Stephen Sackur | |
---|---|
Born | Stephen John Sackur 9 January 1964 Spilsby, Lincolnshire, England |
Alma mater | Emmanuel College, Cambridge Harvard University |
Occupation(s) | Journalist, News anchor |
Employer | BBC |
Notable credit(s) | BBC, foreign affairs correspondent (1986–2003) HARDtalk, host (2004–present) GMT, presenter (2010–2019) |
Stephen John Sackur (born 9 January 1964) is an English journalist who presents HARDtalk , a current affairs interview programme on BBC World News and the BBC News Channel. He was also the main Friday presenter of GMT on BBC World News. For fifteen years, he was a BBC foreign correspondent.
Sackur was born and grew up in Spilsby, Lincolnshire, England.[ citation needed ]
His father Robert Sackur (1930 – 18 February 2022), a farmer, was the Labour Party candidate for the Lincolnshire constituencies of Horncastle and Holland with Boston in the 1966 and 1970 general elections respectively. He was from East Keal and Toynton All Saints and farmed 190 acres (77 ha) at Woolham Farm, having lived there from 1957. He had attended two independent schools in Oundle and had a degree in Agriculture from Emmanuel College, Cambridge. [1] He played rugby for Boston in the late 1950s. [2]
Robert had joined the Labour Party in 1962. [3] and with 23-year-old Stanley Henig he had attempted to stand for the 1964 election. [4] [5] He was eventually chosen, in November 1965, aged 34. [1] He tried to be selected as the party's candidate for Louth in December 1967, [6] but was chosen as the candidate for Holland with Boston in November 1968. [7] The pro-Europe view had first attracted him into being an MP [8] and he joined the SDP in 1982. [9] Robert's brother John, had also attended Oundle and Emmanuel College, studying Archaeology; he died in 1986. [10] [11]
In May 1970 his mother, Sallie, won Toynton St Peter with 79 votes, to sit on Spilsby RDC under Labour. She was the first to sit on the council under a party. [12] He has an older brother, Caley.
Sackur was educated at King Edward VI Grammar School, Spilsby, and Emmanuel College, Cambridge, where he gained a BA honours degree in History, and then joined Harvard University's John F. Kennedy School of Government as a Henry Fellow. [13] [14] [15] [16]
Sackur began working at the BBC as a trainee in 1986, and in 1990 he was appointed as one of its foreign affairs correspondents. [15] [16] As a BBC Radio correspondent, Sackur reported on the Velvet Revolution of Czechoslovakia in 1989 and the reunification of Germany in 1990. [15] During the Gulf War, he was part of a BBC team covering the conflict and spent eight weeks as an embedded journalist with the British Army. [17] At the end of the war, he was the first correspondent to report the massacre of the retreating Iraqi army on the road leading out of Kuwait. [15]
Sackur was based in Cairo, Egypt, between 1992 and 1995 as the BBC's correspondent in the Middle East and he later moved to Jerusalem in 1995 until 1997. [16] He covered both the assassination of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin and the growth of the Palestinian Authority under Yasser Arafat. [15]
Between 1997 and 2002, Sackur was appointed the BBC's correspondent in Washington, D.C., and covered the Lewinsky scandal. He later covered the U.S. presidential election in 2000 and interviewed President George W. Bush. [15]
In 2005, Sackur replaced Tim Sebastian as the regular host of the BBC's news programme HARDtalk . [18] He has since interviewed President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela, President Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea, President Thein Sein of Burma and others, the late Prime Minister Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia, and the spokesperson for Tigray Defence Force of Getachew Reda. He has also interviewed cultural figures including Gore Vidal, Annie Lennox, Charlize Theron, Vladimir Ashkenazy and William Shatner. [19]
Sackur was named "International TV Personality of the Year" by the Association for International Broadcasting (AIB) in November 2010. [20]
He was nominated as "Speech Broadcaster of the Year" at the Sony Radio Awards 2013. [21]
In July 2018, Sackur was awarded an Honorary Doctorate by the University of Warwick. [22]
Sackur has been a regular attendee and moderator at the Yalta European Strategy annual meetings founded and sponsored by Ukrainian oligarch Victor Pinchuk. [23] [24] [25] [26]
