This article explains the phonology of Malay and Indonesian based on the pronunciation of Standard Malay, which is the official language of Brunei and Singapore, "Malaysian" of Malaysia, and Indonesian the official language of Indonesia and a working language in Timor Leste. There are two main standards for Malay pronunciation, the Johor-Riau standard which is derived from the influential Johor-Riau accent, used in Brunei and Malaysia, and the Baku (lit. 'standard' in Malay/Indonesian) standard which follows a "pronounce as spelt" approach to pronunciation where each letter represents only one phoneme (e.g. ⟨u⟩ is always /u/ unlike in Johor-Riau Malay where it can also be /o/), used in Indonesia and Singapore.[1]
The consonants of standard Bruneian Malay,[2] Malaysian Malay,[3] and also Indonesian[4] are shown below. Non-native consonants that only occur in borrowed words, principally from Arabic, Dutch, English and Sanskrit, are shown in parentheses. Some analyses list 19 "primary consonants" for Malay as the 18 symbols that are not in parentheses in the table as well as the glottal stop [ʔ].[5][6]
Consonant phonemes of Standard Malay and Indonesian
/ð/ is written as ⟨z⟩. Before 1972, this sound was written as ⟨dh⟩ or ⟨dz⟩ in Brunei, Malaysia, and Singapore.
/θ/ is written ⟨s⟩. Before 1972, this sound was written as ⟨th⟩ in Brunei, Malaysia, and Singapore.
Notes
/p/, /t/, /k/ are unaspirated, as in the Romance languages, or as in English spy, sty, sky. In syllable codas, they are usually unreleased, with final /k/ generally being realised as a glottal stop in native words. There is generally no liaison, that is, no audible release even when followed by a vowel in another word, as in kulit ubi (tapioca skins) [ˈkulit̚ˈʔubi], though they are pronounced as a normal medial consonant when followed by a suffix.
In Brunei Malay, unlike in Malaysian Malay, final /k/ has velar and uvular realizations so that a word like peluk (hug) could be pronounced as either [pəlʊk] or [pəlʊq] instead of as [pəlʊʔ] as in Malaysian Malay. That said, the Malaysian pattern is sometimes found in Brunei too due to Malaysian influence.[2]
/t/ is dental or supradental [t̪] in most varieties of Malay and in Indonesian, but not in Brunei Malay where it is alveolar.[2][4][7]
At prefix-stem boundaries, when the prefix ends in a vowel (e.g. ke- and di-) and the stem word starts with a vowel, a glottal stop [ʔ] is epenthesized as a way of avoiding vowel hiatus, so a word like diangkat (to be lifted) which is formed by combining the di- prefix with the stem angkat (to lift) would be pronounced as [di.ʔaŋ.kat].[8]
Epenthesizing a glottal stop as a way of avoiding vowel hiatus is found at stem-suffix boundaries too but only when the final vowel of the stem is not /u/ or /i/ such as in the word cubaan (attempt) which is formed by combining the stem cuba (to try) with the suffix -an and is pronounced as [t͡ʃu.ba.ʔan]. In the case that the final vowel of the stem is /u/ or /i/, a homorganic glide (respectively [w] and [j] for /u/ and /i/) is inserted so a word like rayuan (complaint) which is formed by combining the stem rayu (to send a complaint) with the suffix -an would be pronounced as [ra.ju.wan], not *[ra.ju.ʔan].[8]
The glottal stop /ʔ/ may be represented by an apostrophe in Arabic-derived words such as Al Qur'an. In some words like diangkat (to be lifted) [di.ʔaŋ.kat] that are derived from vowel-initial words with a vowel-ending prefix, the glottal stop is not reflected in writing.
/h/ is pronounced clearly between like vowels, as in dahan (tree branch). Elsewhere it is a very light sound, and is frequently silent, as in hutan ~ utan (forest), sahut ~ saut (answer), indah ~ inda (beautiful). The exception to this tendency is initial /h/ from Arabic loans such as hakim (judge).
