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This article is about the phonology of Egyptian Arabic, also known as Cairene Arabic or Masri. [1] It deals with the phonology and phonetics of Egyptian Arabic as well as the phonological development of child native speakers of the dialect. To varying degrees, it affects the pronunciation of Literary Arabic by native Egyptian Arabic speakers, as is the case for speakers of all other varieties of Arabic.
| Labial | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | Uvular | Pharyngeal | Glottal | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | emphatic | plain | emphatic 1 | |||||||
| Nasal | m | ( mˤ ) 4 | n | |||||||
| Stop | voiceless | ( p ) 2 | t | tˤ | k | ( q ) 5 | ʔ | |||
| voiced | b | ( bˤ ) 4 | d | dˤ | ɡ 3 | |||||
| Fricative | voiceless | f | s | sˤ | ʃ | x | ħ | h | ||
| voiced | ( v ) 2 | z | ( zˤ ) 5 | ( ʒ ) 2 | ɣ | ʕ | ||||
| Flap/trill | ɾ ~ r | ( ɾˤ ~ rˤ ) 4 | ||||||||
| Approximant | l | ( lˤ ) 4 | j | w | ||||||
Traditionally, the interdental consonants /θððˤ/ correspond to the Egyptian Arabic alveolar consonants /tddˤ/.[ citation needed ] This is a feature common to some North African Arabic varieties and is attested in pre-modern, inherited words:
However, unlike other North African varieties, in Egyptian Arabic, the Literary Arabic interdental consonants /θððˤ/ may correspond to sibilant consonants /szzˤ/, particularly in more recent learned borrowings. [3]
The correspondent phoneme of the Classical Arabic j, ج*/ɟ/, is realized as a velar in the dialect of Cairo, in the same way as it is in some Arabic dialects of southern Yemen. [4] Thus, ǧabalجبل ('mountain') is pronounced, even in Literary Arabic, as [ˈɡæbæl] rather than /d͡ʒabal/.
The linguist Janet C. E. Watson considers the following to be additional marginal consonants: [3]
Classical Arabic */q/ became [ ʔ ] in Cairo and the Nile Delta (a feature also shared with Levantine Arabic), [5] but /q/ is retained natively in some dialects to the west of the Nile Delta, outside of Alexandria, [6] and has been reintroduced as a marginal phoneme from Standard Arabic, particularly relating to certain religious words, [5] besides others such as those deriving from the root /θ-q-f/, relating to the intellect and culture. /q/ may be used to distinguish between homophones, at least in mildly careful speech. For example, قانون/ʔæˈnuːn/ may be disambiguated as [qɑˈnuːn] ('law') vs. [ʔæˈnuːn] ('kanun, a musical instrument'); قوى/ˈʔæwi/ as [ˈqɑwi] ('strong') or the colloquial adverb [ˈʔæwi] ('very'). [7] /v/, [8] /p/, [9] and /ʒ/ appear in loanwords such as [ʒæˈkettæ,ˈʒæ(ː)ket] ('jacket'). [10]
For some speakers, there is a voicing and devoicing assimilation for the following consonants:
When the input consonants are plosives differing only in voicing, the resultant assimilation will be complete.
The Egyptian Arabic vocalic system differs from Classical Arabic. The system of vowels is as follows:
| Short | Long | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Front | Back | Front | Back | |
| Close | i ~ ɪ ~ e | u ~ ʊ ~ o | iː | uː |
| Mid | eː | oː | ||
| Open | æ | ɑ | æː | ɑː |
The short vowels /ɪ/ and /ʊ/ are realized as [ i ] and [ ʊ ] respectively at the end of a word. The vowel [ ɑ ] is mostly from non-Semitic words if not in words with emphatic consonants.
The symbols ⟨e⟩ and ⟨o⟩ represent vowels that vary between close-mid [e, o] and near-close [e̝, o̝]. Their centralized allophones (transcribed with ⟨ɘ⟩ and ⟨ɵ⟩) have the same variable height: [ɘ ~ ɘ̝] and [ɵ ~ ɵ̝].
