Standard German phonology

Last updated

The phonology of Standard German is the standard pronunciation or accent of the German language. It deals with current phonology and phonetics as well as with historical developments thereof as well as the geographical variants and the influence of German dialects.

Contents

While the spelling of German is officially standardised by an international organisation (the Council for German Orthography) the pronunciation has no official standard and relies on a de facto standard documented in reference works such as Deutsches Aussprachewörterbuch (German Pronunciation Dictionary) by Eva-Maria Krech et al., [1] Duden 6 Das Aussprachewörterbuch (Duden volume 6, The Pronunciation Dictionary) by Max Mangold and the training materials of radio and television stations such as Westdeutscher Rundfunk , Deutschlandfunk , or Schweizer Radio und Fernsehen . This standardised pronunciation was invented, rather than coming from any particular German-speaking city. But the pronunciation that Germans usually consider to be closest to the standard is that of Hanover. [2] [3] [4] [5] Standard German is sometimes referred to as Bühnendeutsch (stage German), but the latter has its own definition and is slightly different. [6]

Vowels

Monophthongs of standard German, from Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knobl (2015:34) Northern Standard German vowel chart.svg
Monophthongs of standard German, from Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knöbl (2015 :34)

Monophthongs

Monophthong phonemes of Standard German
Front Central Back
Unrounded Rounded
short long shortlongshortlongshortlong
Close iː yː uː
Close-mid ɪ eː ʏ øː ( ə ) ʊ oː
Open-mid ɛ ( ɛː ) œ ( ɐ ) ɔ
Open a aː

Some scholars [7] treat /ə/ as an unstressed allophone of /ɛ/. Likewise, some scholars [7] treat /ɐ/ as an allophone of the sequence /ər/ or as a vocalic realization of syllabic /r̩/. The phonemic status of /ɛː/ is also debated – see below.

Notes

  • Close vowels
    • /iː/ is close front unrounded [ iː ]. [8] [9] [10]
    • /yː/ is close near-front rounded [ y̠ː ]. [8] [9] [10]
    • /uː/ is close back rounded [ uː ]. [8] [9] [10]
    • /ɪ/ has been variously described as near-close front unrounded [ ɪ̟ ] [10] and near-close near-front unrounded [ ɪ ]. [8] [9]
    • /ʏ/ is near-close near-front rounded [ ʏ ]. [8] [9] [10]
    • /ʊ/ is near-close near-back rounded [ ʊ ]. [8] [9] [10]
  • Mid vowels
    • /eː/ is close-mid front unrounded [ eː ]. [8] [9] [10]
      • In non-standard accents of the Low German speaking area, as well as in some Bavarian and Austrian accents it may be pronounced as a narrow closing diphthong [eɪ].
    • /øː/ has been variously described as close-mid near-front rounded [ ø̠ː ] [9] [10] and mid near-front rounded [ ø̽ː ]. [8] One source [11] shows it as considerably centralized on the vowel chart (the one shown above), closer to [ ɵː ] than cardinal [ øː ].
      • In non-standard accents of the Low German speaking area, as well as in some Austrian accents it may be pronounced as a narrow closing diphthong [øʏ].
    • /oː/ is close-mid back rounded [ oː ]. [8] [9] [10]
      • In non-standard accents of the Low German speaking area, as well as in some Austrian accents it may be pronounced as a narrow closing diphthong [oʊ].
    • /ə/ has been variously described as mid central unrounded [ ə ]. [8] [9] [10] and close-mid central unrounded [ ɘ ]. [12] It occurs only in unstressed syllables, for instance in besetzen[bəˈzɛtsən] ('occupy'). It is often considered a complementary allophone together with [ ɛ ], which only rarely or regionally occurs in unstressed syllables (e.g. entsetzt).[ citation needed ] If a sonorant follows in the syllable coda, the schwa often disappears so that the sonorant becomes syllabic, for instance Kissen[ˈkɪsn̩] ('pillow'), Esel[ˈeːzl̩] ('donkey'). However, Standard German spoken in Luxembourg often lacks syllabic sonorants under the influence of Luxembourgish, so that e.g. setzen ('put') is pronounced [ˈzɛtsən], rather than [ˈzɛtsn̩]. [13] [14]
    • /ɛ/ has been variously described as mid near-front unrounded [ ɛ̽ ] [9] and open-mid front unrounded [ ɛ ]. [8] [10]
    • /ɛː/ has been variously described as mid front unrounded [ ɛ̝ː ] [8] and open-mid front unrounded [ ɛː ]. [8] [9]
    • /œ/ has been variously described as open-mid near-front rounded [ œ̠ ] [10] and somewhat lowered open-mid near-front rounded [ œ̠˕ ]. [8] [9]
    • /ɔ/ has been variously described as somewhat fronted open-mid back rounded [ ɔ̟ ] [9] [10] and open-mid back rounded [ ɔ ]. [8]
  • Open vowels
    • /ɐ/ is near-open central unrounded [ ɐ ]. [8] [15] It is a common allophone of the sequence /ər/ common to all German-speaking areas but Switzerland. As schwa /ə/ is never pronounced here, it also possible to interpret [ ɐ ] as the vocalic allophone of the syllabic sonorant /r̩/. [16]
    • /a/ has been variously described as open front unrounded [ a ] [17] and open central unrounded [ ä ]. [8] [9] [10] [18] [19] Some scholars [20] differentiate two short /a/, namely front /a/ and back /ɑ/. [21] The latter occurs only in unstressed open syllables, exactly as /i,y,u,e,ø,o/. [22]
      • Standard Austrian pronunciation of this vowel is back [ ɑ ]. [23]
      • Front [ a ] or even [ æ ] is a common realization of /a/ in northern German varieties influenced by Low German.
    • /aː/ has been variously described as open central unrounded [ äː ] [8] [9] [10] [18] [19] and open back unrounded [ ɑː ]. [24] Because of this, it is sometimes transcribed /ɑː/. [25]
      • Back [ ɑː ] is the Standard Austrian pronunciation. [23] It is also a common realization of /aː/ in northern German varieties influenced by Low German (in which it may even be rounded [ ɒː ]).
    • Wiese (1996) notes that "there is a tendency to neutralize the distinction between [a(ː)], [aɐ̯], and [ɐ]. That is, Oda, Radar, and Oder have final syllables which are perceptually very similar, and are nearly or completely identical in some dialects." [26] He also says that "outside of a word context, [ɐ] cannot be distinguished from [a]. [26] (As early as 1847, Verdi's librettist found it natural, when adapting a play by Schiller into the Italian language, to render the distinctly German name Roller as Rolla.)
    • According to the 7th edition of Das Aussprachewörterbuch, the standard pronunciation differentiates [ɐ] from unstressed [a] (which typically belongs to /aː/ phoneme, see below). The authors claim that the difference is one of height: [ ɐ ] vs. [ ä ]. However, they tend to be neutralized in the Berlin/Brandenburg Metropolitan Region towards an open central [ ä ]. Conversely, in southern Germany, /ɐ/ is often realized as [ ə ] (in turn, Standard /ə/ is often closer to [ ɛ ]). In Franconia and partially also in the coastal regions of Germany, the vowel is closer to [ ɛ ], whereas in west-central Germany it is slightly more open, that is [ æ ]. In each case but the first one, [ɐ] is strongly differentiated from [a]. In regions without r-vocalization, the difference is always present. [27]
    • According to a 2020 study, [ɐ] is not distinguished from unstressed [a] in Northern Standard German. Word pairs such as Oper 'opera' (traditionally transcribed [ˈoːpɐ]) and Opa 'grandpa' (traditionally transcribed [ˈoːpa]) are thus homophones (as [ˈoːpɐ]), rather than minimal pairs. The merged vowel has a centralized quality [ ɐ ]. The authors of the study advocate for ditching the distinction in transcriptions aimed at foreign learners of German. This neutralization may not apply to all dialects with r-vocalization, particularly the southern ones. [28]

Although there is also a length contrast, vowels are often analyzed according to a tenseness contrast, with long /iː,yː,uː,eː,øː,oː/ being the tense vowels and short /ɪ,ʏ,ʊ,ɛ,œ,ɔ/ their lax counterparts. Like the English checked vowels, the German lax vowels require a following consonant, with the notable exception of /ɛː/ (which is absent in many varieties, as discussed below). /a/ is sometimes considered the lax counterpart of tense /aː/ in order to maintain this tense/lax division. Short [i,y,u,e,ø,o] occur in unstressed syllables of loanwords, for instance in Psychometrie[psyçomeˈtʁiː] ('psychometry'). They are usually considered allophones of tense vowels (thus /psyːçoːmeːˈtriː/), which cannot occur in unstressed syllables (unless in compounds). /aː/ is similarly shortened in those positions, with the difference being that it is shortened also in native words, such as aforementioned Opa[ˈoːpa] 'grandpa' (phonemically /ˈoːpaː/).