/r/ varies significantly across dialects. In addition, its position relative to schwa is ambiguous: kertas (paper) may be pronounced [krəˈtas] or [kərəˈtas]. The trill /r/ is sometimes reduced to a single vibration when single, making it phonetically a flap[ɾ], so that the pronunciation of a single /r/ varies between trill [r], flap [ɾ] and, in some instances, postalveolar approximant [ɹ̠]. In the syllable coda, /r/ is silent in Johor-Riau (Piawai) Pronunciation, but audible in Northern Peninsular and Baku Pronunciation.[1][9]
Voiced stops do not occur in final position in native words. In loanwords, /b/ and /d/ are generally devoiced in final position (sebab (cause) [səˈbap̚], masjid (mosque) [ˈmasdʒit̚]) to conform with the native phonological structure. Some pronunciation guides consider this devoicing nonstandard and prescribe to pronounce final b and d as written, i.e. voiced.[10]
/f/, /v/, /z/, /ʃ/, /ð/, /θ/ and /q/ only appear in loanwords. Some speakers pronounce /v/ in loanwords as [v], otherwise it is [f]. [z] can also be an allophone of /s/ before voiced consonants, although this is rare. Since /ð/ and /z/ are written identically in Malay, as with /θ/ and /s/ and /q/ and /k/, /ð/, /θ/ and /q/ tend to only occur in speakers who speak the source languages the words are loaned from (e.g. Arabic and English) and are aware of the original pronunciations of the words.
The affricates are variously described as [tʃ]/[dʒ], [c͡ç]/[ɟ͡ʝ],[11] or [c]/[ɟ][12] in the literature.
Hoogervorst (2017) argues that initial /j/ and /w/ did not exist in Old Malay and were respectively substituted with /dʒ/ and /b/ until the instilling of learning Arabic through eventual spread Islamic education amongst local populations.[13]
Loans from Arabic:
Phonemes which occur only in Arabic loans may be pronounced distinctly by speakers who know Arabic, otherwise they tend to be substituted with native sounds.
Important in the derivation of Malay verbs and nouns is the assimilation of the nasal consonant at the end of the derivational prefixes meng-/məŋ/, a verbal prefix, and peng-/pəŋ/, a nominal prefix.
The nasal segment is dropped before sonorant consonants (nasals /m,n,ɲ,ŋ/, liquids /l,r/, and approximants /w,j/). It is retained before and assimilates to obstruent consonants: labial /m/ before labial /p,b/, alveolar /n/ before alveolar /t,d/, post-alveolar /ɲ/ before /tʃ,dʒ/ and /s/, velar /ŋ/ before other sounds (velar /k,ɡ/, glottal /h/, all vowels).[14]
In addition, following voiceless obstruents, apart from /tʃ/ (that is /p,t,s,k/), are dropped, except when before causative prefix per- where the first consonant is kept. This phoneme loss rule was mnemonically named kaidah KPST "KPST rule" in Indonesian.[15]
root
meaning
meng- derivation
meaning
peng- derivation
meaning
masak
cook
memasak
cooking
pemasak
cook (n)
nanti
late
menanti
waiting
layang
kite
melayang
hovering, drifting
rampas
confiscated
merampas
snatch
perampas
confiscator
beli
buy
membeli
buying
pembeli
buyer
dukung
support
mendukung
supporting
pendukung
supporter
jawab
answer
menjawab
replying
penjawab
answerer
gulung
roll
menggulung
rolling
penggulung
roller
hantar
send
menghantar
sending
penghantar
sender
ajar
teach
mengajar
teaching
pengajar
teacher
isi
volume
mengisi
filling
pengisi
filler
pilih
choose
memilih
choosing
pemilih
chooser
tulis
write
menulis
writing
penulis
writer
cabut
pull out
mencabut
pulling out
pencabut
puller
kenal
notable
mengenal
knowing (a person)
pengenal
identifier
surat
letter
menyurat
correspond
penyurat
correspondent
Vowels
It is usually said that there are six vowels in Standard Malay[2][16] (Malaysian and Brunei) and Indonesian.[4] These six vowels are shown in the table below. However, other analyses set up a system with other vowels, particularly the open-mid vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/.[17]
One source of variation in Malay is whether final /a/ in open final syllables of root morphemes (for example saya 'I') is pronounced as [a] or as [ə]. So called 'a varieties', such as Indonesian or the varieties of Sarawak, Sabah, Brunei and Kedah pronounce it as [a], while 'schwa varieties' such as some Peninsular Malaysian varieties (e.g.Terengganu Malay and the prevalent Kuala Lumpur/Selangor accent) and the varieties of Singapore and Riau pronounce it as [ə].[2][18] In schwa varieties, /a/ of the penultimate syllable is also modified if it is followed by /h/, as in usaha[usəhə]. There are also some Malay varieties where the open final /a/ is pronounced as neither such as Kelantan-Pattani Malay where it is pronounced as an open back unrounded [ɑ] instead.