The final allophone of /u/ varies in height between close [ u ] and close-mid [ o ] ([ʉ ~ ɵ] when centralized). For the sake of simplicity, only ⟨u⟩ and ⟨ʉ⟩ are used in this section.
| Long vowels (always stressed) |
| /iː/: [ iː ] |
| /uː/: [ uː ] |
| /eː/: [ eː ] |
| /oː/: [ oː ] |
| /aː/: [ æː ], [ ɑː ] |
/eː/ and /oː/ are close-mid [eː, oː].
The phonemes /a/ and /aː/ are in the process of splitting into two phonemes each, resulting in the four Egyptian Arabic phonemes /ææːɑɑː/. The front and back variants alternate in verbal and nominal paradigms in ways that are largely predictable, but the back variants /ɑɑː/ occur unpredictably in some lexical stems, especially those of non-Semitic origin. This is discussed more below.
Vowels [ e ] and [ o ] are often regarded as allophones of the vowels /i/ and /u/ respectively instead of constituting separate vowel phonemes; so they cannot form minimal pairs. For further discussion regarding vowel allophony in Egyptian Arabic, see Georgiou 2018. Also Watson does not consider the short mid vowels [e] and [o] as phonemes on their own and says that they are not used by most speakers of Cairene. [11] Woidich argues that educated speakers of Cairene when pronouncing carefully and slowly tend to distinguish short [e] and [o] as the results of shortened /eː/ and /oː/ from short [ɪ] and [ʊ] which leads to minimal pairs between them, but stresses that this does not happen with normal speech tempo. [12]
[ eː ] and [ oː ] are derived from the Classical Arabic diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/, respectively, when occurring in closed syllables (i.e. not followed by a vowel). Note that the diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ also occur in the same environment, due to later deletion of unstressed vowels and resulting contraction, e.g. /mudawla/[moˈdæwlæ] ('consultation') from Classical */mudaːwala/. [13] Minimal pairs such as /ʃajla/[ˈʃæjlæ] ('carrying fem. sg.' and /ʃeːla/[ˈʃeːlæ] ('burden') also occur. Both of these words are derived from */ʃaːjila/; /ʃeːla/ is the phonologically regular outcome, while /ʃajla/ is an analogical reformation based on the corresponding participial form /CaCCa/ of other verbs of the same class.
Egyptian Arabic maintains in all positions the early post-Classical distinctions between short /i/ and /u/. Unlike, for example, Levantine Arabic dialects, which merge /i/ and /u/ into [ e ] in most positions, and Moroccan Arabic, which deletes /i/, /u/ and /a/ in all positions. In particular, note the different shapes and vowel distinctions between [keˈtæːb] ('book') and [ɡoˈmæːl] ('beautiful' pl.) vs. [ɡeˈmæːl] ('camels') and [exˈtɑːɾ] ('he chose'); in most Levantine dialects, all the short vowels in these words are elided, leading to the identical shapes /ktaːb/, /ʒmaːl/, /xtaːr/.
An epenthetic vowel is automatically inserted after the second of three or more consonants in a cluster to break up such clusters. The epenthetic vowel is analyzed as /i/, even though there is a minimal pair distinguishing in many cases between [ e ] and [ i ], leading to:
| |
Many spoken Arabic varieties have developed two allophones of the Classical Arabic vowels /a/ and /aː/, with fronted allophones [ææː] occurring in most circumstances, but backed allophones [ɑɑː] occurring in the vicinity of emphatic consonants. This process is known as emphasis spreading. The exact criteria of both "vicinity" and "emphatic consonant" varies depending on the individual speech variety. In Egyptian Arabic, the occurrence of [ɑɑː] is no longer completely predictable, suggesting that these sounds have become phonemicized or inherited from the Coptic language, the former language of Egypt; but see below for more discussion.
In Egyptian Arabic, the consonants that trigger emphasis spreading include the pharyngealized consonants /tˤdˤsˤzˤ/, the uvular stop /q/, and some instances of /r/ (see below). On the other hand, the pharyngeal consonants /ħʕ/ do not trigger emphasis spreading; in the prestigious Cairene dialect, the velar fricatives /xɣ/ also do not, although this is different in the Saidi variant in which they are uvular [χʁ].