In dialects with r-vocalization, historical /a(ː)r/ (phonetically typically a long monophthong [ äː ]) may undergo a shortening akin to /aː/ when unstressed, as in one pronunciation of Radar 'radar' as [ˈʁaːda] (phonemically /ˈraːdaːr/). [26] An analogous process has taken place in Danish, as in the cognate radar [ˈʁɑːtɑ] , meaning the same. [29]

Northern German varieties influenced by Low German could be analyzed as lacking contrasting vowel quantity entirely:

Phonemic status of /ɛː/

The existence of a phoneme /ɛː/ in German is disputed. [30] The distinction between the long lax /ɛː/ and the long tense /eː/ does not exist in some varieties of Standard German, and many authors treat the /ɛː/ phoneme as peripheral and regard a distinction between it and /eː/ as a spelling pronunciation. [31] Most commonly, they are merged before an intervocalic /r/, so that potential minimal pairs such as Ähre 'ear of grain' and Ehre 'honor' or Bären 'bears' and Beeren 'berries' are rendered homophonous, as /ˈɛːrə/ and /ˈbɛːrən/. Some authors claim that no distinction between /ɛː/ and /eː/ is possible in this position unless in hypercorrect pronunciation, in which Ehre and Beeren may be pronounced [ˈeːʁə] and [ˈbeːʁən], with a tense /eː/. [32] Other authors claim that there is regional variation, a distinction occurring especially in southern variaties of Standard German. [33] In contexts other than before intervocalic /r/, the contrast between /ɛː/ and /eː/ is more stable, so that bäten/ˈbɛːtən/ 'bid, conjunctive', Dänen/ˈdɛːnən/ 'Danes' and Sägen/ˈzɛːɡən/ ('saws, n.') may be differentiated from beten/ˈbeːtən/ 'to pray', dehnen/ˈdeːnən/ 'to stretch' and Segen/ˈzeːɡən/ 'blessing'. Even here the vowels can merge, but to a tense /eː/: [ˈbeːtn̩,ˈdeːnən,ˈzeːɡn̩]. [32] Scholars who question the existence of a phoneme /ɛː/ do so for the following reasons:

  1. The existence of a phoneme /ɛː/ is an irregularity in a vowel system that otherwise has pairs of long and tense vs. short and lax vowels such as /oː/ vs. /ɔ/. [31] On the other hand, such irregularities are not ruled out by any principle.[ citation needed ]
  2. The phoneme /ɛː/ has developed out of the spelling of the language rather than from any historical sound change; [30] Most examples of Middle High German /ǣ/ correspond to New High German /eː/ rather than /ɛː/, indicating that the modern /ɛː/ is not a regular development. [34]
  3. Although some dialects (e.g. Ripuarian and some Alemannic dialects) have an opposition of /eː/ vs. /ɛː/, their usage does not follow that of the standard. [34] There is also little agreement across dialects as to whether individual lexical items should be pronounced with /eː/ or with /ɛː/. E.g. South Hessian dialects have /eː/ in Käse but /ɛː/ in Leben. [35] [ better source needed ]
  4. The use of /ɛː/ is a spelling pronunciation rather than an original feature of the language. It is an attempt to "speak as printed" (sprechen wie gedruckt) and to differentiate the spellings ⟨e⟩ and ⟨ä⟩ (i.e. speakers attempt to justify the appearance of ⟨e⟩ and ⟨ä⟩ in writing by making them distinct in the spoken language). [36] [31]
  5. Speakers with an otherwise fairly standard idiolect find it rather difficult to utter longer passages with /eː/ and /ɛː/ in the right places. Such persons apparently have to picture the spellings of the words in question, which impedes the flow of speech.[ citation needed ] However, the examples above with a non-rhotic context for the disputed vowel distinction speak against this view.[ citation needed ]

Diphthongs

Phonemic

Diphthongs of standard German, from Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knobl (2015:35) Northern Standard German diphthong chart.svg
Diphthongs of standard German, from Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knöbl (2015 :35)
Ending point
FrontBack
Near-close(ʊɪ̯)
Open-midɔɪ̯
Openaɪ̯aʊ̯
  • /aɪ̯/ has been variously described as [äɪ], [8] [37] [äe̠] [38] and [aɛ]. [39]
  • /aʊ̯/ has been variously described as [äʊ], [37] [äʊ̞], [8] [äo̟] [38] and [aɔ]. [40]
  • /ɔɪ̯/ has been variously described as [ɔʏ], [37] [ɔʏ̞], [8] [ɔ̝e̠] [38] and [ɔœ]. [41]
  • /ʊɪ̯/ is found only in a handful of interjections such as pfui[pfʊɪ̯] and hui[hʊɪ̯], and as an alternative to disyllabic [uː.ɪ] in words such as ruhig[ʁʊɪ̯ç]. [11] [42]

Phonetic

The following usually are not counted among the German diphthongs as German speakers often feel they are distinct marks of "foreign words" (Fremdwörter). These appear only in loanwords:

  • [o̯a], as in Croissant[kʁ̥o̯aˈsɑ̃], colloquially: [kʁ̥o̯aˈsaŋ].
  • Many German speakers use [ɛɪ̯] and [ɔʊ̯] as adaptations of the English diphthongs /eɪ/ and /oʊ/ in English loanwords, according to Wiese (1996), or they replace them with the native German long vowels /eː/ and /oː/. Thus, the word okay may be pronounced [ɔʊ̯ˈkɛɪ̯] or /oːˈkeː/. [43] However, Mangold (2005) and Krech et al. (2009) do not recognize these diphthongs as phonemes, and prescribe pronunciations with the long vowels /eː/ and /oː/ instead.

In the varieties where speakers vocalize /r/ to [ ɐ ] in the syllable coda, a diphthong ending in [ɐ̯] may be formed with every stressable vowel:

German diphthongs ending in [a] (part 1), from Kohler (1999:88) German a diphthongs chart - part 1.svg
German diphthongs ending in [ɐ̯] (part 1), from Kohler (1999 :88)
German diphthongs ending in [a] (part 2), from Kohler (1999:88) German a diphthongs chart - part 2.svg
German diphthongs ending in [ɐ̯] (part 2), from Kohler (1999 :88)
DiphthongExample
PhonemicallyPhoneticallyIPAOrthographyTranslation
/ɪr/[ɪɐ̯][vɪɐ̯t]wirdhe/she/it becomes
/iːr/[iːɐ̯] 1 [viːɐ̯]wirwe
/ʏr/[ʏɐ̯][ˈvʏɐ̯də]Würdedignity
/yːr/[yːɐ̯] 1 [fyːɐ̯]fürfor
/ʊr/[ʊɐ̯][ˈvʊɐ̯də]wurdeI/he/she/it became
/uːr/[uːɐ̯] 1 [ˈuːɐ̯laʊ̯p]Urlaubholiday
/ɛr/[ɛɐ̯][ɛɐ̯ft]ErftErft
/ɛːr/[ɛːɐ̯] 1 [bɛːɐ̯]Bärbear
/eːr/[eːɐ̯] 1 [meːɐ̯]mehrmore
/œr/[œɐ̯][dœɐ̯t]dörrthe/she/it dries
/øːr/[øːɐ̯] 1 [høːɐ̯]hör!(you (sg.)) hear!
/ɔr/[ɔɐ̯][ˈnɔɐ̯dn̩]Nordennorth
/oːr/[oːɐ̯] 1 [toːɐ̯]Torgate
/ar/[aɐ̯][haɐ̯t]harthard
/aːr/[aːɐ̯] 1 [vaːɐ̯]wahrtrue
^1 Wiese (1996) notes that the length contrast is not very stable before non-prevocalic /r/ [44] and that "Meinhold & Stock (1980 :180), following the pronouncing dictionaries (Mangold (1990), Krech & Stötzer (1982)) judge the vowel in Art, Schwert, Fahrt to be long, while the vowel in Ort, Furcht, hart is supposed to be short. The factual basis of this presumed distinction seems very questionable." [44] [45] He goes on stating that in his own dialect, there is no length difference in these words, and that judgements on vowel length in front of non-prevocalic /r/ which is itself vocalized are problematic, in particular if /a/ precedes. [44]
According to the "lengthless" analysis, the aforementioned "long" diphthongs are analyzed as [iɐ̯], [yɐ̯], [uɐ̯], [ɛɐ̯], [eɐ̯], [øɐ̯], [oɐ̯] and [aɐ̯]. This makes non-prevocalic /ar/ and /aːr/ homophonous as [aɐ̯] or [aː]. Non-prevocalic /ɛr/ and /ɛːr/ may also merge, but the vowel chart in Kohler (1999) shows that they have somewhat different starting points – mid-centralized open-mid front [ ɛ̽ ] for the former, open-mid front [ ɛ ] for the latter. [15]
Wiese (1996) also states that "laxing of the vowel is predicted to take place in shortened vowels; it does indeed seem to go hand in hand with the vowel shortening in many cases." [44] This leads to [iɐ̯], [yɐ̯], [uɐ̯], [eɐ̯], [øɐ̯], [oɐ̯] being pronounced the same as [ɪɐ̯], [ʏɐ̯], [ʊɐ̯], [ɛɐ̯], [œɐ̯], [ɔɐ̯]. This merger is usual in the Standard Austrian accent, in which e.g. Moor 'bog' is often pronounced [mɔɐ̯]; this, in contrast with the Standard Northern variety, also happens intervocalically, along with the diphthongization of the laxed vowel to [Vɐ̯], so that e.g. Lehrer 'teacher' is pronounced [ˈlɛɐ̯ʁɐ] [46] (the corresponding Standard Northern pronunciation is [ˈleːʁɐ]). Another feature of the Standard Austrian accent is complete absorption of [ɐ̯] by the preceding /a,aː/, so that e.g. rar 'scarce' is pronounced [ʁɑː]. [46]

Consonants

With around 22 to 26 phonemes, the German consonant system has an average number of consonants in comparison with other languages. One of the more noteworthy ones is the unusual affricate /pf/. [47]

Labial Alveolar Post-
alveolar 		Palatal Velar/
Uvular 		Glottal
Nasal m n ŋ
Plosive Fortis p t k ( ʔ )
Lenis b d ɡ
Affricate Fortis pf ts tʃ
Lenis ( dʒ )
Fricative Fortis f s ʃ ç ( x ) h
Lenis v z ( ʒ ) j
Lateral l
Rhotic r

Ich-Laut and ach-Laut

A map showing the German dialect area with black/white squares indicating the Ich-Laut and the Ach-Laut Velar fronting after ae.pdf
A map showing the German dialect area with black/white squares indicating the Ich-Laut and the Ach-Laut

Ich-Laut is the voiceless palatal fricative [ ç ] (which is found in the word ich[ɪç] 'I'), and ach-Laut is the voiceless velar fricative [ x ] (which is found in the word ach[ax] the interjection 'oh', 'alas'). Laut[laʊ̯t] is the German word for 'sound, phone'. In German, these two sounds are allophones occurring in complementary distribution. The allophone [ x ] occurs after back vowels and /aaː/ (for instance in Buch[buːx] 'book'), the allophone [ ç ] after front vowels (for instance in mich[mɪç] 'me/myself') and consonants (for instance in Furcht[fʊʁçt] 'fear', manchmal[ˈmançmaːl] 'sometimes'). The allophone [ ç ] also appears after vocalized ⟨r⟩ in superregional variants, e.g. in Furcht[fʊɐ̯çt] 'fear'. In southeastern regiolects, the ach-Laut is commonly used here, yielding [fʊɐ̯xt].

In loanwords, the pronunciation of potential fricatives in onsets of stressed syllables varies: in the Northern varieties of standard German, it is [ ç ], while in Southern varieties, it is [ k ], and in Western varieties, it is [ ʃ ] (for instance in China: [ˈçiːna] vs. [ˈkiːna] vs. [ˈʃiːna]).

The diminutive suffix -chen is always pronounced with an ich-Laut[-çən]. [96] Usually, this ending triggers umlaut (compare for instance Hund[hʊnt] 'dog' to Hündchen[ˈhʏntçn̩] 'little dog'), so theoretically, it could only occur after front vowels. However, in some comparatively recent coinings, there is no longer an umlaut, for instance in the word Frauchen[ˈfʁaʊ̯çən] (a diminutive of Frau 'woman'), so that a back vowel is followed by a [ ç ], even though normally it would be followed by a [ x ], as in rauchen[ˈʁaʊ̯xən] ('to smoke'). This exception to the allophonic distribution may be an effect of the morphemic boundary or an example of phonemicization , where erstwhile allophones undergo a split into separate phonemes.

The allophonic distribution of [ ç ] after front vowels and [ x ] after other vowels is also found in other languages, such as Scots, e.g. licht[lɪçt] 'light', dochter[ˈdɔxtər] 'daughter', and the same distribution is reconstructed for Middle English. However, it is by no means inevitable: Dutch, Yiddish, and many Southern German dialects retain [ x ] (which can be realized as [ χ ] instead) in all positions. It is thus reasonable to assume that Old High German ih, the ancestor of modern ich, was pronounced with [ x ] rather than [ ç ]. While it is impossible to know for certain whether Old English words such as niht (modern night) were pronounced with [ x ] or [ ç ], [ ç ] is likely (see Old English phonology).

Despite the phonetic history, the complementary distribution of [ ç ] and [ x ] in modern Standard German is better described as backing of /ç/ after a back vowel, rather than fronting of /x/ after a front vowel, because [ ç ] is used in onsets (Chemie[çeˈmiː] 'chemistry') and after consonants (Molch[mɔlç] 'newt'), and is thus the underlying form of the phoneme.

According to Kohler, [97] the German ach-Laut is further differentiated into two allophones, [ x ] and [ χ ]: [ x ] occurs after /uː,oː/ (for instance in Buch[buːx] 'book') and [ χ ] after /a,aː/ (for instance in Bach[baχ] 'brook'), while either [ x ] or [ χ ] may occur after /ʊ,ɔ,aʊ̯/, with [ χ ] predominating.

In Western varieties, there is a strong tendency to realize /ç/ as unrounded [ ʃ ] or [ ɕ ], and the phoneme may be confused or merged with /ʃ/ altogether, secondarily leading to hypercorrection effects where /ʃ/ is replaced with /ç/, for instance in Fisch[fɪʃ], which may be realized as [fɪç].

Within German dialects, a large variation exists as to the environments which trigger or prevent one realization or the other. [98]

Fortis–lenis pairs

Various German consonants occur in pairs at the same place of articulation and in the same manner of articulation, namely the pairs /p–b/, /t–d/, /k–ɡ/, /s–z/, /ʃ–ʒ/. These pairs are often called fortis–lenis pairs, since describing them as voiced–voiceless pairs is inadequate. With certain qualifications, /tʃ–dʒ/, /f–v/ and /θ–ð/ are also considered fortis–lenis pairs.