One other noticeable (albeit minor) difference between a varieties and schwa varieties is in the qualities of the /e/ and /o/ and /i/ and /u/ phonemes. In a varieties, /e/ and /o/ are opener, approaching the qualities of [ɛ] and [ɔ] so that words like elak (avoid) and orang (person) would be pronounced as [ɛlaʔ] and [ɔraŋ], instead of as [elaʔ] and [oraŋ] as in schwa varieties. In the other way around, /i/ and /u/ are opener in schwa varieties than in a varieties, especially in closed syllables.[1][9]
In poem declamations and in singing, speakers of schwa varieties often switch to an a variety-type accent.[1]
[ɑ] is an occasional allophone of /a/ after emphatic consonants, and including /r/, /ɣ/, and /q/ from Arabic words. Example: qari[qɑri].
In Bruneian Standard Malay, in closed final syllables of root morphemes, the front vowel /i/ and back vowel /u/ can have mid or even open realisations so giling and burung can be pronounced [gilɪŋ~gileŋ~gilɛŋ] and [burʊŋ~buroŋ~burɒŋ], respectively. /e/ and /o/ on the other hand never have close realisations so geleng 'shake' can be pronounced as [geleŋ~gelɛŋ] but never *[gelɪŋ] and similarly, borong 'buy in bulk' is never *[borʊŋ].[2] In Indonesian, closed final syllable /i/ and /u/ often only get realised as [ɪ] and [ʊ].[4]
When /i,e/ or /u,o/ appear next to a vowel of a different colouring, an approximant [j] or [w] can be epenthesized in between those two vowels, so that words like cium (kiss), duit (money) and bau (odour) would be pronounced as [t͡ʃijʊm], [duwɪt] and [bawu]. This epenthesization is sometimes represented in writing too with an inserted ⟨y⟩ or ⟨w⟩ so that the three aforementioned words would be spelt as ciyum, duwit and bawu instead.[7]
The vowels of [e], [ɛ], and [ə] are commonly written without diacritics as ⟨e⟩. The vowel [ɛ] is allophone of [e], while [ə] is not. The diacritics are only used to indicate the correct pronunciation, for example, in dictionaries. In Indonesian, the vowels are marked with diacritics as [e] ⟨é⟩, [ɛ] ⟨è⟩ and [ə] ⟨ê⟩ from 2015 to 2022 and as [e], [ɛ] ⟨e⟩ and [ə] ⟨ê⟩ since 2022.[19][20] A different system represents [e], [ɛ], and [ə] as ⟨e⟩, ⟨é⟩, and ⟨ě⟩ respectively. In Malay, [e] and [ə] are represented by ⟨é⟩ and ⟨e⟩, otherwise respectively known as e taling and e pepet.[3] Indonesian also uses the vowel [ɘ] (spelled eu) in some loanwords from Sundanese and Acehnese, e. g. eurih, seudati, sadeu.[20]
The above allophony notwithstanding, the vowels [e] and [o] must be accorded phonemic status, as they occur in native words in all Malay dialects and in Arabic, Persian, Portuguese, English, Dutch, and Javanese loan words, and in foreign names.