In general, when emphasis spreading is triggered, the back variants [ɑɑː] spread both forward and backward throughout the phonological word, including any morphological prefixes, suffixes and clitics. Note that this is different from many other Arabic varieties. For example, in Moroccan Arabic, emphasis spreading usually travels no farther than the first full vowel on either side of the triggering consonant, and in many varieties of Levantine Arabic, emphasis spreading is of indefinite extent but is blocked by the phonemes /jʃ/. Nevertheless, emphasis spreading is not completely reliable, and there is some free variation, especially in the pronunciation of prefixes and suffixes at some distance from the triggering consonant.
Some instances of /r/ trigger emphasis spreading, while others do not. Originally, an /r/ adjacent to /i/ was considered non-emphatic, while others were emphatic and triggered emphasis spreading. Currently, however, this is no more than a rough guideline, as many exceptions have since developed. This situation has led the linguist Janet C. E. Watson, who mostly studied the Yemeni Arabic dialects, to postulate the existence of two phonemes /rrˤ/, which both surface as [r~ɾ] but where only /rˤ/ triggers emphasis spreading. This analysis is not completely ideal in that these two resulting "phonemes" /rrˤ/ alternate to a large extent (often unpredictably) in related forms derived from the same root.
Currently, to the extent that the emphatic or non-emphatic variant of /r/ can be predicted, it works as follows: If /r/ is adjacent to a vowel /i(ː)/, emphasis-spreading is inhibited; otherwise, it occurs. The /r/ is able to "see across" derivational but not inflectional morphemes. As an example, [teˈɡɑːɾɑ] ('commerce') and [ˈtekbɑɾ] ('you grow' masc.) both have emphasis spreading, since /r/ occurs adjacent to low /a(ː)/ but not adjacent to any non-low front vowel. On the other hand, of the derived forms [teˈɡæːɾi] ('commercial') and [tekˈbɑɾi] ('you grow' fem.), only the latter has emphasis spreading. In this case, the derivational suffix /-i/ ('related to') creates a new lexical item in the language's vocabulary, and hence the stem is reevaluated for emphasis, with the non-low front vowel /i/ triggering non-emphatic /r/; but the inflectional suffix /-i/ marking feminine singular does not create a new lexical item, and as a result the emphasis in the stem remains. (For these purposes, past and non-past forms of a verb are considered separate stems; hence alternations can occur like /istamarˤrˤ/ 'he continued' vs. /jistamirr/ 'he continues'.)
An emphasis-spreading /r/ is usually adjacent to a low vowel /a(ː)/ (which in turn is backed to /ɑ(ː)/), but that is not necessary, and /u(ː)/ also triggers emphasis-spreading: Examples /maʃhuːrˤ/ ('famous') → [mɑʃˈhuːɾ], /maʃrˤuːʕ/ ('project') → [mɑʃˈruːʕ], /rˤufajjaʕ/ ('thin') → [roˈfɑjjɑʕ].
The alternation between [ æ(ː) ] and [ ɑ(ː) ] is almost completely predictable in verbal and nominal paradigms, as well as in the large majority of words derived from Classical Arabic. It is also irrelevant for the operation of the numerous phonological adjustment rules (e.g. vowel lengthening, shortening and elision) in Egyptian Arabic. As a result, linguistic descriptions tend to subsume both under an archiphoneme /a(ː)/. On the other hand, there are a number of lexical items in which "autonomous" [ɑɑː] tend to occur irrespective of the presence of emphatic consonants. A few are in Aramaic-derived words, e.g. [ˈmɑjjɑ] ('water'), but the majority are in words of non-Semitic origin — especially those derived from European languages — where [ɑɑː] echo the vowel quality of /a/ in those languages.