Fortis-lenis distinction for /ʔ,m,n,ŋ,l,r,h/ is unimportant. [99]

The fortis stops /p,t,k/ are aspirated in many varieties. The aspiration is strongest in the onset of a stressed syllable (such as Taler[ˈtʰaːlɐ] 'thaler'), weaker in the onset of an unstressed syllable (such as Vater[ˈfaːtʰɐ] 'father'), and weakest in the syllable coda (such as in Saat[zaːtʰ] 'seed'). All fortis consonants, i.e. /p,t,k,f,θ,s,ʃ,ç,x,pf,ts,tʃ/ [99] are fully voiceless. [100]

The lenis consonants /b,d,ɡ,v,ð,z,ʒ,j,r,dʒ/ [99] range from being weakly voiced to almost voiceless [b̥,d̥,ɡ̊,v̥,ð̥,z̥,ʒ̊,j̥,r̥,d̥ʒ̊] after voiceless consonants: [100] Kasbah[ˈkasb̥a] ('kasbah'), abdanken[ˈapd̥aŋkn̩] ('to resign'), rotgelb[ˈʁoːtɡ̊ɛlp] ('red-yellow'), Abwurf[ˈapv̥ʊʁf] ('dropping'), Absicht[ˈapz̥ɪçt] ('intention'), Holzjalousie[ˈhɔltsʒ̊aluziː] ('wooden jalousie'), wegjagen[ˈvɛkj̥aːɡn̩] ('to chase away'), tropfen[ˈtʁ̥ɔpfn̩] ('to drop'), Obstjuice[ˈoːpstd̥ʒ̊uːs] ('fruit juice'). Mangold (2005) states that they are "to a large extent voiced" [b,d,ɡ,v,ð,z,ʒ,j,r,dʒ] in all other environments, [99] but some studies have found the stops /b,d,ɡ/ to be voiceless word/utterance-initially in most dialects (while still contrasting with /p,t,k/ due to the aspiration of the latter). [101]

/b,d,ɡ,z,ʒ/ are voiceless in most southern varieties of German. For clarity, they are often transcribed as [b̥,d̥,ɡ̊,z̥,ʒ̊].

The nature of the phonetic difference between the voiceless lenis consonants and the similarly voiceless fortis consonants is controversial. It is generally described as a difference in articulatory force, and occasionally as a difference in articulatory length; for the most part, it is assumed that one of these characteristics implies the other.

In various central and southern varieties, the opposition between fortis and lenis is neutralized in the syllable onset; sometimes just in the onset of stressed syllables, sometimes in all cases.

The pair /f–v/ is not considered a fortis–lenis pair, but a simple voiceless–voiced pair, as /v/ remains voiced in all varieties, including the Southern varieties that devoice the lenes (with however some exceptions). [102] Generally, the southern /v/ is realized as the voiced approximant [ ʋ ]. However, there are southern varieties which differentiate between a fortis /f/ (such as in sträflich[ˈʃtʁɛːflɪç] 'culpable' from Middle High German stræflich) and a lenis /f/ ([v̥], such as in höflich[ˈhøːv̥lɪç] 'polite' from Middle High German hovelîch); this is analogous to the opposition of fortis /s/ ([ s ]) and lenis [z̥].

Coda devoicing

In varieties from Northern Germany, lenis stops in the syllable coda are realized as fortis stops. This does not happen in varieties from Southern Germany, Austria or Switzerland. [103]

Since the lenis stops /b,d,ɡ/ are unvoiced or at most variably voiced (as stated above), this cannot be called devoicing in the strict sense of the word because it does not involve the loss of phonetic voice. [104] More accurately, it can be called coda fortition or a neutralization of fortis and lenis sounds in the coda. Fricatives are truly and contrastively voiced in Northern Germany. [105] Therefore, the fricatives undergo coda devoicing in the strict sense of the word. [104] It is disputed whether coda devoicing is due to a constraint which specifically operates on syllable codas or whether it arises from constraints which "protect voicing in privileged positions". [106]

Stress

In German words there is always one syllable carrying main stress, with all other syllables either being unstressed or carrying a secondary stress. The position of the main stress syllable has been a matter of debate. Traditionally, word stress is seen as falling onto the first stem syllable. In recent analyses, there is agreement that main stress is placed onto one of the last three (stressable) syllables. Within this three-syllable window, [107] word stress is put regularly onto the second-to-last syllable, the penultimate syllable. [108] However, syllable quantity may modify this pattern: a heavy final or prefinal syllable, i.e., one with a long vowel or with one or more consonants in the syllable coda, will usually attract main stress.

Examples

A set of illustrative examples also stems from Japanese loan words, as these cannot be borrowed with their stress patterns (Japanese has a system of pitch accents, completely different from word stress in Germanic languages):

A list of Japanese words in German reveals that none of the words with four syllables has initial stress, confirming the three-syllable-window analysis.

Secondary stresses precede the main stress if at least two syllables are present, as in ̩Bib-li- ̩o-the-'ka-rin.

Suffixes, if containing a stressable vowel, are either stressed (-ei, ion, -al, etc.) or unstressed (-ung, -heit, -isch, etc.)

In addition, German uses different stresses for separable prefixes and inseparable prefixes in verbs and words derived from such verbs:

Acquisition

General

Like all infants, German infants go through a babbling stage in the early phases of phonological acquisition, during which they produce the sounds they will later use in their first words. [109] Phoneme inventories begin with stops, nasals, and vowels; (contrasting) short vowels and liquids appear next, followed by fricatives and affricates, and finally all other consonants and consonant clusters. [110] Children begin to produce protowords near the end of their first year. These words do not approximate adult forms, yet have a specific and consistent meaning. [109] Early word productions are phonetically simple and usually follow the syllable structure CV or CVC, although this generalization has been challenged. [111] The first vowels produced are /ə/, /a/, and /aː/, followed by /eː/, /iː/, and /ɛ/, with rounded vowels emerging last. [110] German children often use phonological processes to simplify their early word production. [110] For example, they may delete an unstressed syllable (Schokolade 'chocolate' pronounced [ˈlaːdə]), [110] or replace a fricative with a corresponding stop (Dach[dax] 'roof' pronounced [dak]). [112] One case study found that a 17-month-old child acquiring German replaced the voiceless velar fricative [x] with the nearest available continuant [h], or deleted it altogether (Buch[buːx] 'book' pronounced [buh] or [buː]). [113]

Prosodically, children prefer bisyllabic words with the pattern strong – weak over monosyllabic words.

Vowel space development

In 2009, Lintfert examined the development of vowel space of German speakers in their first three years of life. During the babbling stage, vowel distribution has no clear pattern. However, stressed and unstressed vowels already show different distributions in the vowel space. Once word production begins, stressed vowels expand in the vowel space, while the F1 – F2 vowel space of unstressed vowels becomes more centralized. The majority of infants are then capable of stable production of F1. [114] The variability of formant frequencies among individuals decreases with age. [115] After 24 months, infants expand their vowel space individually at different rates. However, if the parents' utterances possess a well-defined vowel space, their children produce clearly distinguished vowel classes earlier. [116] By about three years old, children command the production of all vowels, and they attempt to produce the four cardinal vowels, /y/, /i/, /u/ and /a/, at the extreme limits of the F1–F2 vowel space (i.e., the height and backness of the vowels are made extreme by the infants). [115]

Nasals

The acquisition of nasals in German differs from that of Dutch, a phonologically closely related language. [117] German children produce proportionately more nasals in onset position (sounds before a vowel in a syllable) than Dutch children do. [118] German children, once they reached 16 months, also produced significantly more nasals in syllables containing schwas, when compared with Dutch-speaking children. [119] This may reflect differences in the languages the children are being exposed to, although the researchers claim that the development of nasals likely cannot be seen apart from the more general phonological system the child is developing. [120]

Phonotactic constraints and reading

A 2006 study examined the acquisition of German in phonologically delayed children (specifically, issues with fronting of velars and stopping of fricatives) and whether they applied phonotactic constraints to word-initial consonant clusters containing these modified consonants. [121] In many cases, the subjects (mean age = 5.1) avoided making phonotactic violations, opting instead for other consonants or clusters in their speech. This suggests that phonotactic constraints do apply to the speech of German children with phonological delay, at least in the case of word-initial consonant clusters. [122] Additional research [123] has also shown that spelling consistencies seen in German raise children's phonemic awareness as they acquire reading skills.

