Catalan phonology

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The Catalan phonology (or Valencian phonology) has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences.

Contents

Catalan is characterized by final-obstruent devoicing, lenition, and voicing assimilation; a set of 7 to 8 phonemic vowels, vowel assimilations (including vowel harmony), many phonetic diphthongs, and vowel reduction, whose precise details differ between dialects.

Consonants

Consonants of Catalan [1] [2]
Labial Dental Alveolar Palatal Velar Uvular Glottal
Nasal m n 3 ɲ 6 ( ŋ )
Plosive voiceless p t 1 k 2
voiced b d 1 ɡ 2
Affricate voiceless( t͡s ) 5 t͡ʃ 7
voiced d͡z 5 d͡ʒ 7
Fricative voiceless f ( θ ) s 4 ʃ 7 ( x )( h )
voiced( v ) z 4 ʒ 7 ( ʁ )
Approximant central j w
lateral l 3 ʎ 6
Trill r 4 ( ʀ )
Tap ɾ 3

Phonetic notes:

Obstruents

Obstruents assimilate to the voicing of the following consonant. Voiced obstruents undergo final-obstruent devoicing so that fred ('cold', m. s.) is pronounced with [t] ([ˈfɾɛt], [ˈfɾət], [ˈfɾet]) while fredes ('cold', f. pl.) is pronounced with [ð] ([ˈfɾɛðəs], [ˈfɾəðəs], [ˈfɾeðes]). [13] [14] [15]

Table with minimal pairs:

Coda obstruents minimal pairs
IPA wordglosswordgloss
[p]cub'cube'cup'winepress'
[t]tord'thrush'tort'crooked'
[k]mag'magician'mac'pebble'
[f]salv'exempt'
[s]brunz'he or she buzzes'bruns'dark browns'
[t͡ʃ]raig'ray'

Plosives

Voiced plosives (also called stops) become lenited to fricatives or approximants in syllable onsets, after continuants: [6] /b/ → [ β ], /d/ → [ ð ], /ɡ/ → [ ɣ ].

  • Exceptions include /d/ after lateral consonants (e.g. ull de bou[ˈuʎdəˈβɔw] (E) / [ˈuʎdeˈβɔw] (W) 'oeil-de-boeuf') and /b/ after labiodentals (/f/, [v]), e.g. bolígraf boníssim[buˈliɣɾəv‿buˈnisim] (E) / [boˈliɣɾav‿boˈnisim] (W) ('really good pen').
  • In non-betacist dialects (those who do not merge /b/ with /v/), /b/ remains unlenited (ull de bou[ˈuʎdəˈbɔw] (B) / [ˈuʎdeˈbɔw] (V) 'oeil-de-boeuf').
  • In some dialects, e.g. many Valencian accents, initial (that is, in all environments except after a nasal) /ɡ/ can be lenited: gat[ˈɣat] ('cat'). [16]
  • In the coda position, these sounds are always realized as stops; [17] except in some Valencian dialects, where they might be lenited. [18]

In Catalan and Balearic (not in Valencian), labial /b/ and /p/, and velar stops /ɡ/ and /k/ may be geminated in intervocalic position before /l/ (e.g. poble[ˈpɔbːlə] 'village, people', regla[ˈreɡːlə] 'rule'). [19] [20]

Intervocalic /d/ is dropped (particularly in participles) in regular speech in Valencian, with compensatory lengthening of vowel /a/; e.g. vesprada[vesˈpɾaː] ('afternoon'). [21]

In Majorcan varieties, velar stops /k/ and /ɡ/ become [ c ] and [ ɟ ] word-finally and before front vowels, [18] in some of these dialects, this has extended to all environments except before liquids and back vowels; e.g. sang[ˈsaɲc] ('blood'). [6]

  • The dorso-palatal [ ʝ ] may occur in complementary distribution with [ ɟ ], only in Majorcan varieties that have dorso-palatals rather than the velars found in most dialects: guerra[ˈɟɛrə] ('war') vs. sa guerra[səˈʝɛrə] ('the war'). [22]

In the Valencian dialects final voiceless plosives (/p,t,k/) may be lenited before a vowel: tot açò[ˈtoð‿aˈsɔ] ('all this'). [23]

Affricates

The phonemic status of affricates is dubious; after other consonants, affricates are in free variation with fricatives, e.g. clenxa[ˈklɛɲʃə]~[ˈklɛɲt͡ʃə] (E) / [ˈklɛɲt͡ʃa] (W) ('hair parting') [24] and may be analyzed as either single phonemes or clusters of a stop and a fricative.