Different authors have proposed differing phonemic analyses of this situation:
The approach followed here is to ignore the distinction in phonemic descriptions, subsuming [æ(ː)ɑ(ː)] as allophones of /a(ː)/, but where necessary to also include a phonetic explication (i.e. detailed pronunciation) that indicates the exact quality of all vowels. Generally, these phonetic explications are given for the examples in the section on phonology, and elsewhere whenever autonomous [ ɑ(ː) ] occurs.
| Operation | Original | After operation (phonemic) | Pronunciation (phonetic) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Vowel shortening | /ʔaːlli/ 'he.said – to.me' | /ʔalli/ | [ˈʔælli] 'he said to me' |
| Vowel lengthening | /katabu/ 'they wrote' + /-ha/ 'it (fem.)' | /kataˈbuːha/ | [kætæˈbuːhæ] 'they wrote it' |
| Vowel deletion (syncope) | /fi/ 'in' + /kitaːb/ 'a book' | /fiktaːb/ | [fekˈtæːb] 'in a book' |
| Vowel insertion (epenthesis) | /il/ 'the' + /bint/ 'girl' + /di/ 'this' | /ilbintdi/ | [elˈbenteˈdi] 'this girl' |
All long vowels are shortened when followed by two consonants (including geminated consonants), and also in unstressed syllables, though they are sometimes kept long in careful speech pronunciations of loanwords, as in /qaːˈhira/ ('Cairo') and a few other borrowings from Classical Arabic with similar shapes, such as /zˤaːˈhira/ ('phenomenon'). [14] Long vowel [iː,uː], when shortened collapse with [e,o] which are, as well, the shortened form of [eː,oː]; as a result, the following three words are only distinguished contextually:
It is worth mentioning that vowel shortening is not made by rural speakers of Egyptian Arabic, whose form of speech is in decline.
Final short vowels are lengthened when the stress is brought forward onto them as a result of the addition of a suffix.
Unstressed /i/ and /u/ are deleted (i.e. syncope) when occurring in the context /VCVCV/, i.e. in an internal syllable with a single consonant on both sides. This also applies across word boundaries in cases of close syntactic connection.
Three or more consonants are never allowed to appear together, including across a word boundary. When such a situation would occur, an epenthetic [ e ] is inserted between the second and third consonants.
Before /u/ the epenthetic vowel is /u/. [15]
Unlike in most Arabic dialects, Egyptian Arabic has many words that logically begin with a vowel (e.g. /ana/ 'I'), in addition to words that logically begin with a glottal stop (e.g. /ʔawi/ 'very', from Classical /qawij(j)/ 'strong'). When pronounced in isolation, both types of words will be sounded with an initial glottal stop. However, when following another word, words beginning with a vowel will often follow smoothly after the previous word, while words beginning with a glottal stop will always have the glottal stop sounded, e.g.:
The phonetic pronunciations indicated above also demonstrate the phenomenon of linking, a normal process in Egyptian Arabic where syllable boundaries are adjusted across word boundaries to ensure that every syllable begins with exactly one consonant.
Elision of vowels often occurs across word boundaries when a word ending with a vowel is followed by a word beginning with a vowel, especially when the two vowels are the same, or when one is /i/. More specifically, elision occurs in the following circumstances:
| Condition for elision | Original | After elision (phonemic) | Pronunciation (phonetic) |
|---|---|---|---|
| Both vowels same | /intaaħmar/ | /intaħmar/ | [enˈtɑħmɑɾ] 'you (masc. sg.) are red' |
| Final /i/ followed by initial /a/ | /naːwiaruːħ/ | /naːwaruːħ/ | [ˈnæːwɑˈɾuːħ] 'I intend to go' |
| /xalliniarawwaħ/ | /xalliːnarawwaħ/ | [xælˈliːnɑˈɾɑwwɑħ] 'let me go home' | |
| Vowel followed by initial /i/ | /daillianaʕaːwiz+u/ | /dallanaʕawzu/ | [ˈdælˈlænæˈʕæwzu] 'that's what I want' |
| /huwwaintakibiːr/ | /huwwantakbiːr/ | [howˈwæntækˈbiːɾ] 'are you grown-up?' |
Multiple processes often apply simultaneously. An example of both insertion and deletion working together comes from the phrase /ilbintkibiːra/ ('the girl is grown up'): Example of insertion and deletion together:
Compare /ilwaladkibiːr/ ('the boy is grown up'), where neither process applies.
Similarly, an example of both deletion and long-vowel shortening appears in the phrase /sˤaːħiba/ ('friend' fem.):
Compare with Classical Arabic /sˤaːħiba/.
