantası ('Lithuania(n) restaurant'), from lokanta. [28] In this case only the first word is accented.

If the accented vowel is final, it is often slightly higher in pitch than the preceding syllable; [29] but in some contexts or with some speakers there is no rise in pitch. [30] [31] [32]

Intonational tones

In addition to the accent on words, intonational tones can also be heard in Turkish. One of these is a rising boundary tone, which is a sharp rise in pitch frequently heard at the end of a phrase, especially on the last syllable of the topic of a sentence. [33] The phrase ondan sonra↑ ('after that,...'), for example, is often pronounced with a rising boundary tone on the last syllable (indicated here by an arrow).

Another intonational tone, heard in yes–no questions, is a high tone or intonational pitch-accent on the syllable before the particle mi/mu, e.g. Bu elmalar taze mi? ('Are these apples fresh?'). This tone tends to be much higher in pitch than the normal word-accent. [34]

A raised pitch is also used in Turkish to indicate focus (the word containing the important information being conveyed to the listener). "Intonation ... may override lexical pitch in Turkish". [35]

Final accent

As stated above, word-final accent is the usual pattern in Turkish:

When a non-preaccenting suffix is added, the accent moves to the suffix:

Non-final accent in Turkish words

Non-final accent in Turkish words is generally caused by the addition of certain suffixes to the word. Some of these (always of two syllables, such as -iyor) are accented themselves; others put an accent on the syllable which precedes them.

Accented suffixes

These include the following: [37]

  • -iyor (continuous): geliyor ('he is coming'), geliyordular ('they were coming')
  • -erek/-arak ('by'): gelerek ('by coming')
  • -ince ('when'): gelince ('when he comes')
  • -iver ('suddenly', 'quickly'): gidiverecek ('he will quickly go') [38]

Note that since a focus word frequently precedes a verb (see below), causing any following accent to be neutralised, these accents on verbs can often not be heard.

Pre-accenting suffixes

Among the pre-accenting suffixes are:

  • -me-/-ma- (negative), e.g. korkma! ('don't be afraid!'), gelmedim ('I did not come').
    The pre-accenting is also seen in combination with -iyor: gelmiyor ('he/she/it does not come').
    However, in the aorist tense the negative is stressed: sönmez ('it will never extinguish').
  • -le/-la ('with'): öfkeyle ('with anger, angrily')
  • -ce/-ca ('-ish'): Türkçe ('Turkish')
  • -ki ('that which belongs to'): benimki ('my one') [39]

The following, though written separately, are pronounced as if pre-accenting suffixes, and the stress on the final syllable of the preceding word is more pronounced than usual:

  • de/da ('also', 'even'): elmalar da ('even apples')
  • mi/mu (interrogative): elmalar mı? ('apples?')

Less commonly found pre-accenting suffixes are -leyin (during) and -sizin (without), e.g. akşamleyin (in the evening), gelmeksizin (without coming). [40]

Copular suffixes

Suffixes meaning 'is' or 'was' added to nouns, adjectives or participles, and which act like a copula, are pre-accenting: [41]

  • hastaydı ('he/she/it was ill')
  • çocuklar ('they are children')
  • Mustafadır ('it's Mustafa')
  • öğrenciysem ('if I am a student')

Copular suffixes are also pre-accenting when added to the following participles: future (-ecek/-acak), aorist (-er/-ir), and obligation (-meli): [42]

  • gidecektiler ('they would go')
  • saklanırdınız ('you used to hide yourself')
  • bulurum ('I find')
  • gidersin ('you go')
  • gitmeliler ('they ought to go') [43]

Often at the end of a sentence the verb is unaccented, with all the syllables on the same pitch. Suffixes such as -di and -se/-sa are not pre-accenting if they are added directly to the verb stem:

  • gitti ('he/she/it went')
  • gitse ('if he goes')

This accentual pattern can disambiguate homographic words containing possessive suffixes or the plural suffix: [44]