  • Alveolar affricates, [ t͡s ] and [ d͡z ], occur the least of all affricates. [25]
    • [d͡z] only occurs intervocalically: metzines[məˈd͡zinəs] (E) / [meˈd͡zines] (W) ('toxic substances'). [26]
      • In Valencian, many instances of [d͡z] (especially the -itzar suffix) are deaffricated to [z]: utilitzar[utiliˈzaɾ] ('to use').
    • Instances of [t͡s] arise mostly from compounding; the few lexical instances arise from historical compounding. [24] For instance, potser[puˈt͡se] (E) / [poˈt͡se(ɾ)] (W) ('maybe') comes from pot ('may') + ser ('be' inf). As such, [t͡s] does not occur word-initially; other than some rare words of foreign origin (e.g. tsar 'tsar', [m] tsuga 'tsuga' [n] ), but it may occur word-finally and quite often in cases of heteromorphemic (i.e. across a morpheme boundary) plural endings: tots[ˈtot͡s] ('everybody'). [25] Several linguists claim [t͡s] is not a phoneme on its own, but a simple combination of [t] and [s], in the same way that the [ts] in English 'cats' is not phonemic. [27]
  • The distribution of alveolo-palatal affricates, [ t͡ʃ ] and [ d͡ʒ ], depends on dialect:
    • In most of Valencian and southern Catalonia, [25] [28] most occurrences of [d͡ʒ] correspond to the voiced fricative [ʒ] in Standard Eastern Catalan: gel[ˈd͡ʒɛl] ('ice').
    • In Standard Eastern Catalan, word-initial [t͡ʃ] is found only in a few words of foreign origin (e.g. txec 'Czech', [o] Txaikovski 'Tchaikovsky') while being found freely intervocalically (e.g. fletxa 'arrow') and word-finally: despatx[dəsˈpat͡ʃ] (E) / [desˈpat͡ʃ] (W) ('office').
    • Standard Eastern Catalan also only allows [d͡ʒ] in intervocalic position (e.g. metge 'medic'). Phonemic analyses show word-final occurrences of /d͡ʒ/ (e.g. raig esbiaixat[ˈrad͡ʒ‿əzβiəˈʃat] (E) / [ˈrad͡ʒ‿ezβiajˈʃat] (W) 'skew ray'), but final devoicing eliminates this from the surface: raig[ˈrat͡ʃ] ('ray').
    • In various other dialects (as well as in emphatic speech), [12] including Valencian and its standard variety, [tʃ] occurs word-initially and after another consonant to the exclusion of [ʃ] (although there are exceptions). These instances of word-initial [t͡ʃ] seem to correspond to [ʃ] in other dialects, including the standard (Eastern Catalan) on which the orthography is based: xinxa ('bedbug'), pronounced [ˈʃiɲʃə] in Standard Catalan, is [ˈt͡ʃiɲt͡ʃa] in these varieties [26] (including Standard Valencian).

There is dialectal variation in regards to affricate length, with long affricates occurring in both Eastern and Western dialects such as in Majorca and few areas in Southern Valencia. [29] Also, intervocalic affricates are predominantly long, especially those that are voiced or occurring immediately after a stressed syllable (e.g. metge[ˈmed͡ːʒə] (E) / [ˈmed͡ːʒe] (W) 'medic'). [30] In Modern Valencian [d͡ʒ] and [d͡ːʒ] have merged into /d͡ʒ/, except in some parts of Southern Valencian.

In Aragonese Catalan (especially Ribagorçan) and Central Valencian (the so called apitxat accent), voiced fricatives and affricates are missing (i.e. /z/ has merged with /s/, /d͡ʒ/ has merged with /t͡ʃ/, with only voiceless realizations occurring). [31]

Fricatives

The labiodental fricative (/v/) occurs in Balearic, [12] as well as in Alguerese, Standard Valencian and some areas in southern Catalonia. [32] Everywhere else (including parts of Valencian, like its central dialect), [31] it has merged with historic /β/ so that [b] and [β] occur in complementary distribution. [33]

  • In Valencian, /v/ is realised as an approximant [ ʋ ] after continuants: avanç[aˈʋans] ('advance'). [34]
  • In Majorcan, [v] and [w] are in complementary distribution, with [ v ] occurring before vowels (e.g. blava[ˈblavə] 'blue' f. vs. blau[ˈblaw] 'blue' m.).
  • In other varieties that have both sounds, they are in contrast before vowels, with neutralization in favor of [ w ] before consonants. [35]

In Majorcan and Minorcan, /f/ undergoes total assimilation to a following consonant (just as stops do): buf gros[ˈbuɡ‿ˈɡɾɔs] ('large puff'). [35]

The dental fricative /θ/ only appears in Ribagorçan and Lower Aragon, in contrast with /s/. Spanish loanwords with this sound may be replaced by /s/ in both Catalan and Valencian. [36]

The velar fricative /x/ is found in Spanish interferences, especially in Aragon and Southern Valencia. [37]

The glottal fricative /h/ is found in loanwords and interjections, [38] although /h/ is usually replaced by /x/ in loanwords. [39]

Sonorants

Laterals

Laterals assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant (see "Assimilations" below). The lateral /l/ may be geminated in careful speech (e.g. iŀlusió[ilːuziˈo] 'illusion'). A geminated /ʎː/ may also occur (e.g. ratlla[ˈraʎːə] (E) / [ˈraʎːa] (W) 'line'). [12]

  • While "dark (velarized) l", [ ɫ ], may be a positional allophone of /l/ in most dialects (such as in the syllable coda; e.g. sòl[ˈsɔɫ] 'ground'), [40] /l/ is dark irrespective of position in Eastern dialects like Majorcan [41] and standard Eastern Catalan (e.g. tela[ˈtɛɫə]). For simplicity dark l is not transcribed in this article.
  • In Aragonese Catalan (including Ribagorçan), /l/ is palatalized to [ ʎ ] in consonant clusters; e.g. plou[ˈpʎɔw] 'it rains'. [42]
  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final /ʎ/ is depalatized to [ l ]: gall[ˈɡal] ('rooster'). [43] [44]

Nasals

Nasals assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant (see "Assimilations" below). In careful speech, /n/ and /m/ may be geminated (e.g. innecessari[inːəsəˈsaɾi] (E) / [inːeseˈsaɾi] (W) 'unnecessary', emmagatzemar[əmːəɣəd͡zəˈma] (E) / [emːaɣa(d͡)zeˈma(ɾ)] (W) 'to store'). [12]

  • In Alguerese and Ribagorçan word-final /ɲ/ is depalatized to [ n ]: any[ˈan] ('year'). [43] [44]

Rhotics

The distribution of the two rhotics /r/ and /ɾ/ closely parallels that of Spanish. Wheeler analyzes intervocalic [r] as the result of gemination of a single rhotic phoneme: [45] serra/ˈsɛɾɾə/→[ˈsɛrə] (E) / /ˈsɛɾɾa/→[ˈsɛra] (W) 'saw, mountains' (this is similar to the common analysis of Spanish and Portuguese rhotics). [46]