The operation of the various processes can often produce ambiguity:
Hence, [ænæˈʕawˈzæːkol] is ambiguous in regards to grammatical gender.
In Egypt, the letters are called ألف به [ˈʔælefbe] or أبجديه [ʔæbɡæˈdej.jæ] , and are even taught in entertainment and children's shows, like the Egyptian version of Sesame Street . [16]
The following table does not contain the characters which have the same names in Literary Arabic.
| Letter | Name in Arabic | Pronunciation | Phoneme |
|---|---|---|---|
| ا | ألف | [ˈʔælef] | ∅ , ʔ , æ(ː) , ɑ(ː) |
| ب | به | [be] | b |
| ت | ته | [te] | t |
| ته مفتوحه | [tehmæfˈtuːħæ] | ||
| ث | ثه | [se,θe] | s , θ |
| ج | جيم | [ɡiːm] | ɡ |
| ح | حه | [ħɑ] | ħ |
| خ | خه | [xɑ] | x |
| د | دال | [dæːl] | d |
| ذ | ذال | [zæːl,ðæːl] | z , ð |
| ر | ره | [ɾe] | ɾ |
| ز | زين | [zeːn] | z |
| س | سين | [siːn] | s |
| ش | شين | [ʃiːn] | ʃ |
| ص | صاد | [sˤɑːd] | sˤ |
| ض | ضاد | [dˤɑːd] | dˤ |
| ط | طه | [tˤɑ] | tˤ |
| ظ | ظه | [zˤɑ,ðˤɑ] | zˤ , ðˤ |
| ع | عين | [ʕeːn] | ʕ |
| غ | غين | [ɣeːn] | ɣ |
| ف | فه | [fe] | f |
| ق | قاف | [qɑːf] | q , ʔ |
| ك | كاف | [kæːf] | k |
| ل | لام | [læːm] | l |
| م | ميم | [miːm] | m |
| ن | نون | [nuːn] | n |
| هـ | هه | [he] | h |
| و | واو | [wɑːw,wæːw] | w , u(ː) , o(ː) |
| ى | يه | [je] | j , i(ː) , e(ː) |
| Not considered separate letters | |||
| ى | ألف لينه | [ˈʔæleflæjˈjenæ] | æ , ɑ |
| ة | ته مربوطه | [tehmɑɾˈbuːtˤɑ] | t |
| ئ | همزه على نبره | [ˈhæmzæˈʕælæˈnɑbɾɑ] | ʔ |
| Used in loanwords and names | |||
| پ | به بتلات نقط | [bebeˈtælætˈnoʔɑtˤ] | p |
| چ | جيم بتلات نقط | [ɡiːmbeˈtælætˈnoʔɑtˤ] | ʒ |
| ڤ | فه بتلات نقط | [febeˈtælætˈnoʔɑtˤ] | v |
Egyptian Arabic has the following five syllable types: CV, CVː, CVC, CVːC, and CVCC.
CVː, CVːC, and CVCC are long, or heavy, syllables. Long syllables bear primary stress, and there is only one stressed syllable per word. [17] Egyptian Arabic has a strong preference for heavy syllables, and various phonetic adjustments conspire to modify the surface pronunciation of connected speech towards the ideal of consisting entirely of heavy syllables. Examples can be seen below:
An example of these various processes together:
| Operation | Result |
|---|---|
| Original | /daillianaʕaːwizu/ |
| Deletion of short high vowel in CVːCVCV | /daillianaʕaːwzu/ |
| Shortening before two consonants | /daillianaʕawzu/ |
| Elision of /i/ next to a vowel | /dallanaʕawzu/ |
| Continuous, resyllabified pronunciation (phonetic) | [ˈdælˈlæ.næˈʕæw.zu] |
| Normal-form pronunciation | [ˈdælˈlænæˈʕæwzu] |
In the following and similar analyses, the normal-form pronunciation is given as the phonetic equivalent of the given phonemic form, although the intermediate steps may be given if necessary for clarity.