  • benim ('it's me'), vs. benim ('my')
  • çocuklar ('they are children'), vs. çocuklar ('children')

Compounds

Compound nouns are usually accented on the first element only. Any accent on the second element is lost: [45]

  • başbakan ('prime minister')
  • başkent ('capital city')

The same is true of compound and intensive adjectives: [46]

  • sütbeyaz ('milk white')
  • masmavi ('very blue')

Some compounds, however, are accented on the final, for example those of the form verb-verb or subject-verb: [47]

  • uyurgezer ('sleep-walker')
  • hünkârbeğendi ('lamb served on aubergine purée', lit. 'the sultan liked it')

Remaining compounds have Sezer-type accent on whole word. Compound numerals are accented like one word or separately depending on speaker.

Other words with non-final accent

Certain adverbs take initial accent: [48]

  • nerede? ('where?'), nereye? ('where to?'), nasıl ('how?'), hangi? ('which?')
  • yarın ('tomorrow'), sonra ('afterwards'), şimdi ('now'), yine ('again')

Certain adverbs ending in -en/-an have penultimate accent unless they end in a cretic (– u x) rhythm, thus following the Sezer rule (see below):

  • iktisa:den ('economically')
  • tekeffülen ('by surety')

Some kinship terms are irregularly accented on the first syllable: [49]

  • anne ('mother'), teyze ('maternal aunt'), hala ('paternal aunt'), dayı ('maternal uncle'), amca ('paternal uncle'), kardeş ('brother/sister'), kayın ('in-law')

Two accents in the same word

When two pre-accenting suffixes are added to a word with a non-final accent, only the first accent is pronounced: [38]

  • Türkçe de ('Turkish also')
  • Ankara'daydı ('he was in Ankara')

However, the accent preceding the negative -ma-/-me- may take precedence over an earlier accent: [50]

  • Avrupalılaşmalı ('needing to become Europeanised')
  • Avrupalılaşmamalı ('needing not to become Europeanised')

In the following pair also, the accent shifts from the object to the position before the negative: [51]

  • Ali iskambil oynadı ('Ali played cards')
  • Ali iskambil oynamadı ('Ali didn't play cards')

However, even the negative suffix accent may disappear if the focus is elsewhere. Thus in sentences of the kind "not A but B", the element B is focussed, while A loses its accent. [52] gives a pitch track of the following sentence, in which the only tone on the first word is a rising boundary tone on the last syllable -lar: [53]

  • Yorulmuyorlar↑, eğleniyorlardı ('They weren't getting tired, they were having fun').

In the second word, eğleniyorlardı, the highest pitch is on the syllable eğ and the accent on the suffix -iyor- almost entirely disappears.

Place names

Place names usually follow a different accentual pattern, known in the linguistics literature as "Sezer stress" (after the discoverer of the pattern, Engin Sezer). [54] According to this rule, place names that have a heavy syllable (CVC) in the antepenultimate position, followed by a light syllable (CV) in penultimate position (that is, those ending with a cretic ¯ ˘ ¯ or dactylic ¯ ˘ ˘ rhythm), have a fixed antepenultimate stress:

Most other place names have a fixed penultimate stress:

Some exceptions to the Sezer stress rule have been noted: [55]

(a) Many foreign place names, as well as some Turkish names of foreign origin, have fixed penultimate stress, even when they have cretic rhythm:

But Moskova ('Moscow') has Sezer stress. [56]

(b) Names ending in -iye have antepenultimate stress:

(c) Names ending in -hane, -istan, -lar, -mez and some others have regular final (unfixed) stress:

(d) Names formed from common words which already have a fixed accent retain the accent in the same place:

(e) Compounds (other than those listed above) are generally accented on the first element:

(f) Other exceptions:

As with all other words, names which are accented on the penultimate or antepenultimate retain the stress in the same place even when pre-accenting suffixes are added, while those accented on the final syllable behave like other final-accented words:. [56] [59]

