Pro-choice and pro-life are terms of self-identification used by the two sides of the abortion debate: those who support access to abortion, and those who seek to restrict it, respectively. They are generally considered loaded language, since they frame the corresponding position in terms of inherently positive qualities (and thus position their opponents as "anti-choice" or "anti-life"). For this reason, more neutral or descriptive alternatives are sometimes preferred, for example by describing groups or individuals as supporters or opponents of abortion or abortion rights.
The term pro-life began to be used by opponents of legal abortion around the early 1970s, born from the related term "right to life". The term pro-choice (or "right to choose") was coined in response by abortion rights advocates shortly after.
The earliest use of the term pro-life cited by the Oxford English Dictionary is in the 1960 book Summerhill: A Radical Approach to Child Rearing by educator A. S. Neill, though Neill uses it in a more general sense not specific to abortion:
No pro-life parent or teacher would ever strike a child. No pro-life citizen would tolerate our penal code, our hangings, our punishment of homosexuals, our attitude toward bastardy. [1] [2]
The earliest citation for an abortion-specific sense of the term is a 1971 reference in the Los Angeles Times to "pro-life, anti-abortion educational programs". [2]
The adjective pro-life seems to derive from earlier constructions involving the word life used by opponents of legal abortion, particularly the phrase "right to life". For example, anti-abortion organizations founded in the late 1960s included the Right to Life League and Minnesota Citizens Concerned for Life. However, in early usage, prior to the 1973 Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade , the "pro-life" or "right to life" position more commonly encompassed progressive views such as opposition to war and the death penalty in addition to opposition to abortion. [1] New York Times language columnist William Safire credits Nellie Gray with popularizing pro-life as a shortened form of the "right to life" slogan. [3] Gray founded the annual March for Life in Washington in 1974.
The term pro-choice entered currency after pro-life and was coined by those who supported legal abortion as a response to the success of the pro-life branding. [1] [4] The first use of the term cited by the Oxford English Dictionary is in a 1969 issue of the California daily newspaper the Oxnard Press-Courier , which referred to "Pro-choice and anti-abortion activists... headed to the Women's Clinic." [5] Authors Linda Greenhouse and Reva B. Siegel identify a 1972 memo by Jimmye Kimmey, executive director of the Association for the Study of Abortion, as the genesis of the subsequent widespread adoption of the pro-choice label. In the memo, Kimmey identifies "the need to find a phrase to counter the Right to Life slogan", and suggests "Freedom of Conscience" and "Right to Choose" as possibilities, with a preference for the latter because of its brevity and focus on action rather than the "internal matter" of conscience. [1] [6] William Safire suggests the slogan may have drawn influence from the use of "Freedom of Choice" as an anti-integration slogan in the previous decade. [3]
In the years before pro-choice became widely adopted, the qualifier pro-abortion was commonly used by those advocating for legal abortion. For example, a representative of Planned Parenthood referred to "pro-abortion" legislation in a 1975 statement to The Wall Street Journal. When abortion was legalized in the United States, the term fell out of fashion, seen as distracting or inaccurate because many people support legal access to abortion without arguing that it is the right choice. [7] [8]
Those who identify as pro-choice generally reject the framing of the term pro-life and vice-versa. The terms are commonly interpreted as derogating the other side of the debate by implying that they are either "anti-choice" or "anti-life" (or "pro-death"). [9] [1] [3] The decision to brand the movements in positive rather than negative terms has been compared to the earlier use of the phrase "right-to-work" instead of "anti-union". [3]
Planned Parenthood announced in 2013 that it would no longer use the label pro-choice. The organization suggested that the word choice might have an undesirably "frivolous" connotation, and that polling suggested that the binary labels pro-choice and pro-life failed to capture the nuanced views of Americans toward abortion. For example, one poll sponsored by the organization showed that 35% of voters who identified as pro-life did not believe Roe v. Wade should be overturned. Another survey found that 12% of respondents identified with both the labels pro-choice and pro-life simultaneously. [10] Planned Parenthood deliberately declined to propose a replacement term. [10] [7]
On one Mothers' Day, US pastor-turned-senator Raphael Gamaliel Warnock argued that being 'anti-abortion' and being 'pro-life' are not synonymous. [11]
An article in the National Catholic Reporter has asserted that climate change is the "No. 1 pro-life issue" facing the Catholic Church today. [12]
Many press style guides, including those used by NPR and the Associated Press, [13] advise against using the terms pro-choice and pro-life, except in cases where those terms occur in the name of an organization or in a quote. NPR's policy recommends alternative constructions such as "abortion rights supporters" and "abortion rights opponents". It permits the qualifier "anti-abortion", but not "pro-abortion rights". [13] The style guide of The Guardian recommends the terms "anti-abortion" (rather than "pro-life") and "pro-choice" (rather than "pro-abortion"). [14]
Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 113 (1973), was a landmark decision of the U.S. Supreme Court in which the Court ruled that the Constitution of the United States generally protected a right to have an abortion. The decision struck down many abortion laws, and caused an ongoing abortion debate in the United States about whether, or to what extent, abortion should be legal, who should decide the legality of abortion, and what the role of moral and religious views in the political sphere should be. The decision also shaped debate concerning which methods the Supreme Court should use in constitutional adjudication. The Supreme Court overruled Roe in 2022, ending the constitutional right to abortion.