Sound changes

Sound changes and mergers

A common merger is that of /ɡ/ at the end of a syllable with [ç] or [x], for instance Krieg[kʁ̥iːç] ('war'), but Kriege[ˈkʁ̥iːɡə] ('wars'); er lag[laːx] ('he lay'), but wir lagen[ˈlaːɡən] ('we lay'). This pronunciation is frequent all over central and northern Germany. It is characteristic of regional languages and dialects, particularly Low German in the North, where ⟨g⟩ represents a fricative, becoming voiceless in the syllable coda, as is common in German (final-obstruent devoicing). However common it is, this pronunciation is considered sub-standard. Only in one case, in the grammatical ending -ig (which corresponds to English -y), the fricative pronunciation of final ⟨g⟩ is prescribed by the Siebs standard, for instance wichtig[ˈvɪçtɪç] ('important'), Wichtigkeit[ˈvɪçtɪçkaɪt] ('importance'). The merger occurs neither in Austro-Bavarian and Alemannic German nor in the corresponding varieties of Standard German, and therefore in these regions -ig is pronounced [ɪɡ̊].

Many speakers do not distinguish the affricate /pf/ from the simple fricative /f/ in the beginning of a word, [124] in which case the verb (er) fährt ('[he] travels') and the noun Pferd ('horse') are both pronounced [fɛɐ̯t]. This most commonly occurs in northern and western Germany, where the local dialects did not originally have the sound /pf/. Some speakers also have peculiar pronunciation for /pf/ in the middle or end of a word, replacing the [f] in /pf/ with a voiceless bilabial fricative, i.e. a consonant produced by pressing air flow through the tensed lips. Thereby Tropfen ('drop') becomes [ˈtʁ̥ɔpɸn̩], rather than [ˈtʁ̥ɔpfn̩].

Many speakers who have a vocalization of /r/ after /a/ merge this combination with long /aː/ (i.e. /ar/ > *[aɐ] or *[ɑɐ] > [aː] or [ɑː]). Hereby, Schaf ('sheep') and scharf ('sharp') can both be pronounced [ʃaːf] or [ʃɑːf]. This merger does not occur where /a/ is a front vowel while /aː/ is realised as a back vowel. Here the words are kept distinct as [ʃɑːf] ('sheep') and [ʃaːf] ('sharp').

In umlaut forms, the difference usually reoccurs: Schäfer[ˈʃɛːfɐ] or [ˈʃeːfɐ] vs. schärfer[ˈʃɛɐ̯fɐ]. Speakers with this merger also often use [aːç] (instead of formally normal /aːx/) where it stems from original [arç]. The word Archen ('arks') is thus pronounced [ˈaːçn̩], which makes a minimal pair with Aachen [ˈaːxn̩], arguably making the difference between [ç] and [x] phonemic, rather than just allophonic, for these speakers.

In the standard pronunciation, the vowel qualities /iː/, /ɪ/, /eː/, /ɛ/, as well as /uː/, /ʊ/, /oː/, /ɔ/, are all still distinguished even in unstressed syllables. In this latter case, however, many simplify the system in various degrees. For some speakers, this may go so far as to merge all four into one, hence misspellings by schoolchildren such as Bräutegam (instead of Bräutigam) or Portogal (instead of Portugal).

In everyday speech, more mergers occur, some of which are universal and some of which are typical for certain regions or dialect backgrounds. Overall, there is a strong tendency of reduction and contraction. For example, long vowels may be shortened, consonant clusters may be simplified, word-final [ə] may be dropped in some cases, and the suffix -en may be contracted with preceding consonants, e.g. [ham] for haben[ˈhaːbən] ('to have').

If the clusters [mp], [lt], [nt], or [ŋk] are followed by another consonant, the stops /p/, /t/ and /k/ usually lose their phonemic status. Thus while the standard pronunciation distinguishes ganz[ɡants] ('whole') from Gans[ɡans] ('goose'), as well as er sinkt[zɪŋkt] from er singt[zɪŋt], the two pairs are homophones for most speakers. The commonest practice is to drop the stop (thus [ɡans], [zɪŋt] for both words), but some speakers insert the stop where it is not etymological ([ɡants], [zɪŋkt] for both words), or they alternate between the two ways. Only a few speakers retain a phonemic distinction.

Middle High German

The Middle High German vowels [ei̯] and [iː] developed into the modern Standard German diphthong [aɪ̯], whereas [ou̯] and [uː] developed into [aʊ̯]. For example, Middle High German heiz/hei̯s/ and wîz/wiːs/ ('hot' and 'white') became Standard German heiß/haɪ̯s/ and weiß/vaɪ̯s/. In some dialects, the Middle High German vowels have not changed, e.g. Swiss German heiss/hei̯s/ and wiiss/viːs/, while in other dialects or languages, the vowels have changed but the distinction is kept, e.g. Bavarian hoaß/hɔɐ̯s/ and weiß/vaɪ̯s/, Ripuarian heeß/heːs/ and wieß/viːs/ (however the Colognian dialect has kept the original [ei] diphthong in heiß), Yiddish הײסheys/hɛɪ̯s/ and װײַסvays/vaɪ̯s/.

The Middle High German diphthongs [iə̯], [uə̯] and [yə̯] became the modern Standard German long vowels [iː], [uː] and [yː] after the Middle High German long vowels changed to diphthongs. Most Upper German dialects retain the diphthongs. A remnant of their former diphthong character is shown when [iː] continues to be written ie in German (as in Liebe 'love').

Loanwords

German incorporates a significant number of loanwords from other languages. Loanwords are often adapted to German phonology but to varying degrees, depending on the speaker and the commonness of the word. /ʒ/ and /dʒ/ do not occur in native German words but are common in a number of French and English loan words. Many speakers replace them with /ʃ/ and /tʃ/ respectively (especially in Southern Germany, Austria and Switzerland), so that Dschungel (from English jungle) can be pronounced [ˈdʒʊŋl̩] or [ˈtʃʊŋl̩]. Some speakers in Northern and Western Germany merge /ʒ/ with /dʒ/, so that Journalist (phonemically /dʒʊrnaˈlɪst~ʒʊrnaˈlɪst/) can be pronounced [ʒʊɐ̯naˈlɪst], [dʒʊɐ̯naˈlɪst] or [ʃʊɐ̯naˈlɪst]. The realization of /ʒ/ as [tʃ], however, is uncommon. [125]

Loanwords from English

Many English words are used in German, especially in technology and pop culture. Some speakers pronounce them similarly to their native pronunciation, but many speakers change non-native phonemes to similar German phonemes (even if they pronounce them in a rather English manner in an English-language setting):

Loanwords from French

French loanwords, once very numerous, have in part been replaced by native German coinages or more recently English loanwords. Besides /ʒ/, they can also contain the characteristic nasal vowels [ ãː ], [ ɛ̃ː ], [ œ̃ː ] and [ õː ] (always long). However, their status as phonemes is questionable and they are often resolved into sequences either of (short) oral vowel and [ ŋ ] (in the north), or of (long or short) oral vowel and [ n ] or sometimes [ m ] (in the south). For example, Ballon[baˈlõː] ('balloon') may be realized as [baˈlɔŋ] or [baˈloːn], Parfüm[paʁˈfœ̃ː] ('perfume') as [paʁˈfœŋ] or [paʁˈfyːm] and Orange[oˈʁãːʒə] ('orange') as [oˈʁaŋʒə] or [oˈʁanʒə].

Sample

The sample text is a reading of "The North Wind and the Sun". The phonemic transcription treats every instance of [ɐ] and [ɐ̯] as /ər/ and /r/, respectively. The phonetic transcription is a fairly narrow transcription of the educated northern accent. The speaker transcribed in the narrow transcription is 62 years old, and he is reading in a colloquial style. [78] Aspiration, glottal stops and devoicing of the lenes after fortes are not transcribed.