  • Between vowels, the two contrast (e.g. mirra[ˈmirə] (E) / [ˈmira] (W) 'myrrh' vs. mira[ˈmiɾə] (E) / [ˈmiɾa] (W) 'he or she looks'), but they are otherwise in complementary distribution. [ ɾ ] appears in the onset, except in word-initial position (ruc 'donkey'), after /l/, /n/, and /s/ (folre 'lining', honra 'honour', Israel 'Israel'), and in compounds (infraroig 'infrared'), where [ r ] is used.
    • Majorcan contrasts /r/ and /ɾ/ in word final position, e.g. xerr[ˈt͡ʃɛr] ('I speak') vs. mor[ˈmɔɾ] ('he or she dies'). [47]
    • In Majorcan final /ɾ/ + [n] can be assimilated to [nː] (e.g. carn[ˈcanː] 'meat'). [48]
  • Different dialects vary in regards to rhotics in the coda, with Western Catalan generally featuring [ ɾ ] and Central Catalan dialects like those of Barcelona or Girona featuring a weakly trilled [ r ] unless it precedes a vowel-initial word in the same prosodic unit, in which case [ ɾ ] appears (per[peɾ] (W), [pər] (E) 'for', but (E) per a tu[pəɾ‿əˈtu] 'for you'). [49]
  • There is free variation in /r/ word-initially, after /l/, /n/, and /s/, and in compounds (if /r/ is preceded by consonant), wherein /r/ is pronounced [r] or [ ɹ ], the latter being similar to English red: ruc[ˈruk]~[ˈɹuk] ('donkey').
    • In Northern Catalonia and in some accents of Majorcan (e.g. in the town of Sóller), a uvular trill [ ʀ ] or approximant [ ʁ ] can be heard instead of the alveolar trill; e.g. córrer[ˈkoʀə]~[ˈkoʁə] ('to run'). [50]

Vowels

Vowels of Catalan [51] [2]
Front Central Back
Close i   ( y ) u
Close-mid e   ( ø )( ə ) o
Open-mid ɛ   ( œ ) ɔ
Open a   ( ɑ )

Phonetic notes:

Stressed vowels

Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan Catalan vowel chart.svg
Vowels of Standard Eastern Catalan
Vowels of Valencian Valencian vowel chart.svg
Vowels of Valencian

Most varieties of Catalan contrast seven stressed vowel phonemes. [68] However, some Balearic dialects have an additional stressed vowel phoneme (/ə/); e.g. sec/ˈsək/ ('dry, I sit'). [18] The stressed schwa of these dialects corresponds to /ɛ/ in Central Catalan and /e/ in Western Catalan varieties (that is, Central and Western Catalan dialects differ in their incidence of /e/ and /ɛ/, with /e/ appearing more frequently in Western Catalan; e.g. Central Catalan sec/ˈsɛk/ vs. Western Catalan sec/ˈsek/ ('dry, I sit'). [68]

Contrasting series of the main Catalan dialects:

Central Catalan [18]
[Eastern Catalan]
LSIPAGloss
sac a 'bag'
sec ɛ 'dry', 'I sit'
e 'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LSIPAGloss
*set ɛ 'seven'
'thirst'
Balearic [18]
[Eastern Catalan]
LSIPAGloss
sac a 'bag'
sec ə 'dry', 'I sit'
e 'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LSIPAGloss
*set ɛ 'seven'
ə 'thirst'
Western Catalan [18] &
Alguerese [Eastern] [69]
LSIPAGloss
sac a 'bag'
sec e 'dry', 'I sit'
'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc ɔ 'clog'
o 'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LSIPAGloss
set ɛ 'seven'
e 'thirst'
Northern Catalan [70] &
Mod. Alguerese
[Eastern Catalan]
LSIPAGloss
sac a 'bag'
sec e 'dry', 'I sit'
'fold'
sic i 'sic'
soc o [i] 'clog'
'I am'
suc u 'juice'
Other contrast
LSIPAGloss
*set e 'seven'
'thirst'
  1. ↑ In Northern, many instances of stressed /o/ merges with /u/.

Reduced vowels

In Eastern Catalan, vowels in unstressed position reduce to three : /a/, /e/, /ɛ/→[ə] (phonetically [ɐ] in Barcelona); /o/, /ɔ/, /u/→[u]; /i/ remains unchanged. However there are some dialectal differences: Alguerese merges /a/, /e/ and /ɛ/ with /a/; and in most areas of Majorca, [o] can appear in unstressed position (that is, /o/ and /ɔ/ are usually reduced to [o]). [71]

In Western Catalan (which includes Valencian and North-Western Catalan), vowels in unstressed position reduce to five: /e/, /ɛ/→[e]; /o/, /ɔ/→[o]; /a/,/u/,/i/ remain unchanged. [72] However, in some Western dialects reduced vowels tend to merge into different realizations in some cases:

General
Eastern Catalan [18]
TermIPAGloss
parla ə [i] [ii] 'speech'
rere'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro u 'iron'
mutu'mutual'
Majorcan Balearic [18]
[Eastern Catalan]
TermIPAGloss
parla ə 'speech'
rere'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro o [iii] 'iron'
mutu u 'mutual'
General
Western Catalan [18]
TermIPAGloss
parla a 'speech'
rere e 'back'
lliri i 'lily'
ferro o 'iron'
mutu u 'mutual'
  1. ↑ In Barcelona, it becomes near-open [ɐ].
  2. ↑ In Alguerese, it becomes open [a].
  3. ↑ In Majorcan, pretonic /o/ merges with /u/ in words that contain a close tonic vowel.

Vowel harmony

The harmony of Valencian is a clear example of harmony conditioned by a strong element: in some Valencian dialects, word-final post-tonic /a/ becomes [ɛ] and [ɔ] when the preceding syllable contains tonic open-mid (or near-open) vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/; that is, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ propagate the palatal and labial features, respectively, to the final vowel /a/, as the examples. The articulatory features extend from a phonologically privileged position—the stressed syllable—to a weak position—an unstressed syllable—a perceptual asymmetry emphasized by the fact that the harmony trigger belongs to the radical while the assimilated segment is normally an inflectional affix.