The United States abortion-rights movement is a sociopolitical movement in the United States supporting the view that a woman should have the legal right to an elective abortion, meaning the right to terminate her pregnancy, and is part of a broader global abortion-rights movement. The movement consists of a variety of organizations, with no single centralized decision-making body.
Libertarians promote individual liberty and seek to minimize the role of the state. The abortion debate is mainly within right-libertarianism between cultural liberals and social conservatives as left-libertarians generally see it as a settled issue regarding individual rights, as they support legal access to abortion as part of what they consider to be a woman's right to control her body and its functions. Religious right and intellectual conservatives have attacked such libertarians for supporting abortion rights, especially after the demise of the Soviet Union led to a greater divide in the conservative movement between libertarians and social conservatives. Libertarian conservatives claim libertarian principles such as the non-aggression principle (NAP) apply to human beings from conception and that the universal right to life applies to fetuses in the womb. Thus, some of those individuals express opposition to legal abortion. According to a 2013 survey, 5.7/10 of American Libertarians oppose making it more difficult for a woman to get an abortion.
In the United States, abortion is a divisive issue in politics and culture wars, though a majority of Americans support access to abortion. Abortion laws vary widely from state to state.
The abortion debate is a longstanding and contentious discourse that touches on the moral, legal, medical, and religious aspects of induced abortion. In English-speaking countries, the debate most visibly polarizes around adherents of the self-described "pro-choice" and "pro-life" movements. Pro-choice supporters uphold that individuals have the right to make their own decisions about their reproductive health, and that they should have the option to end a pregnancy if they choose to do so, taking into account various factors such as the stage of fetal development, the health of the woman, and the circumstances of the conception. Pro-life advocates, on the other hand, maintain that a fetus is a human being with inherent rights that cannot be overridden by the woman's choice or circumstances, and that abortion is morally wrong in most or all cases. Both terms are considered loaded words in mainstream media, where terms such as "abortion rights" or "anti-abortion" are generally preferred.
The National Right to Life Committee (NRLC) is the oldest and largest national anti-abortion organization in the United States with affiliates in all 50 states and more than 3,000 local chapters nationwide.
The paternal rights and abortion issue is an extension of both the abortion debate and the fathers' rights movement. Abortion can be a factor for disagreement and lawsuit between partners.
The United Statesanti-abortion movement is a movement in the United States that opposes induced abortion and advocates for the protection of fetal life. Advocates support legal prohibition or restriction on ethical, moral, or religious grounds, arguing that human life begins at conception and that the human zygote, embryo or fetus is a person and therefore has a right to life. The anti-abortion movement includes a variety of organizations, with no single centralized decision-making body. There are diverse arguments and rationales for the anti-abortion stance. Some allow for some permissible abortions, including therapeutic abortions, in exceptional circumstances such as incest, rape, severe fetal defects, or when the woman's health is at risk.
Americans United for Life (AUL) is an American anti-abortion law firm and advocacy group based in Washington, D.C. Founded in 1971, the group opposes abortion, euthanasia, assisted suicide, embryonic stem cell research, and certain contraceptive methods. The organization has led campaigns and been involved in judicial actions to prevent the passage and implementation of legislation that permits abortion, or may increase prevalence of abortion, including successfully defending the Hyde Amendment in the U.S. Supreme Court.