Word-final [e] and [o] are rare in Malay, except for loanwords, like teko (teapot, from Hokkien茶鈷tê-kó͘), toko (small shop, from Hokkien 土庫thó͘-khò͘), semberono/sembrono (careless, from Javanese sembrana), gede (Javanese of big), konde (from Javanese kondhe, bulbous hairdo or hair extension on the back of the head), kare (Indonesian term for curry, variation of kari, from Tamil kaṟi), mestizo (from Spanish), kredo (creed, from Latin credo), risiko (risk, from Dutch risico), and non-Malay Indonesian names, like Manado and Suharto.
Some words borrowed from European languages have several note:
Some words borrowed from European languages have the vowels [ɛ] and [ɔ], such as pek[pɛk] (pack) and kos[kɔs] (cost). Words borrowed earlier have a more nativized pronunciation, such as pesta (fest), which is pronounced [pestə]. Some systems represent [ɔ] as ⟨ó⟩.
Some words borrowed from European languages reflect the language origin, generally Dutch (for Indonesian) and English (for Standard Malay), specifically as vowels of [e], [ɛ], and [ə] are commonly written without diacritics as ⟨e⟩. For example, the word presiden (president) is pronounced as /prɛˈsidɛn/ in Indonesian and /prɛˈsidən/ in Standard Malay which reflect on /prezi'dɛnt/ in Dutch and /ˈpɹɛzɪdənt/ in English.
Comparison of several pronunciation standards of Malay[1]
Example
Johor-Riau (Piawai)
Pronunciation
Northern Peninsular
Pronunciation
Baku & Indonesian
Pronunciation
⟨a⟩ in final open syllable
⟨kereta⟩
/ə/
/a/
/a/
⟨i⟩ in final closed syllable with final ⟨n⟩ and ⟨ng⟩
⟨salin⟩
/e/
/i/
/i/
⟨i⟩ in final closed syllable with other final consonants
⟨itik⟩
/e/
/e/
/i/
⟨u⟩ in final closed syllable with final ⟨n⟩ and ⟨ng⟩
⟨agung⟩
/o/
/u/
/u/
⟨u⟩ in final closed syllable with other final consonants
⟨lumpur⟩
/o/
/o/
/u/
Diphthongs
Some analyses claim that Malay has three native diphthong phonemes only in open syllables; they are:
/ai̯/: kedai ('shop'), pandai ('clever')
/au̯/: kerbau ('buffalo')
/oi̯/: dodoi, amboi
Others assume that these "diphthongs" are actually a monophthong followed by an approximant, so ⟨ai⟩ represents /aj/, ⟨au⟩ represents /aw/, and ⟨oi⟩ represents /oj/. On this basis, there are no phonological diphthongs in Malay.[21][7]
Words borrowed from Dutch or English with /eɪ/, such as Mei ('May') from Dutch and survei ('survey') from English, are pronounced with /e/ as this feature also happens to English /oʊ/ which becomes /o/. However, Indonesian introduced forth diphthong of /ei̯/ since 2015, such as in ⟨Méi⟩ ('May') /mei̯/.
Diphthongs are differentiated from two vowels in two syllables, such as:
/a.i/: e.g. rai ('celebrate') [ra.i], air ('water') [a.er] ~ [a.ɪr]
/a.u/: bau ('smell') [ba.u], laut ('sea') [la.ot] ~ [la.ʊt]
Two vowels that could form a diphthong are actually pronounced separately:
when the two vowels belong to a closed syllable, i.e. a syllable that ends with a consonant. E.g. a + i in air (water) are pronounced separately [a.ɪr], because the syllable ends with an "r" consonant — and thus is a closed syllable.
when the word would be only one-syllable long if pronounced with a diphthong. E.g. a + u in mau (to want) are pronounced separately [ma.u], because a diphthong would result into a single-syllable word.
when the two syllables belong to two different morphemes. E.g. a + i in gulai (to sweeten) are pronounced separately as [gu.la.ʔi], because the word is made out of two morphemes: gula (sugar) + -i (transitive/causative verb-forming suffix), distinct from gulai (kind of curry) [ɡu.lai̯].