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
terra[ˈtɛrɛ]'Earth, land'
tela[ˈtɛlɛ]'fabric'
pela[ˈpɛlɛ]'he or she peels'
perla[ˈpɛɾlɛ]'pearl'
b)
ExampleIPATranslation
cosa[ˈkɔzɔ]'thing'
mora[ˈmɔɾɔ]'Moor', f.
tova[ˈtɔvɔ]'soft', f.
vora[ˈvɔɾɔ]'edge, shore'

In the most widespread system of harmony, both open-mid vowels cause assimilation; in other systems, distributed over the harmonic territory quite randomly, only one of the vowels triggers the change. For example, in Cullera only the front vowel causes assimilation, while in Borriana the labial vowel is the only one that allows harmony. However, in both the broadest and the narrowest versions, and even in the sporadic cases of two-way harmony that are presented here, the pattern of strong → weak extension remains constant.

In the harmonic phenomenon just described, articulatory features spread from left to right. However, there is no shortage of assimilations in which the features spread to the left of the prominent position. This occurs in Majorcan when pretonic /o/ is closed to [u] in words that contain a close tonic vowel, e.g. c[u]nill, c[u]sí, c[u]mú (cf. Veny Clar (1982)). The change involves the extension of the height feature again in the direction dictated by the strong → weak saliency relationship. Similar closures are documented in various Western languages; among these, Tortosan stands out, where the phenomenon, quite variable and often limited to the elderly, presents the peculiarity that height does not only propagate from tonic vowels, but can also do so from unstressed ones (cfr. Morales). In general terms, and in accordance with the data collected by Morales (in prep.), a pretonic mid vowel may become close under the influence of a close vowel with the same point of articulation—palatal or labial—in a following syllable; in this way, vowel sequences of the type e...i and o...u become i...i a) and u...u b), respectively. The assimilation of mid vowels to a high vowel of a different point of articulation is possible, but in the sequence e...u it is reduced to some words c), and in the sequence o...i it is usually limited to fossilized cases, so that the disharmonious alternatives in d) reflect only copied pronunciations of the orthography. [76]

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
melic[miˈlik]'belly button'
delicat[diliˈkat]'delicate'
b)
ExampleIPATranslation
absolut[apsuˈlut]'absolute'
bromur[bɾuˈmur]'bromide'
c)
ExampleIPATranslation
betum[biˈtum]'betumen'
menut[miˈnut]'small'
d)
ExampleIPATranslation
avorrir[aβuˈrir]'to bore'
botiga[buˈtiɣa]'shop'

Of the phenomena presented above, the most common and systematic is the change e...i → i...i. As in the examples, /e/ becomes [i] when it precedes a stressed /i/ or unstressed /i/. Closure can even affect a series of two pretonic vowels. Assimilation never affects stressed vowels and there is also no harmony when /e/ and /i/ do not occupy adjacent syllables.

With certain restrictions, the phenomenon can modify the final vowel of the first element of a compound and proclitic elements such as numerals or unstressed pronouns. In the last case, when the vowel of the pronoun is not strictly adjacent to the syllable that triggers the harmony, there is no assimilation; according to Morales (in prep.), the lack of spread is related to the fact that groups of pronouns generate a secondary accent, which would protect the original quality of the vowel.

Morales also reports some examples of rightward (regressive) assimilation between weak elements; that is, cases where an unstressed sequence i...e becomes i...i. Harmony to the right is documented only between vowels that are in pretonic position; therefore, the inflectional elements and the post-tonic vowels belonging to the radical are excluded from the change.

General Valencian is another variety in which the extension of features is limited to the main metric foot: in plain words, the final post-tonic, which is part of the main foot, is affected by harmony a); on the other hand, in proparoxytone words (esdrúixoles) the final does not belong to the main foot and is, therefore, beyond the scope of assimilation b). In Valencian from the south of Alicante, the harmony affects an intermediate layer between the main metrical foot and the clitic group: the prosodic word (PPr) (cfr. Montoya (1989), Segura (1996), Beltran (2008)).

Harmony in General Valencian:

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
afecta[aˈfɛktɛ]'affects'
granota[ɡɾaˈnɔtɔ]'frog'
b)
ExampleIPATranslation
mèdica[ˈmɛðika]'medic', f.
ròtula[ˈrɔtula]'kneecap'

Harmony from Southern Valencian (Alicante):

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
afecta[ɛˈfɛktɛ]'affects'
granota[ɡɾɔˈnɔtɔ]'frog'

In the harmony of Valencian, Majorcan and, mostly, Tortosan, the features extend from a strong element to a weak element. In the other possible model, on the other hand, the features are spread in the reverse direction, that is, from positions that are not prominent to positions that are stronger from the perceptual point of view. The trigger for change is in this case a weak element (cf. Walker (2005)). Central Catalan provides an example of harmony—with considerable geographical and idiolectal variation—conditioned by segments located in weak positions. In this dialect, stressed mid vowels in words from other languages tend to be adapted as open mids, as in the paroxytones in example a), with regular reduction in the unstressed syllable, that is, with the vowels [ə], [i] and [u] in this position. Borrowings also have the peculiarity that they tend to block the neutralization of the unstressed middle vowels e and o, which are realized as [e] and [o], respectively. In principle, these two trends should not be mutually exclusive; however, if the post-tonic sound is close-mid, the tonic mids are usually also realized as close, as shown by the plain words in example b), in which the levelling between the two vowels is almost universal. Therefore, the quality of the most prominent vowel is determined by the features of the following vowel, since the appearance of close-mid vowels in tonic position depends on the presence of vowels of the same pitch in the post-tonic syllable.