The audio file contains the whole fable and was recorded by a much younger speaker.

Phonemic transcription

/aɪnstˈʃtrɪtɛnzɪçˈnɔrtvɪntʊntˈzɔnɛ |veːrfɔnˈiːnɛnˈbaɪdɛnvoːldeːrˈʃtɛrkɛrɛˈvɛːrɛ |alsaɪnˈvandɛrɛr |deːrɪnˈaɪnɛnˈvarmɛnˈmantɛlɡɛˈhʏltvaːr |dɛsˈveːɡɛsdaˈheːrˌkaːm ‖ziːˈvʊrdɛnˈaɪnɪç |dasˈdeːrjeːnɪɡɛfyːrdeːnˈʃtɛrkɛrɛnˈɡɛltɛnˈzɔltɛ |deːrdeːnˈvandɛrɛrˈtsvɪŋɛnˈvʏrdɛ |ˈzaɪnɛnˈmantɛlˈaptsuːˌneːmɛn ‖deːrˈnɔrtvɪntbliːsmɪtˈalɛrmaxt |ˈaːbɛrjeːˈmeːreːrbliːs |ˈdɛstoːˈfɛstɛrˈhʏltɛzɪçdeːrˈvandɛrɛrɪnˈzaɪnɛnˈmantɛlaɪn ‖ˈɛntlɪçɡaːpdeːrˈnɔrtvɪntdeːnkampfaʊf ‖nuːnɛrˈvɛrmtɛdiːˈzɔnɛdiːlʊftmɪtˈiːrɛnˈfrɔɪntlɪçɛnˈʃtraːlɛn |ʊntʃoːnnaːxˈveːnɪɡɛnaʊɡɛnˈblɪkɛntsoːkdeːrˈvandɛrɛrˈzaɪnɛnˈmantɛlaʊs ‖daːˈmʊstɛdeːrˈnɔrtvɪntˈtsuːɡeːbɛn |dasdiːˈzɔnɛfɔnˈiːnɛnˈbaɪdɛndeːrˈʃtɛrkɛrɛvaːr/

Gnome-mime-sound-openclipart.svg
The North Wind and the Sun
Traditional fable
Problems playing this file? See media help.

Phonetic transcription

[aɪnsˈʃtʁɪtn̩zɪçˈnɔɐ̯tvɪntʊntˈz̥ɔnə |veːɐ̯fɔnˈiːnːˈbaɪdn̩voːldeːɐ̯ˈʃtɛɐ̯kəʁəˈvɛːʁə |alsaɪnˈvandəʁɐ |deːɐ̯ɪnˈaɪnːˈvaːɐ̯mn̩ˈmantl̩ɡəˈhʏltvaːɐ̯ |dəsˈveːɡəsdaˈheːɐ̯kaːm ‖ziːˈvʊɐ̯dn̩ˈaɪnɪç |dasˈdeːɐ̯jeːnɪɡəfʏɐ̯deːnˈʃtɛɐ̯kəʁənˈɡɛltn̩ˈzɔltə |deːɐ̯deːnˈvandəʁɐˈtsvɪŋ̍ˈvʏɐ̯də |ˈzaɪnːˈmantl̩ˈaptsʊˌneːmː ‖deːɐ̯ˈnɔɐ̯tvɪntbliːsmɪtˈalɐmaxt |ˈaːbɐjeˈmeːɐ̯eːɐ̯bliːs |ˈdɛstoˈfɛstɐˈhʏltəzɪçdeːɐ̯ˈvandəʁɐɪnˈzaɪnːˈmantl̩aɪn ‖ˈɛntlɪçɡaːpdeːɐ̯ˈnɔɐ̯tvɪntdeːnkampfaʊf ‖nuːnɛɐ̯ˈvɛɐ̯mtədiːˈzɔnədiːlʊftmɪtˈiːɐ̯n̩ˈfʁɔɪntlɪçn̩ˈʃtʁaːln̩ |ʊntʃoːnaːxˈveːnɪɡŋ̍aʊɡŋ̍ˈblɪkŋ̍tsoːkdeːɐ̯ˈvandəʁɐˈzaɪnːˈmantl̩aʊs ‖daːˈmʊstədeːɐ̯ˈnɔɐ̯tvɪntˈtsuːɡeːbm̩ |dasdiːˈzɔnəfɔnˈiːnːˈbaɪdn̩deːɐ̯ˈʃtɛɐ̯kəʁəvaːɐ̯] [129]

Orthographic version

Einst stritten sich Nordwind und Sonne, wer von ihnen beiden wohl der Stärkere wäre, als ein Wanderer, der in einen warmen Mantel gehüllt war, des Weges daherkam. Sie wurden einig, daß derjenige für den Stärkeren gelten sollte, der den Wanderer zwingen würde, seinen Mantel abzunehmen. Der Nordwind blies mit aller Macht, aber je mehr er blies, desto fester hüllte sich der Wanderer in seinen Mantel ein. Endlich gab der Nordwind den Kampf auf. Nun erwärmte die Sonne die Luft mit ihren freundlichen Strahlen, und schon nach wenigen Augenblicken zog der Wanderer seinen Mantel aus. Da mußte der Nordwind zugeben, daß die Sonne von ihnen beiden der Stärkere war. [130]