Other examples include /anaʕaːwizaːkul/ ('I want to eat') → [ænæˈʕæwˈzæːkol], /anaʕaːwizaːkulu/ ('I want to eat it') → [ænæˈʕæwˈzæklu], and /hummaʕaːwiziːnjaːkuluː/ ('They want to eat it') → [hommæʕæwˈziːnjækˈluː].
The position of stress is essentially automatic. The basic rule is that, proceeding from the end to the beginning of the word, the stress goes on the first encountered syllable of any of these types:
| Rule | Phonemic form (no stress) | Phonetic form (stressed) | Meaning |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1a. Syllable closed with a long vowel | /kaː.tib/ | [ˈkæːteb] | 'writing' or 'writer' |
| /ki.taːb/ | [keˈtæːb] | 'book' | |
| /tik.ti.biː/ | [tekteˈbiː] | 'you (fem.) write it' | |
| 1b. Syllable closed with two consonants | /ka.tabt/ | [kæˈtæbt] | 'I wrote' |
| /kat.ba/ | [ˈkætbæ] | 'female writer' | |
| /mak.tab/ | [ˈmæktæb] | 'desk' | |
| /tik.tib/ | [ˈtekteb] | 'you (masc.) write' | |
| 2. Nonfinal light syllable following heavy syllable | /mak.ta.ba/ | [mækˈtæbæ] | 'library' |
| /tik.ti.bi/ | [tekˈtebi] | 'you (fem.) write' | |
| 3. Nonfinal light syllable following two lights | /ka.ta.bi.tu/ | [kætæˈbetu] | 'she wrote it' |
| 4. First syllable | /ka.tab/ | [ˈkætæb] | 'he wrote' |
| /ka.ta.bit/ | [ˈkætæbet] | 'she wrote' |
Because the stress is almost completely predictable, it is not indicated in phonemic transcriptions (but is given in the corresponding phonetic explication).
Omar & Nydell (1973) identifies three stages in the phonological acquisition of Egyptian Arabic, ending with completion of the consonant inventory (with the possible exception of /q/) at approximately age five. [18]
The sound inventory found in the babbling stage does not technically consist of phonemes, but rather vowel- and consonant-like sounds. Therefore, they are not true speech sounds. [19] Like children acquiring other world languages, Egyptian Arabic infants produce consonant-like sounds approximating /b/, /p/, /ʔ/, /h/, /ɣ/, /v/, /z/, /m/, /w/, /j/. [20]
At this stage children have acquired the basic /i/, /a/, /u/ vowel triangle, and the consonants /b/, /m/, /w/, /j/, and /h/. At this stage /ʔ/ is only produced word-initially (possibly due to speakers’ tendency to insert a glottal stop on words which begin with a vowel). There is typically no voiced-voiceless contrast and no single-double consonant contrast. [21]
Newly acquired phonemes are: /t/, /d/, /k/, /ɡ/, /n/, /f/, /s/, /z/, /l/, /x/, /ɣ/, /æ/, /e/, /o/. A voiced-voiceless contrast is now apparent in stops and fricatives. Consonant clusters appear but are unstable, often being omitted or simplified (consonant cluster reduction). The newly acquired lateral /l/ is frequently used in place of the flap [22] /trill [ ɾ ]~[ r ] (lateralization). Example: /madɾasa/ ('school') → [mædˈlæsæ]
Vowel length distinction, the emphatics /sˤ/, /zˤ/, /tˤ/, /dˤ/; /ʕ/ (sometimes realized as /ʔ/) and /ʃ/ (often realized as [ s ]) are acquired. A geminated consonant distinction is developing, although children have difficulty with /xx/ and its voiced pair /ɣɣ/. [23]
The flap/trill /ɾ/~/r/ and all diphthongs and clusters are acquired, and geminate consonant distinction is stable. The phoneme /q/ is rare in Egyptian Arabic and is typically only mastered with formal schooling at around age seven or eight, and is realized acceptably in the dialect as [ k ]. [18]
Egyptian Arabic phoneme acquisition has been chiefly compared to that of English. The order of phoneme acquisition is similar for both languages: Exceptions are /s/, /z/, and /h/, which appear earlier in Arabic-speaking children's inventory than in English, perhaps due to the frequency of their occurrence in the children's input. [24] Egyptian Arabic differs most from English in terms of age of phoneme acquisition: Vowel distinctions appear at an earlier age in Egyptian Arabic than in English, which could reflect both the smaller inventory and the higher functional value of Arabic vowels: The consonantal system, on the other hand, is completed almost a year later than that of English. [25] However, the lateral /l/ is acquired by most Arabic-speaking children by age two, a year earlier than English-speaking children. [26] The most difficult phonemes for young Arabic children are emphatic stops, fricatives, and the flap [27] /trill /ɾ/~/r/. /x/ and /ɣ/, which are relatively rare sounds in other languages, are the most difficult geminate consonants to acquire. [28]