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
Creta[ˈkɾɛtə]'Crete'
euro[ˈɛwɾu]'Euro'
Betty[ˈbɛti]'Betty'
Rodes[ˈrɔðəs]'Rhodes'
poli[ˈpɔli]'cop'
gnosi[ˈnɔzi]'gnosis'
b)
ExampleIPATranslation
Lesbos[ˈlezβos]'Lesbos'
euro[ˈewɾo]'Euro'
Bette[ˈbete]'Bette'
Rodos[ˈroðos]'Rodos'
polo[ˈpolo]'polo'
Cnossos[ˈnosos]'Knossos'

In proparoxytones there is greater variability. In the variety analyzed by Cabré Castellví (2009) esdrúixol words (i.e. words with stressed on the antepenultimate syllable) are generally subject to the same restrictions and the presence of a close mid in post-tonic position implies the presence of close mids in tonic position a); the syllabic adjacency between the two vowels is key to harmony, since words like Sòcrates[ˈsɔkɾətes] or Hèrcules[ɛrkules] are usually presented without assimilation despite the presence of an unreduced post-tonic e. In the variety described by Bonet Alsina, Lloret-Romanyach & Mascaró Altimiras (2007), on the other hand, post-tonic vowels do not condition the realization of the tonic vowel in esdrúixols b). On the other hand, and in accordance with the interpretation of the aforementioned authors, the adaptation of tonic vowels as open mids is compatible in all varieties with the appearance of unreduced mid vowels in pre-tonic syllables.

a)
ExampleIPATranslation
Jespersen[ˈʒespersen]'Jespersen'
Penèlope[peˈnelope]'Penelope'
Hölderlin[ˈxolderlin]'Hölderlin'
b)
ExampleIPATranslation
Jespersen[ˈʒɛspersen]'Jespersen'
Penèlope[peˈnɛlope]'Penelope'
Sòfocles[ˈsɔfokles]'Sophocles'

Other harmony examples in Central Catalan:

ExampleIPA
Everest[eβeˈɾɛst]
Interpol[interˈpɔl]
ExampleIPA
OPEC[oˈpɛk]
Repsol[repˈsɔl]
ExampleIPA
Flaubert[floˈβɛrt]
Montessori[monteˈsɔɾi]

Vowels in contact

One of the most unique features of Catalan and Valencian is the treatment of vowels that come into contact within the speech chain. When a word-final vowel meets an initial vowel there are two possible reactions: lengthening (if both vowels are the same) [77] or weakening/elision of one of the vowels (if they are different). [78] In general terms, two consecutive vowels diphthongize more frequently in Valencian, North Western Catalan and Alguerese. [79] Some examples (in Valencian):

Lengthening
  • Unstressed /i/ followed by /i/, e.g. platges i illots[ˈpladʒez‿iːˈʎɔts] ('beaches and islets').
  • Unstressed /o/ followed by /o/, e.g. escrit o oral?[esˈkɾitoːˈɾal] ('written or oral?').
Elision
  • Unstressed /a/ followed by stressed /ɔ/ → [ɔ], e.g. quina hora és?[ˌkin‿ˈɔɾɔˈes] or [ˌkin‿ˈɔɾaˈes] ('what time is it?').
  • Stressed /a/ followed by unstressed /e/ → [a], e.g. mà esquerra[ˈmaˈskɛrɛ] or [ˈmaˈskɛra] ('left hand').
  • Unstressed /a/ followed by unstressed /e/ → [a], e.g. agarra el gos[aˈɣaralˈɣos] ('take the dog').
  • Stressed /e/ followed by stressed /a/ → [a], e.g. què has fet?[ˈkasˈfet] ('what have you done?').
  • Unstressed /e/ followed by /ɔ/ → [ɔ], e.g. este home[ˌest‿ˈɔme] ('this man').
  • Stressed /o/ followed by unstressed /e/ → [o], e.g. no els volen[ˈnolzˈvɔlen] ('they don't want them').

Diphthongs and triphthongs

There are also a number of phonetic diphthongs and triphthongs, all of which begin and/or end in [ j ] or [ w ]. [80]

Falling diphthongs
IPA wordgloss IPA wordgloss
[aj]aigua'water'[aw]taula'table'
[əj] (E) / [aj] (W)mainada'children'[əw] (E) / [aw] (W)caurem'we will fall'
[ɛj]oleic'oleic'[ɛw]peu'foot'
[ej]rei'king'[ew]seu'his/her'
[əj] (E) / [ej] (W)Eivissa'Ibiza'[əw] (E) / [ew] (W)eufemisme'euphemism'
[ij] [i] (B)novii'bridegroom'[iw]niu'nest'
[ɔj]heroi'hero'[ɔw] [ii] nou'new'
[uj] (E) / [oj] (W)Moisès / Moisés'Moses'[ow] [iii] sou, mouré'you are', 'I will move'
[uj] [iv] cuit'cooked'[uw]duu'he or she carries'
 
Rising diphthongs
IPA wordgloss IPA wordgloss
[ja]iaio'grandpa'[wa]guant'glove'
[jə] (E) / [ja] (W)feia'he or she was doing'[wə] (E) / [wa] (W)aquareŀla'watercolour'
[jɛ]Aielo'Aielo'[wɛ]seqüència'sequence'
[je]seient'seat'[we]ungüent'ointment'
[jə] (E) / [je] (W)laietans'Laietani'[wə] (E) / [we] (W)qüestió'question'
[wi]pingüí'penguin'
[jɔ]iode'iodine'[wɔ]quota'payment'
[ju] (E) / [jo] (W)iogurt'yoghurt'[wo]seuós'greasy'
[ju]iugoslau'Yugoslav'
 
Triphthongs
IPA wordgloss IPA wordgloss
[jaj]iai'old person'[waj]Alguaire'Alguaire'
[wəj] (E) / [waj] (W)guaitar'to observe, look'
[jɛw] (E) / [jew] (W)veieu'you see'[wɛw] [v] (E) / [wew] (W)adeqüeu'you adequate'
[jəw] (E) / [jew] (W)dèieu'you were saying'
  1. ↑ The diphthong [ij] is mainly found in Balearic.
  2. ↑ [ɔw] may merge with [aw] in Southern Valencian.
  3. ↑ Unstressed [ow] may merge with [əw] or [aw] in Eastern dialects.
  4. ↑ Merges with [wi] in some dialects.
  5. ↑ [waw] in the Balearic dialects.