See also

Notes

  1. ↑ Pages 1-2 of the book (Deutsches Aussprachewörterbuch) discuss die Standardaussprache, die Gegenstand dieses Wörterbuches ist (the standard pronunciation which is the topic of this dictionary). It also mentions Da sich das Deutsche zu einer plurizentrischen Sprache entwickelt hat, bildeten sich jeweils eigene Standardvarietäten (und damit Standardaussprachen) (German has developed into a pluricentric language separate standard varieties (and hence standard pronunciations)), but refers to these standards as regionale und soziolektale Varianten (regional and sociolectal variants).
  2. ↑ Drösser, Christoph (14 June 2000). "Angeblich sprechen die Hannoveraner das reinste - sprich dialektfreieste - Deutsch und kommen dem Hochdeutschen am nächsten. Stimmt's?". Die Zeit. Stimmt.
  3. ↑ "Reflections on Diglossia". In northern Germany, it appears that in Hanover – perhaps because of the presence of the electoral (later royal) court – a parastandard High German was spoken by the 18th century as well, at least among the educated, with the curious result that Hanover speech – though non-native – became the model of German pronunciation on the stage (Bühnendeutsch), since everywhere else in Germany dialects were still spoken by everyone. Other capitals (Berlin, Dresden, Munich, Vienna) eventually developed their own Umgangssprachen, but the Hanover model remained the ideal.
  4. ↑ "Reading Heinrich Heine" (PDF). He spoke the dialect of Hanover, where – as also in the vicinity to the south of this city – German is pronounced best.
  5. ↑ "Nicht das beste Hochdeutsch in Hannover". 7 August 2013. In Hannover wird zweifellos ein Deutsch gesprochen, das sehr nah an der nationalen Aussprachenorm liegt. Aber das gilt auch für andere norddeutsche Städte wie Kiel, Münster oder Rostock. Hannover hat da keine Sonderstellung.
  6. ↑ Differences include the pronunciation of the endings -er, -en, and -em.
  7. 1 2 See the discussions in Wiese (1996 :16–17) and Staffeldt (2010 :passim)
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 See the vowel charts in Mangold (2005 :37).
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 Kohler (1999 :87)
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Lodge (2009 :87)
  11. 1 2 Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knöbl (2015), p. 34.
  12. ↑ "John Wells's phonetic blog: ɘ". 3 June 2009. Retrieved 28 January 2016.
  13. ↑ Gilles & Trouvain (2013), pp. 70–71.
  14. ↑ Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knöbl (2015), p. 39.
  15. 1 2 3 Kohler (1999 :88)
  16. ↑ Wiese (1996 :256)
  17. ↑ Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992 :413)
  18. 1 2 Wiese (1996 :8)
  19. 1 2 Krech et al. (2009 :24)
  20. ↑ E.g. Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992)
  21. ↑ Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992 :412). Authors state that /ɑ/ can be realized as Polish /a/, i.e. central [ä].
  22. ↑ Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992 :412–415)
  23. 1 2 Moosmüller, Schmid & Brandstätter (2015 :342–344)
  24. ↑ Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992 :412)
  25. ↑ e.g. by Lodge (2009 :86–89) (without length marks, i.e. as /ɑ/—the vowel chart on page 87 places /a/ and /ɑ/ in the same open central position [ä]), Morciniec & Prędota (2005) (without length marks, i.e. as /ɑ/) and Wierzbicka & Rynkowska (1992).
  26. 1 2 3 Wiese (1996 :254)
  27. ↑ Dudenredaktion, Kleiner & Knöbl (2015), pp. 40, 72.
  28. ↑ Rathcke & Mooshammer (2020), pp. 48–50.
  29. ↑ "radar — Den Danske Ordbog" . Retrieved 1 June 2024.
  30. 1 2 Noack 2023.
  31. 1 2 3 van Lessen Kloeke 1982, p. 11.
  32. 1 2 Wiese (1996), p. 17.
  33. ↑ Eisenberg (2016), p. 97.
  34. 1 2 van Lessen Kloeke 1982, pp. 11–12.
  35. ↑ Südhessisches Wörterbuch online
  36. ↑ von Polenz (2000 :151, 175)
  37. 1 2 3 Source: Wiese (1996 :11, 14). On the page 14, the author states that /aɪ̯/, /aʊ̯/ and /ɔʏ̯/ are of the same quality as vowels of which they consist. On the page 8, he states that /a/ is low central.
  38. 1 2 3 See vowel chart in Kohler (1999 :87). Despite their true ending points, Kohler still transcribes them as /aɪ̯aʊ̯ɔɪ̯/, i.e. with higher offsets than those actually have.
  39. ↑ Source: Krech et al. (2009 :72). Authors do not provide a vowel chart. Rather, they state rather vaguely that "the diphthong [aɛ̯] is a monosyllabic compound consisting of the unrounded open vowel [a] and the unrounded mid front vowel [ɛ]."
  40. ↑ Source: Krech et al. (2009 :72–73). Authors do not provide a vowel chart. Rather, they state rather vaguely that "the diphthong [aɔ̯] is a monosyllabic compound consisting of the unrounded open vowel [a] and the rounded mid back vowel [ɔ]."
  41. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :73). Authors do not provide a vowel chart. Rather, they state rather vaguely that "the diphthong [ɔœ̯] is a monosyllabic compound consisting of the rounded mid back vowel [ɔ] and the rounded mid front vowel [œ]."
  42. ↑ Krech et al. (2009), p. 26.
  43. ↑ Wiese (1996 :12)
  44. 1 2 3 4 Wiese (1996 :198)
  45. ↑ Also supported by Tröster-Mutz (2011 :20).
  46. 1 2 Moosmüller, Schmid & Brandstätter (2015 :342)
  47. ↑ For a detailed discussion of the German consonants from a synchronic and diachronic point of view, see Cercignani (1979).
  48. ↑ Mangold (2005 :45)
  49. 1 2 3 Mangold (2005 :47, 49)
  50. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :94, 96). According to this source, only /l,n/ can be apical alveolar.
  51. ↑ Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :51–52, 84). According to this source, only /t,n/ can be apical alveolar.
  52. ↑ See the x-ray tracing of /l/ in Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996 :184), based on data from Wängler (1961).
  53. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :90, 94, 96)
  54. ↑ Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :51–52, 84). According to this source, only /t,n/ can be laminal alveolar.
  55. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :90). According to this source, only /t,d/ can be laminal denti-alveolar.
  56. ↑ Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :51–52, 59, 78, 84)
  57. ↑ See the x-ray tracing of /t/ in Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996 :184), based on data from Wängler (1961).
  58. ↑ Hamann & Fuchs (2010 :14–24)
  59. 1 2 3 4 Moosmüller, Schmid & Brandstätter (2015 :341)
  60. 1 2 3 4 Mangold (2005 :50, 52)
  61. 1 2 Krech et al. (2009 :79–80). This source talks only about /s,z/.
  62. 1 2 3 Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :65, 75) This source talks only about /s,z/.
  63. ↑ Mangold (2005 :50)
  64. 1 2 3 4 5 Mangold (2005 :51–52)
  65. 1 2 Krech et al. (2009 :51–52)
  66. 1 2 3 4 Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :67, 76)
  67. ↑ Mangold (2005 :51)
  68. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Mangold (2005 :53)
  69. 1 2 3 4 Krech et al. (2009 :86)
  70. 1 2 Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :79)
  71. 1 2 3 Moosmüller, Schmid & Brandstätter (2015 :341–342): "SAG features a wide variety of realizations of the trill. In approximately the past 40 years, the pronunciation norm has changed from an alveolar to a uvular trill. The latter is mostly pronounced as a fricative, either voiced or voiceless. Alveolar trills are still in use, mostly pronounced as an approximant.
  72. ↑ Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :80)
  73. ↑ Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996 :225, 229)
  74. ↑ Lodge (2009 :46)
  75. ↑ Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996 :225)
  76. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :74, 85)
  77. 1 2 Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :81)
  78. 1 2 3 Kohler (1999 :86)
  79. ↑ Kohler (1999 :86–87)
  80. ↑ Ladefoged & Maddieson (1996 :225, 233–234)
  81. ↑ deutschlandfunkkultur.de. "Dialekte - Hessische Zungenbrecher". Deutschlandfunk Kultur (in German). Retrieved 2024-04-18.
  82. 1 2 Mangold (2005 :52)
  83. ↑ Moosmüller (2007 :6)
  84. 1 2 Wiese (1996 :271)
  85. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :49, 92, 97)
  86. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :83–84)
  87. ↑ Morciniec & Prędota (2005 :77–78). The authors transcribe it /j/, i.e. as an approximant.
  88. ↑ Wiese (1996 :12). The author transcribes it /j/, i.e. as an approximant.
  89. ↑ Mangold (2005 :51). The author transcribes it /j/, i.e. as an approximant.
  90. ↑ Hall (2003 :48). The author transcribes it /j/, i.e. as an approximant.
  91. 1 2 Moosmüller, Schmid & Brandstätter (2015 :340). The authors transcribe it as /j/, i.e. as an approximant.
  92. ↑ e.g. Kohler (1990)
  93. ↑ e.g. Wiese (1996)
  94. ↑ Graefen, Gabriele; Liedke, Martina (2012). Germanistische Sprachwissenschaft: Deutsch als Erst-, Zweit- oder Fremdsprache (in German) (2nd, revised ed.). Tübingen: A. Franke. ISBN   9783825284916.
  95. ↑ Wiese, Richard (2000). The Phonology of German. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 218–234.
  96. ↑ Wiese (1996 :217)
  97. ↑ Kohler (1977) and Kohler (1990), as cited in Wiese (1996 :210)
  98. ↑ Hall (2022), pp. 455ff.
  99. 1 2 3 4 Mangold (2005 :56)
  100. 1 2 Mangold (2005 :55)
  101. ↑ Jessen & Ringen (2002 :190)
  102. ↑ [v] written v[ clarify ] can devoice in nearly every place once the word has become common; w is devoiced in Möwe, Löwe. On the other hand, the keeping to the variety is so standard that doof[doːf] induced the writing "(der) doofe" even though the standard pronunciation of the latter word is [ˈdoːvə]
  103. ↑ See Ammon et al. (2004, p. LVII).
  104. 1 2 Beckman, Jessen & Ringen (2009 :233)
  105. ↑ In Southern Germany, Austria or Switzerland there is no phonetic voice in fricatives either, see Ammon et al. (2004, p. LVII).
  106. ↑ Beckman, Jessen & Ringen (2009 :264–265)
  107. ↑ Vennemann, Theo (1986). Neuere Entwicklungen in der Phonologie (in German). Berlin: de Gruyter. ISBN   3-11-010980-8.
  108. ↑ Wiese, Richard (2000). The Phonology of German (2nd ed.). Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 276–287. ISBN   0198299508.
  109. 1 2 Meibauer et al. (2007 :261)
  110. 1 2 3 4 Meibauer et al. (2007 :263)
  111. ↑ Grijzenhout & Joppen (1998 :1)
  112. ↑ Meibauer et al. (2007 :264)
  113. ↑ Grijzenhout & Joppen (1998 :12)
  114. ↑ Lintfert (2010 :159)
  115. 1 2 Lintfert (2010 :138)
  116. ↑ Lintfert (2010 :160)
  117. ↑ Altvater-Mackensen & Fikkert (2007 :14)
  118. ↑ Altvater-Mackensen & Fikkert (2007 :16)
  119. ↑ Altvater-Mackensen & Fikkert (2007 :19)
  120. ↑ Altvater-Mackensen & Fikkert (2007 :23)
  121. ↑ Ott, van de Vijver & Höhle (2006 :323)
  122. ↑ Ott, van de Vijver & Höhle (2006 :331)
  123. ↑ Goswami, Ziegler & Richardson (2005 :362)
  124. ↑ Krech et al. (2009 :108)
  125. ↑ "ZhimAnlaut < AADG < TWiki". Prowiki.ids-mannheim.de. 2016-04-27. Retrieved 2022-03-20.
  126. ↑ "SimAnlaut < AADG < TWiki". prowiki.ids-mannheim.de. Retrieved 7 April 2018.
  127. ↑ "SteakSprayStSp < AADG < TWiki". prowiki.ids-mannheim.de. Retrieved 7 April 2018.
  128. ↑ "ChipsCh < AADG < TWiki". prowiki.ids-mannheim.de. Retrieved 7 April 2018.
  129. ↑ Source: Kohler (1999 :88). In the original transcription the vowel length is not indicated, apart from where it is phonemic—that is, for the pairs /a/–/aː/ and /ɛ/–/ɛː/.
  130. ↑ Kohler (1999 :89)