For children under two, syllable reduction and final consonant deletion are the most common phonological processes. [23] De-emphasis, involving the loss of the secondary articulation for emphatic consonants (e.g., realizing emphatic /sˤ/ as [ s ]), may reflect the motoric difficulty of emphatic consonants, which are rare in world languages, [29] as well as their relatively low frequency and functional load in Arabic. [30]
The back fricatives /ħ/ and /x/ are unusually accurate at an early age and less prone to fronting than in other languages. [31]
Most children have mastered all syllable types between the ages of two and three. A preference for three-syllable words is evident (CVːC syllables being the most frequently produced) and production rarely exceeds four syllables. Simplification processes like those detailed above may occur to reduce CVCC syllables to CVːC or CVC syllables; however, when children change the syllable structure, they preserve the prosodic weight of the altered syllable in order to maintain stress relations. [32]
In phonology, an allophone is one of multiple possible spoken sounds – or phones – used to pronounce a single phoneme in a particular language. For example, in English, the voiceless plosive and the aspirated form are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in some languages such as Central Thai. Similarly, in Spanish, and are allophones for the phoneme, while these two are considered to be different phonemes in English.
Ubykh, an extinct Northwest Caucasian language, has the largest consonant inventory of all documented languages that do not use clicks, and also has the most disproportional ratio of phonemic consonants to vowels. It has consonants in at least eight, perhaps nine, basic places of articulation and 29 distinct fricatives, 27 sibilants, and 20 uvulars, more than any other documented language. Some Khoisan languages, such as Taa, may have larger consonant inventories due to their extensive use of click consonants, although some analyses view a large proportion of the clicks in these languages as clusters, which would bring them closer into line with the Caucasian languages.
Hassaniya Arabic is a variety of Maghrebi Arabic spoken by Mauritanian and Malian Arabs and the Sahrawi people. It was spoken by the Beni Ḥassān Bedouin tribes of Yemeni origin who extended their authority over most of Mauritania and Morocco's southeastern and Western Sahara between the 15th and 17th centuries. Hassaniya Arabic was the language spoken in the pre-modern region around Chinguetti.
Irish phonology varies from dialect to dialect; there is no standard pronunciation of Irish. Therefore, this article focuses on phenomena shared by most or all dialects, and on the major differences among the dialects. Detailed discussion of the dialects can be found in the specific articles: Ulster Irish, Connacht Irish, and Munster Irish.
Marshallese, also known as Ebon, is a Micronesian language spoken in the Marshall Islands. The language of the Marshallese people, it is spoken by nearly all of the country's population of 59,000, making it the principal language. There are also roughly 27,000 Marshallese citizens residing in the United States, nearly all of whom speak Marshallese, as well as residents in other countries such as Nauru and Kiribati.
While many languages have numerous dialects that differ in phonology, contemporary spoken Arabic is more properly described as a continuum of varieties. This article deals primarily with Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), which is the standard variety shared by educated speakers throughout Arabic-speaking regions. MSA is used in writing in formal print media and orally in newscasts, speeches and formal declarations of numerous types.
English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.
The sound system of Norwegian resembles that of Swedish. There is considerable variation among the dialects, and all pronunciations are considered by official policy to be equally correct – there is no official spoken standard, although it can be said that Eastern Norwegian Bokmål speech has an unofficial spoken standard, called Urban East Norwegian or Standard East Norwegian, loosely based on the speech of the literate classes of the Oslo area. This variant is the most common one taught to foreign students.