In Standard Eastern Catalan, rising diphthongs (that is, those starting with [j] or [w]) are only possible in the following contexts: [81]

Processes

There are certain instances of compensatory diphthongization in Majorcan so that troncs/ˈtɾoncs/ ('logs') (in addition to deleting the palatal stop) develops a compensating palatal glide and surfaces as [ˈtɾojns] (and contrasts with the unpluralized [ˈtɾoɲc]). Diphthongization compensates for the loss of the palatal stop (segment loss compensation). There are other cases where diphthongization compensates for the loss of point of articulation features (property loss compensation) as in [ˈaɲ] ('year') vs. [ˈajns] ('years'). [84]

The dialectal distribution of compensatory diphthongization is almost entirely dependent on the dorsal stop (/k~c/) and the extent of consonant assimilation (whether or not it is extended to palatals). [85]

Voiced affricates are devoiced after stressed vowels in dialects like Eastern Catalan where there may be a correlation between devoicing and lengthening (gemination) of voiced affricates: metge/ˈmed͡ːʒə/ → [ˈmet͡ːʃə] ('medic'). [9] In Barcelona, voiced stops may be fortified (geminated and devoiced); e.g. poble[ˈpɔpːlə] 'village, people'). [12]

In (Majorcan) Catalan is known the historical process of erasing the vowel (the nucleus) of unstressed final syllables. Burzio (1988) (cited by Kenstowicz (1994)) and Kaye (1990), have proposed similar theories, in that one or more 'extrasyllabic' final consonants represent the opening of a syllable with null vowel (Burzio) or empty nucleus (Kaye). However, in the case of Catalan, such a structure is fundamentally the one that has been proposed (e.g. in Mascaró Altimiras (1987)) to trigger vowel epenthesis in cases such as the followings: [86]

Assimilations

Nasal Lateral
IPA wordgloss IPA wordgloss
[ɱ]ínfim'lowest'
[n̪]anterior'previous'[l̪]altes'tall' (f. pl.)
[ɲ]engegar'to start (up)'[ʎ]àlgid'decisive'
[ŋ]angle'angle'
[ŋn]sagna'he or she bleeds'
[mː]setmana'week'
[nː]cotna'rind'[lː]Betlem'Bethlehem'
[ʎː]rotllo'roll'

Catalan denti-alveolar stops can fully assimilate to the following consonant, producing gemination; this is particularly evident before nasal and lateral consonants: e.g. setmana ('week'), cotna ('rind'), Betlem, rotllo ('roll'). Learned words can alternate between featuring and not featuring such assimilation (e.g. atles[ˈadləs]~[ˈalːəs] (E) / [ˈadlas]~[ˈalːas] (W) 'atlas', sotmetre[sudˈmɛtɾə]~[suˈmːɛtɾə] (E) / [sodˈmetɾe]~[soˈmːetɾe] (W) 'to submit', ètnic[ˈɛdnik] ~ [ˈɛnːik] 'ethnic'). [87] [88]

There is dialectal variation regarding words with ⟨tll⟩. While Central and North-Western Catalan tend to innovate with a palatalised pronunciation [ʎː], Valencian and Balearic maintain the traditional pronunciation without palatalisation [lː], i.e. ⟨tl⟩, in most cases (e.g. ametlla vs ametla 'almond').

Valencian dialects (especially Central Valencian) features simple elision in many of these cases (e.g setmana[seˈmana] 'week', rotllo[ˈroʎo] 'roll') and learned words might not exhibit either assimilation or elision: atles[ˈadles] and administrar[adminisˈtɾaɾ]. [89]

Prosody

Stress

Stress most often occurs on any of the last three syllables of a word (e.g. brúixola[ˈbɾuʃulə] (E) / [ˈbɾujʃola] (W) 'compass', càstig[ˈkastik] 'punishment', pallús[pəˈʎus] (E) / [paˈʎus] (W) 'fool').

Compound words and adverbs formed with /ˈment/ may have a syllable with secondary stress (e.g. bonament[ˌbɔnəˈmen] (E) [ˌbɔnaˈmen(t)] (W) 'willingly'; parallamps[ˌpaɾəˈʎams] (E) [ˌpaɾaˈʎamps] (W) 'lightning conductor') but every lexical word has just one syllable with main stress. [14]

Phonotactics

The structure of the syllable shows a mandatory nucleus, and the optional presence of a margin before and/or behind the nucleus. Core and margin contrast articulatory due to the fact that the core is emitted with a higher degree of oral opening than the margin. In Catalan and Valencian, the core position is occupied by a vowel and the margin position by one or more consonants. Depending on the number of consonants that make up the margin and the location of the margin in relation to the core, syllabic structures of the type V, CV, VC, CVC, CCV, CCVC, CCVCC, VCC, VCCC, CVCC, CVCCC, etc. are possible. The margin that precedes the nucleus is called "explosive", and the one that follows it, "implosive", syllables can be classified as "open" or "closed" by virtue of the absence or presence of a margin postnuclear, respectively. [90]

Any consonant, as well as [j] and [w] may be an onset. Clusters may consist of a consonant plus a semivowel (C[j], C[w]) or an obstruent plus a liquid. Some speakers may have one of these obstruent-plus-liquid clusters preceding a semivowel, e.g. síndria[ˈsin.dɾjə] ('watermelon'); for other speakers, this is pronounced [ˈsin.dɾi.ə] (i.e. the semivowel must be syllabic in this context). [91]

Word-medial codas are restricted to one consonant + [s] (extra[ˈɛks.tɾə] (E) / [ˈɛks.tɾa] (W)). [92] In the coda position, voice contrasts among obstruents are neutralized. [93] Although there are exceptions (such as futur[fuˈtuɾ] 'future'), syllable-final rhotics are often lost before a word boundary or before the plural morpheme of most words: color[kuˈlo] (E) / [koˈlo(ɾ)] (W) ('color') vs. coloraina[kuluˈɾajnə] (E) / [koloˈɾajna] (W) ('bright color'). [12]