Personal names

Turkish personal names, unlike place names, have final accent: [48]

When the speaker is calling someone by their name, the accent may sometimes move up: [60]

Ordinary words also have a different accent in the vocative: [49]

Some surnames have non-final stress:

Others have regular stress:

Foreign surnames tend to be accented on the penultimate syllable, regardless of the accent in the original language: [65]

Foreign words

The majority of foreign words in Turkish, especially most of those from Arabic, have normal final stress:

The same is true of some more recent borrowings from western languages: [66]

On the other hand, many other foreign words follow the Sezer rules. [67] So words with a dactylic or cretic ending ( ¯ ˘ * ) often have antepenultimate accent:

Those with other patterns accordingly have penultimate accent:

Some have irregular stress, though still either penultimate or antepenultimate:

The accent on these last is not fixed, but moves to the end when non-preaccenting suffixes are added, e.g. istimbotlar ('steamboats'). However, words with non-final accent keep the accent in the same place, e.g. masalar ('tables').

Phrase-accent

The accent in phrases where one noun qualifies another is exactly the same as that of compound nouns. That is, the first noun usually retains its accent, and the second one loses it: [69]

The same is true when an adjective or numeral qualifies a noun: [46] [70]

The same is also true of prepositional phrases: [71]

An indefinite object or focussed definite object followed by a positive verb is also accented exactly like a compound, with an accent on the object only, not the verb: [72]

Focus accent

Focus also plays a part in the accentuation of subject and verb. Thus in the first sentence below, the focus (the important information which the speaker wishes to communicate) is on "a man", and only the first word has an accent while the verb is accentless; in the second sentence the focus is on "came", which has the stronger accent: [74]

When there are several elements in a Turkish sentence, the focussed word is often placed before the verb and has the strongest accent:. [75] [76]

For the same reason, a question-word such as kim ('who?') is placed immediately before the verb: [77]

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Most monosyllabic words ending in orthographic ⟨k⟩, such as pek ('quite'), are phonologically /kc/, but nearly all polysyllabic nouns with ⟨k⟩ are phonologically /ɡ/. Lewis (2001 :10). Proper nouns ending in ⟨k⟩, such as İznik, are equally subject to this phonological process but have invariant orthographic rendering.
  2. ↑ For the terms "twofold" and "fourfold", as well as the superscript notation, see Lewis (1953 :21–22). Lewis later preferred to omit the superscripts, on the grounds that "there is no need for this once the principle has been grasped" Lewis (2001 :18).
  3. ↑ There are several other compounding auxiliaries in Turkish, such as -i ver-, -a gel-, -a yaz-.
  4. ↑ Some dialects simplify it further into (C)V(C).

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The Warlpiri language is spoken by close to 3,000 of the Warlpiri people from the Tanami Desert, northwest of Alice Springs, Central Australia. It is one of the Ngarrkic languages of the large Pama–Nyungan family and is one of the largest Aboriginal languages in Australia in terms of number of speakers. One of the most well-known terms for The Dreaming, Jukurrpa, derives from Warlpiri.

In linguistics, apophony is an alternation of vowel (quality) within a word that indicates grammatical information.

The phonology of the Persian language varies between regional dialects, standard varieties, and even from older varieties of Persian. Persian is a pluricentric language and countries that have Persian as an official language have separate standard varieties, namely: Standard Dari (Afghanistan), Standard Iranian Persian (Iran) and Standard Tajik (Tajikistan). The most significant differences between standard varieties of Persian are their vowel systems. Standard varieties of Persian have anywhere from 6 to 8 vowel distinctions, and similar vowels may be pronounced differently between standards. However, there are not many notable differences when comparing consonants, as all standard varieties have a similar number of consonant sounds. Though, colloquial varieties generally have more differences than their standard counterparts. Most dialects feature contrastive stress and syllable-final consonant clusters. Linguists tend to focus on Iranian Persian, so this article may contain less adequate information regarding other varieties.