Related Research Articles

In phonetics, rhotic consonants, or "R-like" sounds, are liquid consonants that are traditionally represented orthographically by symbols derived from the Greek letter rho, including ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩ in the Latin script and ⟨Р⟩, ⟨p⟩ in the Cyrillic script. They are transcribed in the International Phonetic Alphabet by upper- or lower-case variants of Roman ⟨R⟩, ⟨r⟩: ⟨r⟩, ⟨ɾ⟩, ⟨ɹ⟩, ⟨ɻ⟩, ⟨ʀ⟩, ⟨ʁ⟩, ⟨ɽ⟩, and ⟨ɺ⟩. Transcriptions for vocalic or semivocalic realisations of underlying rhotics include the ⟨ə̯⟩ and ⟨ɐ̯⟩.

Unless otherwise noted, statements in this article refer to Standard Finnish, which is based on the dialect spoken in the former Häme Province in central south Finland. Standard Finnish is used by professional speakers, such as reporters and news presenters on television.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Non-native pronunciations of English</span> Overview of English-learners pronunciation

Non-native pronunciations of English result from the common linguistic phenomenon in which non-native speakers of any language tend to transfer the intonation, phonological processes and pronunciation rules of their first language into their English speech. They may also create innovative pronunciations not found in the speaker's native language.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Irish phonology</span> Phonology of the Irish language

Irish phonology varies from dialect to dialect; there is no standard pronunciation of Irish. Therefore, this article focuses on phenomena shared by most or all dialects, and on the major differences among the dialects. Detailed discussion of the dialects can be found in the specific articles: Ulster Irish, Connacht Irish, and Munster Irish.

The phonology of Portuguese varies among dialects, in extreme cases leading to some difficulties in mutual intelligibility. This article on phonology focuses on the pronunciations that are generally regarded as standard. Since Portuguese is a pluricentric language, and differences between European Portuguese (EP), Brazilian Portuguese (BP), and Angolan Portuguese (AP) can be considerable, varieties are distinguished whenever necessary.

The Catalan phonology has a certain degree of dialectal variation. Although there are two standard varieties, one based on Central Eastern dialect and another one based on South-Western or Valencian, this article deals with features of all or most dialects, as well as regional pronunciation differences.

English phonology is the system of speech sounds used in spoken English. Like many other languages, English has wide variation in pronunciation, both historically and from dialect to dialect. In general, however, the regional dialects of English share a largely similar phonological system. Among other things, most dialects have vowel reduction in unstressed syllables and a complex set of phonological features that distinguish fortis and lenis consonants.

Jutlandic, or Jutish, is the western variety of Danish, spoken on the peninsula of Jutland in Denmark.

The sound system of Norwegian resembles that of Swedish. There is considerable variation among the dialects, and all pronunciations are considered by official policy to be equally correct – there is no official spoken standard, although it can be said that Eastern Norwegian Bokmål speech has an unofficial spoken standard, called Urban East Norwegian or Standard East Norwegian, loosely based on the speech of the literate classes of the Oslo area. This variant is the most common one taught to foreign students.

The phonology of the Persian language varies between regional dialects, standard varieties, and even from older varieties of Persian. Persian is a pluricentric language and countries that have Persian as an official language have separate standard varieties, namely: Standard Dari (Afghanistan), Standard Iranian Persian (Iran) and Standard Tajik (Tajikistan). The most significant differences between standard varieties of Persian are their vowel systems. Standard varieties of Persian have anywhere from 6 to 8 vowel distinctions, and similar vowels may be pronounced differently between standards. However, there are not many notable differences when comparing consonants, as all standard varieties have a similar number of consonant sounds. Though, colloquial varieties generally have more differences than their standard counterparts. Most dialects feature contrastive stress and syllable-final consonant clusters. Linguists tend to focus on Iranian Persian, so this article may contain less adequate information regarding other varieties.

Old English phonology is necessarily somewhat speculative since Old English is preserved only as a written language. Nevertheless, there is a very large corpus of the language, and its orthography apparently indicates phonological alternations quite faithfully and so certain conclusions can easily be drawn.

The phonological system of the Polish language is similar in many ways to those of other Slavic languages, although there are some characteristic features found in only a few other languages of the family, such as contrasting postalveolar and alveolo-palatal fricatives and affricates. The vowel system is relatively simple, with just six oral monophthongs and arguably two nasals in traditional speech, while the consonant system is much more complex.

There is significant phonological variation among the various Yiddish dialects. The description that follows is of a modern Standard Yiddish that was devised during the early 20th century and is frequently encountered in pedagogical contexts.

Dutch phonology is similar to that of other West Germanic languages, especially Afrikaans and West Frisian.

This article discusses the phonological system of the Czech language.

Unlike many languages, Icelandic has only very minor dialectal differences in sounds. The language has both monophthongs and diphthongs, and many consonants can be voiced or unvoiced.

The phonology of Welsh is characterised by a number of sounds that do not occur in English and are rare in European languages, such as the voiceless alveolar lateral fricative and several voiceless sonorants, some of which result from consonant mutation. Stress usually falls on the penultimate syllable in polysyllabic words, while the word-final unstressed syllable receives a higher pitch than the stressed syllable.

Middle English phonology is necessarily somewhat speculative since it is preserved only as a written language. Nevertheless, there is a very large text corpus of Middle English. The dialects of Middle English vary greatly over both time and place, and in contrast with Old English and Modern English, spelling was usually phonetic rather than conventional. Words were generally spelled according to how they sounded to the person writing a text, rather than according to a formalised system that might not accurately represent the way the writer's dialect was pronounced, as Modern English is today.

This article discusses the phonological system of standard Russian based on the Moscow dialect. For an overview of dialects in the Russian language, see Russian dialects. Most descriptions of Russian describe it as having five vowel phonemes, though there is some dispute over whether a sixth vowel,, is separate from. Russian has 34 consonants, which can be divided into two types:

This article aims to describe the phonology and phonetics of central Luxembourgish, which is regarded as the emerging standard.

References

Further reading

This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.