In Central Eastern (and North-Western Catalan), obstruents fail to surface word-finally when preceded by a homorganic consonant (e.g. /nt/→[n̪]). Complex codas simplify only if the loss of the segment doesn't result in the loss of place specification. [94]

Suffixation examples in Central Eastern and North-Western Catalan varieties
FinalglossInternalgloss
no clustercamp[ˈkam]'field'camperol[kəmpəˈɾɔl] (EC)
[kampeˈɾɔl] (NW)		'peasant'
punt[ˈpun̪]'point'punta[ˈpun̪tə] (EC)
[ˈpun̪ta] (NW)		'tip'
banc[ˈbaŋ]'bank'banca[ˈbaŋkə] (EC)
[ˈbaŋka] (NW)		'banking'
malalt[məˈlal̪] (EC)
[maˈlal̪] (NW)		'ill'malaltia[mələl̪ˈti.ə] (EC)
[malal̪ˈti.a] (NW)		'illness'
hort[ˈɔr]'orchard'hortalissa[uɾtəˈlisə](EC)
[oɾtaˈlisa] (NW)		'vegetable'
gust[ˈɡus]'taste'gustar[ɡusˈta]'to taste'
clusterserp[ˈserp]'snake'serpentí[səɾpənˈti] (EC)
[seɾpenˈti] (NW)		'snake-like'
disc[ˈdisk]'disk'disquet[disˈkɛt] (EC)
[disˈket] (NW)		'diskette'
remolc[rəˈmɔlk] (EC)
[reˈmɔlk] (NW)		'trailer'remolcar[rəˈmulka] (NE)
[reˈmolka] (NW)		'to tow'

When the suffix -erol[əˈɾɔl] is added to camp[ˈkam] it makes [kəmpəˈɾɔl], indicating that the underlying representation is /ˈkamp/ (with subsequent cluster simplification), however when the copula [ˈes] is added it makes [ˈkamˈes]. The resulting generalization is that this underlying /p/ will only surface in a morphologically complex word. [95] Despite this, word-final codas are not usually simplified in most of Balearic and Valencian (e.g. camp[ˈkamp]). [96]

Word-initial clusters from Graeco-Latin learned words tend to drop the first phoneme: gnom[ˈnom] ('gnome'), mnemotècnia[nəmuˈtɛŋniə] (E) / [nemoˈtɛŋnia] (W) ('mnemotechnical'), pneumàtic[nəwˈmatik] (E) / [newˈmatik] (W) ('pneumatic'), pseudònim[səwˈðɔnim] (E) / [sewˈðɔnim] (W) ('pseudonym'), pterodàctil[təɾuˈðaktil] (E) / [teɾoˈðaktil] (W) ('pterodactylus'). [97]

Word-final obstruents are devoiced; however, they assimilate voicing of the following consonant, e.g. cuc de seda[ˈkuɡ‿dəˈsɛðə] (E) / [ˈkuɡ‿deˈsɛða] (W) ('silkworm'). In regular and fast speech, stops often assimilate the place of articulation of the following consonant producing phonetic gemination: tot bé[ˈtod‿ˈbe]→[ˈtob‿ˈbe] ('all good'). [98]

Word-final fricatives (except /f/) are voiced before a following vowel; e.g. bus enorme[ˈbuz‿əˈnormə] (E) / [ˈbuz‿eˈnorme] (W) ('huge bus'). [99]

Dialectal variation

Dialectal Map of Catalan Eastern dialects: .mw-parser-output .legend{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}.mw-parser-output .legend-color{display:inline-block;min-width:1.25em;height:1.25em;line-height:1.25;margin:1px 0;text-align:center;border:1px solid black;background-color:transparent;color:black}.mw-parser-output .legend-text{} Northern Catalan Central Catalan Balearic and Alguerese Western dialects: North-Western Catalan Valencian Catalan dialects-en.png
Dialectal Map of Catalan
Eastern dialects:Western dialects:
   Valencian

The differences in the vocalic systems outlined above are the main criteria used to differentiate between the major dialects: Wheeler distinguishes two major dialect groups, western and eastern dialects; the latter of which only allow [ i ], [ ə ], and [ u ] to appear in unstressed syllables and include Northern Catalan, Central Catalan, Balearic, and Alguerese. Western dialects, which allow any vowel in unstressed syllables, include Valencian and North-Western Catalan. [101]

Regarding consonants, betacism and fricative–affricate alternations are the most prominent differences between dialects.

Other dialectal features are:

Vowels
Consonants

Historical development

Catalan shares features with neighboring Romance languages (Occitan, Italian, Sardinian, French, Spanish). [110]

In contrast with other Romance languages, Catalan has many monosyllabic words; and those ending in a wide variety of consonants and some consonant clusters. [111] Also, Catalan has final obstruent devoicing, thus featuring many couplets like amic ('male friend') vs. amiga ('female friend'). [111]

Phonological sample

Universal Declaration of Human Rights , Article 1
OriginalTots els éssers humans neixen/naixen lliures i iguals en dignitat i en drets.
Són dotats de raó i de consciència, i han de comportar-se fraternalment els uns amb els altres.
Majorcan (Balearic) Catalan IPAj‿andəkompoɾˈtaɾ.səfɾətəɾnalˈment‿əlz‿ˈunz‿əmb‿əlz‿altɾəs]
Eastern Central Catalan IPAj‿andəkumpurˈtaɾ.səfɾətərnalˈmen‿əlz‿ˈunz‿əmb‿əlz‿altɾəs]
Northern Catalan IPAj‿andəkumpurˈtaɾ.səfɾətərnalˈme̞n‿əlz‿ˈunz‿əmb‿əlz‿altɾəs]
North-Western Catalan IPAj‿andekompoɾˈtaɾ.sefɾateɾnalˈmen‿elz‿ˈunz‿amb‿elz‿altɾes]
Valencian IPAj‿andekompoɾˈtaɾ.sefɾateɾnalˈment‿elz‿ˈunz‿amb‿elz‿a(l)tɾes]