Even if it is not differentiated in modern Latin spelling, diphthongs and two vowels are differentiated in the spelling in Jawi, where a vowel hiatus is indicated by the symbol hamzah⟨ء⟩, for example: لاءوتlaut ('sea').
Stress
Malay has light stress that falls on either the final or penultimate syllable, depending on regional variations as well as the presence of the schwa (/ə/) in a word. It is generally the penultimate syllable that is stressed, unless its vowel is a schwa /ə/. If the penult has a schwa, then stress moves to the ante-penultimate syllable if there is one, even if that syllable has a schwa as well; if the word is disyllabic, the stress is final. In disyllabic words with a closed penultimate syllable, such as tinggal ('stay') and rantai ('chain'), stress falls on the penult.
However, there is some disagreement among linguists over whether stress is phonemic (unpredictable), with some analyses suggesting that there is no underlying stress in Malay.[2][22][23]
Rhythm
The classification of languages based on rhythm can be problematic.[24] Nevertheless, acoustic measurements suggest that Malay has more syllable-based rhythm than British English,[25] even though doubts remain about whether the syllable is the appropriate unit for the study of Malay prosody.[22]
Syllable structure
Most of the native lexicon is based on disyllabic root morphemes, with a small percentage of monosyllabic and trisyllabic roots.[7] However, with the widespread occurrence of prefixes and suffixes, many words of five or more syllables are found.[2]
Syllables are basically consonant–vowel–consonant (CVC), where the V is a monophthong and the final C may be an approximant, either /w/ or /j/. (See the discussion of diphthongs above.)
Baku pronunciation in Malaysia and Singapore
The Baku pronunciation started being implemented in Malaysia in the year 1988, but this ceased in 2000. The Malaysian Minister of Education had been quoted saying that the Baku pronunciation "is different from the pronunciation commonly used by the people of this country". Singapore started using the Baku pronunciation for official purposes in 1993. Ever since then, there have been various protests from Malay Singaporeans, calling for the return of the Johor-Riau standard as the official standard for Malay pronunciation. One prominent critic of the use of the Baku pronunciation is Berita Harian editor, Guntor Sadali, who noted that "members of the Malay community generally find that Sebutan Baku (Baku Pronunciation) is very awkward".[1]
1 2 Omar, A. H. (1971). Standard Language and the Standardization of Malay. Anthropological Linguistics, 13(2), 87. http://www.jstor.org/stable/30029277
↑ Hoogervorst, Tom (2017). "Lexical Influence From North India To Maritime Southeast Asia: Some New Directions". Man in India. 95 (4): 295.
↑ This is the argument for the nasal being underlyingly /ŋ/: when there is no place for it to assimilate to, it surfaces as /ŋ/. Some treatments write it /N/ to indicate that it has no place of articulation of its own, but this fails to explain its pronunciation before vowels.
↑ Clynes, Adrian (1997). "On the Proto-Austronesian "Diphthongs"". Oceanic Linguistics. 36 (2): 347–362. doi:10.2307/3622989. JSTOR3622989.
1 2 Zuraidah Mohd Don, Knowles, G., & Yong, J. (2008). How words can be misleading: A study of syllable timing and "stress" in Malay. The Linguistics Journal 3(2). See hereArchived 2022-02-16 at the Wayback Machine
↑ Roach, P. (1982). On the distinction between 'stress-timed' and 'syllable-timed' languages. In D. Crystal (Ed.), Linguistic Controversies (pp.73–79). London: Edward Arnold.
↑ Deterding, D. (2011). Measurements of the rhythm of Malay. In Proceedings of the 17th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences, Hong Kong, 17–21 August 2011, pp. 576–579. On-line Version
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