The phonological system of the Hawaiian language is based on documentation from those who developed the Hawaiian alphabet during the 1820s as well as scholarly research conducted by lexicographers and linguists from 1949 to present.
Hejazi Arabic or Hijazi Arabic (HA), also known as West Arabian Arabic, is a variety of Arabic spoken in the Hejaz region in Saudi Arabia. Strictly speaking, there are two main groups of dialects spoken in the Hejaz region, one by the urban population, originally spoken mainly in the cities of Jeddah, Mecca, Medina and partially in Ta'if and another dialect by the urbanized rural and bedouin populations. However, the term most often applies to the urban variety which is discussed in this article.
Taos is a Tanoan language spoken by several hundred people in New Mexico, in the United States. The main description of its phonology was contributed by George L. Trager in a (pre-generative) structuralist framework. Earlier considerations of the phonetics-phonology were by John P. Harrington and Jaime de Angulo. Trager's first account was in Trager (1946) based on fieldwork 1935-1937, which was then substantially revised in Trager (1948). The description below takes Trager (1946) as the main point of departure and notes where this differs from the analysis of Trager (1948). Harrington's description is more similar to Trager (1946). Certain comments from a generative perspective are noted in a comparative work Hale (1967).
The phonology of the Zuni language as spoken in the southwestern United States is described here. Phonology is a branch of linguistics that studies how languages or dialects systematically organize their sounds.
Varieties of Arabic are the linguistic systems that Arabic speakers speak natively. Arabic is a Semitic language within the Afroasiatic family that originated in the Arabian Peninsula. There are considerable variations from region to region, with degrees of mutual intelligibility that are often related to geographical distance and some that are mutually unintelligible. Many aspects of the variability attested to in these modern variants can be found in the ancient Arabic dialects in the peninsula. Likewise, many of the features that characterize the various modern variants can be attributed to the original settler dialects as well as local native languages and dialects. Some organizations, such as SIL International, consider these approximately 30 different varieties to be separate languages, while others, such as the Library of Congress, consider them all to be dialects of Arabic.
Kensiu (Kensiw) is an Austroasiatic language of the Jahaic subbranch. It is spoken by a small community of 300 people in Yala Province in southern Thailand and also reportedly by a community of approximately 300 speakers in Western Malaysia in Perak and Kedah states. Speakers of this language are Negritos who are known as the Mani people or Maniq of Thailand.
This article covers the phonology of the Uyghur language. Uyghur, a Turkic language spoken primarily in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region features both vowel harmony and vowel reduction.
Moroccan Arabic, also known as Darija, is the dialectal, vernacular form or forms of Arabic spoken in Morocco. It is part of the Maghrebi Arabic dialect continuum and as such is mutually intelligible to some extent with Algerian Arabic and to a lesser extent with Tunisian Arabic. It is spoken by 90.9% of the population of Morocco. While Modern Standard Arabic is used to varying degrees in formal situations such as religious sermons, books, newspapers, government communications, news broadcasts and political talk shows, Moroccan Arabic is the predominant spoken language of the country and has a strong presence in Moroccan television entertainment, cinema and commercial advertising. Moroccan Arabic has many regional dialects and accents as well, with its mainstream dialect being the one used in Casablanca, Rabat, Tangier, Marrakesh and Fez, and therefore it dominates the media and eclipses most of the other regional accents.
Yaqay is a Papuan language spoken in Indonesia by over 10,000 people. It is also called Mapi or Sohur; dialects are Oba-Miwamon, Nambiomon-Mabur, Bapai.
The phonological system of the Hejazi Arabic consists of approximately 26 to 28 native consonant phonemes and 8 vowel phonemes:. Consonant length and vowel length are both distinctive in Hejazi.
Kurdish phonology is the sound system of the Kurdish dialect continuum. This article includes the phonology of the three Kurdish languages in their respective standard descriptions. Phonological features include the distinction between aspirated and unaspirated voiceless stops, and the large phoneme inventories.
Medumba phonology is the way in which the Medumba language is pronounced. Medumba is a Bamileke language of Cameroon; the people who speak it originate from the Nde division of the West Region of the country. It deals with phonetics, phonotactics and their variation across different dialects of Medumba.