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ "Voiceless dental plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless dental plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless dental plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  2. ↑ "Voiced dental plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced dental plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced dental plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  3. ↑ "Voiceless velar plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless velar plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless velar plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  4. ↑ "Voiced velar plosive – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced velar plosive – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced velar plosive – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  5. ↑ "Voiced alveolar nasal – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar nasal – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar nasal – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  6. ↑ "Voiced alveolar lateral – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar lateral – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar lateral – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  7. ↑ "Voiced alveolar flap – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar flap – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar flap – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  8. ↑ "Voiceless alveolar fricative – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar fricative – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar fricative – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  9. ↑ "Voiced alveolar fricative – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar fricative – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar fricative – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  10. ↑ "Voiced alveolar trill – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar trill – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar trill – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  11. ↑ "Voiceless alveolar affricate – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar affricate – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiceless alveolar affricate – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  12. ↑ "Voiced alveolar affricate – Central". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar affricate – North-Western". Els sons del català.
    "Voiced alveolar affricate – Valencian". Els sons del català.
  13. ↑ Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Tsar (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.
  14. ↑ Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Tsuga (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.
  15. ↑ Institut d'Estudis Catalans. Txec (in Catalan) (2nd ed.). Barcelona, Spain: Diccionari de la llengua catalana. Archived from the original on 14 August 2011.

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References

  1. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 172–173.
  2. 1 2 3 Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1999, p. 62.
  3. 1 2 3 4 Recasens Vives & Pallarès Ramon 2001, p. 288.
  4. 1 2 3 4 5 Wheeler 2005, pp. 10–11.
  5. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Rafel Fontanals 1999, p. 14.
  6. 1 2 3 4 Wheeler 2005, p. 10.
  7. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 11.
  8. ↑ Recasens Vives, Fontdevila & Pallarès Ramon 1995, p. 288.
  9. 1 2 3 Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 145.
  10. ↑ Recasens Vives 1993.
  11. ↑ Recasens Vives & Pallarès Ramon 2001.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, p. 53.
  13. ↑ Lloret-Romanyach 2003, p. 278.
  14. 1 2 Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1999, p. 63.
  15. ↑ Wheeler 2005, pp. 147–149.
  16. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 57.
  17. ↑ Hualde 1992, p. 368.
  18. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 1.
  19. ↑ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, pp. 53–55.
  20. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 190–191.
  21. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 91–92.
  22. ↑ Wheeler 2005, pp. 22–23.
  23. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 53.
  24. 1 2 Wheeler 2005, pp. 11–12.
  25. 1 2 3 Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 144.
  26. 1 2 Hualde 1992, p. 370.
  27. ↑ Badia Cardús 1992–1993, pp. 307–351.
  28. ↑ Wheeler 2005, pp. 13–14.
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  30. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 12.
  31. 1 2 Wheeler 2005, p. 23.
  32. ↑ Veny Clar 2007, p. 51.
  33. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 13.
  34. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 59-65.
  35. 1 2 Wheeler 2005, p. 81.
  36. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 205–206.
  37. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 232–233.
  38. ↑ Ortografia catalana 2017, p. 28.
  39. ↑ Pons-Moll, pp. 2–3.
  40. 1 2 Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 20.
  41. ↑ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2005, p. 3.
  42. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 311–312.
  43. 1 2 Recasens Vives 1996, p. 266.
  44. 1 2 Recasens Vives 1996, p. 321.
  45. 1 2 Wheeler 1979.
  46. ↑ Bonet Alsina & Mascaró Altimiras 1997.
  47. ↑ Dols & Wheeler 1995, p. 61.
  48. ↑ Dols & Wheeler 1995, p. 60.
  49. ↑ Padgett 2009, p. 432.
  50. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 24.
  51. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 60.
  52. ↑ Coromines 1976.
  53. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 90–92.
  54. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 90–104.
  55. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, pp. 24–25.
  56. ↑ Harrison 1997, p. 2.
  57. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 81.
  58. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 130–131.
  59. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 27.
  60. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 29.
  61. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 69–77, 135–140.
  62. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 59.
  63. 1 2 Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 66, 141.
  64. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 69, 80–81.
  65. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 70.
  66. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 59–142.
  67. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, p. 23.
  68. 1 2 Wheeler 2005, p. 38.
  69. ↑ Francesc Ballone.
  70. ↑ Bech.
  71. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 54.
  72. ↑ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, pp. 54–55.
  73. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 75–76.
  74. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 128–129.
  75. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 138.
  76. ↑ Jiménez & Lloret-Romanyach 2009, pp. 3–4.
  77. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 165.
  78. ↑ Saborit Vilar 2009, pp. 42–43.
  79. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 154.
  80. ↑ Carbonell Costa & Llisterri Boix 1992, p. 54.
  81. ↑ Institut d'Estudis Catalans 2009.
  82. ↑ Lleó Pujol 1970.
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  84. ↑ Mascaró Altimiras 2001, pp. 580–581.
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  86. ↑ Dols & Wheeler 1995, pp. 54–55.
  87. ↑ Fabra Poch 2006, p. 24.
  88. ↑ Lacreu Cuesta 2002, p. 53.
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  90. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, pp. 49–50.
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  94. ↑ Herrick 2000, p. 70.
  95. ↑ Herrick 2000, p. 72.
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  97. ↑ Recasens Vives 1996, p. 175.
  98. ↑ Badia i Margarit 1988, p. 35.
  99. ↑ Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007.
  100. ↑ Wheeler, Yates & Dols Salas 1999, p. 18.
  101. ↑ Wheeler 2005.
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  107. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 15.
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  109. 1 2 Recasens Vives & Espinosa 2007, p. 147.
  110. ↑ Wheeler 2005, p. 1.
  111. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Ferrater Soler 1977, p. 630.
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