The Republican Majority for Choice (RMC) was a Republican organization in the United States dedicated to preserving legal access to abortion. The group also supported federal funding for all kinds of stem cell research, including embryonic stem cell research.
In United States politics, the Freedom of Choice Act was a bill which sought to codify into law for women a "fundamental right to choose to bear a child; terminate a pregnancy prior to fetal viability; or terminate a pregnancy after viability when necessary to protect her life or her health". It sought to prohibit a federal, state, or local governmental entity from denying or interfering with a woman's right to exercise such choices; or discriminating against the exercise of those rights in the regulation or provision of benefits, facilities, services, or information. Provides that such prohibition shall apply retroactively. It also authorizes an individual aggrieved by a violation of this Act to obtain appropriate relief, including relief against a governmental entity, in a civil action".
The legality of abortion in the United States and the various restrictions imposed on the procedure vary significantly, depending on the laws of each state or other jurisdiction, although there is no uniform federal law. Some states prohibit abortion at all stages of pregnancy, with few exceptions; others permit it up to a certain point in a woman's pregnancy, while some allow abortion throughout a woman's pregnancy. In states where abortion is legal, several classes of restrictions on the procedure may exist, such as parental consent or notification laws, requirements that patients be shown an ultrasound before obtaining an abortion, mandatory waiting periods, and counseling requirements.
Colorado Amendment 62 was an initiated constitutional amendment that appeared on the November 2, 2010 ballot defining personhood as “every human being from the beginning of the biological development of that human being.” It sought to ban abortion in the state of Colorado and challenge Roe v. Wade.
Anti-abortion movements, also self-styled as pro-life movements, are involved in the abortion debate advocating against the practice of abortion and its legality. Many anti-abortion movements began as countermovements in response to the legalization of elective abortions.
Abortion in Alabama is illegal. Historically, Alabama's abortion laws have evolved from strict regulations in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to a period of liberalization following the landmark 1973 Supreme Court decision in Roe v. Wade, which legalized abortion nationwide. However, Alabama has consistently enacted legislation aimed at restricting access to abortion.
Abortion in Colorado is legal at all stages of pregnancy. It is one of seven states without any term restrictions as to when a pregnancy can be terminated.
Abortion in the District of Columbia is legal at all stages of pregnancy. In 1971, in United States v. Vuitch, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld a law saying abortion was allowed for health reasons, which include "psychological and physical well-being". Consequently, the District of Columbia became a destination for women seeking abortions starting that year.
Abortion in Wisconsin has been legal since September 18, 2023, and is performed in Madison, Milwaukee and Sheboygan through 22 weeks gestation. However, elective abortions in Wisconsin are under dispute after the overturning of Roe v. Wade by the Supreme Court of the United States on June 24, 2022. Abortion opponents cite an 1849 law that they claim bans the procedure in all cases except when the life of the mother is in danger. However, lower level courts have argued that the law only applies to infanticide and not consensual abortions. The enforceability of the law is disputed and being considered by the state courts. Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin announced that they would resume abortion services in Madison and Milwaukee on September 18, 2023. Planned Parenthood of Wisconsin later announced that they would resume abortion services in Sheboygan on December 28, 2023.
Abortion in California is legal up to the point of fetal viability. An abortion ban was in place by 1900, and by 1950, it was a criminal offense for a woman to have an abortion. In 1962, the American Law Institute published their model penal code, as it applied to abortions, with three circumstances where they believed a physician could justifiably perform an abortion, and California adopted a version of this code. In 2002, the California State Legislature passed a law guaranteeing women the right to have an abortion "prior to viability of the fetus, or when the abortion is necessary to protect the life or health of the woman". In 2022, 67% of California voters approved Proposition 1, which amended the Constitution of California to explicitly protect the right to abortion and contraception.
The Association for the Study of Abortion (ASA) was an American organization founded around 1965 dedicated to the study of abortion and advocacy for the liberalization of abortion law. Its founding members included the obstetrician-gynecologists Alan F. Guttmacher and Robert E. Hall, who served as the organization's initial chairman.