Wintu is a Wintu language which was spoken by the Wintu people of Northern California. It was the northernmost member of the Wintun family of languages. The Wintun family of languages was spoken in the Shasta County, Trinity County, Sacramento River Valley and in adjacent areas up to the Carquinez Strait of San Francisco Bay. Wintun is a branch of the hypothetical Penutian language phylum or stock of languages of western North America, more closely related to four other families of Penutian languages spoken in California: Maiduan, Miwokan, Yokuts, and Costanoan.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Aguaruna language</span> Chicham language of Peru

Aguaruna is an indigenous American language of the Chicham family spoken by the Aguaruna people in Northern Peru. According to Ethnologue, based on the 2007 Census, 53,400 people out of the 55,700 ethnic group speak Aguaruna, making up almost the entire population. It is used vigorously in all domains of life, both written and oral. It is written with the Latin script. The literacy rate in Aguaruna is 60–90%. However, there are few monolingual speakers today; nearly all speakers also speak Spanish. The school system begins with Aguaruna, and as the students progress, Spanish is gradually added. There is a positive outlook and connotation in regard to bilingualism. 50 to 75% of the Aguaruna population are literate in Spanish. A modest dictionary of the language has been published.

The phonology of the Proto-Indo-European language (PIE) has been reconstructed by linguists, based on the similarities and differences among current and extinct Indo-European languages. Because PIE was not written, linguists must rely on the evidence of its earliest attested descendants, such as Hittite, Sanskrit, Ancient Greek, and Latin, to reconstruct its phonology.

Taos is a Tanoan language spoken by several hundred people in New Mexico, in the United States. The main description of its phonology was contributed by George L. Trager in a (pre-generative) structuralist framework. Earlier considerations of the phonetics-phonology were by John P. Harrington and Jaime de Angulo. Trager's first account was in Trager (1946) based on fieldwork 1935-1937, which was then substantially revised in Trager (1948). The description below takes Trager (1946) as the main point of departure and notes where this differs from the analysis of Trager (1948). Harrington's description is more similar to Trager (1946). Certain comments from a generative perspective are noted in a comparative work Hale (1967).

This article covers the phonology of the Uyghur language. Uyghur, a Turkic language spoken primarily in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region features both vowel harmony and vowel reduction.

Awara is one of the Finisterre languages of Papua New Guinea. It is part of a dialect chain with Wantoat, but in only 60–70% lexically similar. There are around 1900 Awara speakers that live on the southern slopes of the Finisterre Range, they live along the east and west sides of Leron River basin.

Proto-Slavic is the unattested, reconstructed proto-language of all Slavic languages. It represents Slavic speech approximately from the 2nd millennium BC through the 6th century AD. As with most other proto-languages, no attested writings have been found; scholars have reconstructed the language by applying the comparative method to all the attested Slavic languages and by taking into account other Indo-European languages.

This article is about the phonology and phonetics of the Kyrgyz language.

References

  1. 1 2 Zimmer & Orgun (1999), pp. 154–155.
  2. ↑ Lewis (2001), pp. 3–4, 6–7.
  3. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Zimmer & Orgun (1999), p. 155.
  4. ↑ Göksel & Kerslake (2005), p. 7.
  5. ↑ Comrie (1997), p. ?.
  6. ↑ Zimmer & Orgun (1999), p. 154.
  7. 1 2 3 Göksel & Kerslake (2005), p. 6.
  8. ↑ Göksel & Kerslake (2005), pp. 5, 7–9.
  9. 1 2 Yavuz & Balcı (2011), p. 25.
  10. ↑ Göksel & Kerslake (2005), pp. 9–11.
  11. 1 2 3 Göksel & Kerslake (2005), p. 10.
  12. 1 2 Kılıç & Öğüt (2004), p. ?.
  13. 1 2 Göksel & Kerslake (2005), pp. 10–11.
  14. 1 2 Korkmaz (2017), pp. 69–71.
  15. ↑ Lewis (1953), p. 21.
  16. ↑ Uysal (1980 :9): "Gerek Arapça ve Farsça, gerekse Batı dillerinden Türkçe'ye giren kelimeler «ince l (le)» ile biterse, son hecede kalın ünlü bulunsa bile -ki bunlar da ince okunur- eklerdeki ünlüler ince okunur: Hal-i, ihtimal-i, istiklal-i..."
  17. ↑ Lewis (2001), pp. 17–18.
  18. ↑ Lewis (2001), pp. 9–10, 18.
  19. ↑ Lewis (2001), p. 18.
  20. ↑ Levi (2005), p. 95.
  21. ↑ Özcelik (2014), p. 10.
  22. ↑ E.g. Lewis (2001), Underhill (1976), cited by Levi (2005 :75)
  23. ↑ Underhill (1986 :11), quoted in Levi (2005 :75)
  24. 1 2 Levi (2005), p. 94.
  25. ↑ Özcelik (2016), p. 10.
  26. ↑ Levi (2005), pp. 85, 95.
  27. ↑ Levi (2005), p. 85.
  28. ↑ Kabak (2016) fig. 11.
  29. ↑ Levi (2005), p. 80.
  30. ↑ Kabak (2016) fig. 3.
  31. ↑ Levi (2005 :90) "Some speakers show only a plateau between the pre-accented and accented syllables."
  32. ↑ Cf. Forvo: arkadaşlarım
  33. ↑ Cf. Kabak (2016) fig. 3.
  34. ↑ Forvo: Bu elmalar taze mi?
  35. ↑ Kabak (2016)
  36. ↑ Forvo: elmalar
  37. ↑ Özcelik (2014), p. 232.
  38. 1 2 Inkelas & Orgun (2003), p. 142.
  39. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 328.
  40. ↑ Özcelik (2014), p. 251.
  41. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), pp. 330–1.
  42. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 329.
  43. ↑ Revithiadou et al. (2006), p. 5.
  44. ↑ Halbout & Güzey (2001), pp. 56–58.
  45. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), pp. 333, 339.
  46. 1 2 Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 339.
  47. ↑ Kamali & İkizoğlu (2012), p. 3.3.
  48. 1 2 3 Dursunoğlu (2006), p. 272.
  49. 1 2 Börekçi (2005), p. 191.
  50. ↑ Revithiadou et al. (2006), p. 6.
  51. ↑ Kamali & Samuels (2008), p. 4.
  52. ↑ Kabak (2016)
  53. ↑ Kabak (2016) fig. 1.
  54. ↑ Sezer (1981), p. ?.
  55. ↑ Inkelas & Orgun (2003), p. 142–152.
  56. 1 2 3 Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 325.
  57. ↑ Forvo: Anadolu
  58. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 337.
  59. ↑ Özcelik (2016), p. 17.
  60. 1 2 Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 316.
  61. ↑ Forvo: Erdoğan
  62. ↑ Forvo: Erbakan
  63. ↑ Forvo: İnönü
  64. ↑ Forvo: Atatürk
  65. ↑ Sezer (1981), pp. 64–5.
  66. ↑ Inkelas & Orgun (2003), p. 143.
  67. ↑ Sezer (1981), pp. 65–6.
  68. ↑ Özcelik (2014), p. 231.
  69. ↑ Kabak (2016) , fig. 11.
  70. ↑ Dursunoğlu (2006), p. 273.
  71. 1 2 Kamali & İkizoğlu (2012), p. ?.
  72. ↑ Inkelas & Orgun (2003), p. 141.
  73. ↑ Kabak & Vogel (2001), p. 338.
  74. ↑ Özcelik (2016), p. 20.
  75. ↑ Dursunoğlu (2006), pp. 273–4.
  76. ↑ Özcelik (2016), pp. 19–20.
  77. ↑ Dursunoğlu (2006), p. 274.

Bibliography

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