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention criticized Sackur for suggesting genocide as one of two "realistic options" for the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh during a HARDtalk interview with Ruben Vardanyan. Sackur had suggested the Armenians of the Republic of Artsakh either accept "a political deal or leave" due to the blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh. According to Lemkin Institute, Sackur had blamed the victims for the blockade: "Artsakh is under blockade not because of the genocidal designs of Azerbaijan, but because of some inexplicable stubbornness on the part of Armenians in Artsakh or their leaders – or both, as he seems to believe". The Lemkin Institute further criticized Sackur for trying to suggest the word Artsakh (the historical Armenian name for Nagorno-Karabakh) was illegitimate and for ignoring the rights of self-determination. [27]
In March 2024, Sackur was widely criticized for tone and manner of questioning he adopted in an interview with Irfaan Ali, president of Guyana. Sackur asked Ali about the environmental impact of extracting Guyana’s offshore oil and gas reserves and accused Guyana of worsening climate change through adding to global carbon emissions. When Ali explained that Guyana is home to "a forest forever that is the size of England and Scotland combined...that stores 19.5 gigatonnes of carbon", Sackur continued to press his line of questioning aggressively and asked, what gives Guyana "the right to release all this carbon?" Ali replied, "We have the lowest deforestation rate in the world. And guess what? Even with our greatest exploration of the oil and gas resource we have now we will still be net zero, Guyana will still be net zero with all our exploration we will still be net zero." [28] The interview gained widespread international attention as many in the media accused Sackur of Western hypocrisy regarding carbon emissions and condescension towards developing countries. [28] [29] [30]
The Khojaly massacre was the mass killing of Azerbaijani civilians by Armenian forces and the 366th CIS regiment in the town of Khojaly on 26 February 1992. The event became the largest single massacre throughout the entire Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict was an ethnic and territorial conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, inhabited mostly by ethnic Armenians until 2023, and seven surrounding districts, inhabited mostly by Azerbaijanis until their expulsion during the 1990s. The Nagorno-Karabakh region was entirely claimed by and partially controlled by the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, but was recognized internationally as part of Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan gradually re-established control over Nagorno-Karabakh region and the seven surrounding districts.
The Republic of Artsakh was a republic with limited recognition in the South Caucasus region. The Republic of Artsakh controlled most of the territory of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast. It was recognized only by three other non-UN member states, Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria. The rest of the international community recognized Artsakh as part of Azerbaijan. In November 2012, a member of Uruguay's foreign relations committee stated that his country could recognize Nagorno-Karabakh's independence. In 2012, Armenia and Tuvalu established diplomatic relations, which led to speculation of possible recognition of Artsakh by Tuvalu. In October 2012, the Australian state of New South Wales recognized Nagorno-Karabakh. In September 2014, the Basque Parliament in Spain adopted a motion supporting Artsakh's right to self-determination and in November 2014, the Parliament of Navarre, also in Spain, issued a statement supporting Artsakh's inclusion in taking part in settlement negotiations.
Anti-Armenian sentiment, also known as anti-Armenianism and Armenophobia, is a diverse spectrum of negative feelings, dislikes, fears, aversion, racism, derision and/or prejudice towards Armenians, Armenia, and Armenian culture.
Seyran Musheghi Ohanyan is an Armenian general and politician currently serving as a deputy in the National Assembly of Armenia. He served as Defence Minister of Armenia from 14 April 2008 until 3 October 2016. A native of Nagorno-Karabakh, he participated in both the first and second Karabakh wars, and from 2000 to 2007 served as defence minister of the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh.
Armenia–Poland relations are bilateral relations between Armenia and Poland. Both nations enjoy historically friendly relations, owing to their centuries-long cultural exchange and trade. Both countries are full members of the OSCE, the Council of Europe, the World Trade Organization and the United Nations.
The Armenian-occupied territories surrounding Nagorno-Karabakh were areas of Azerbaijan, situated around the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast (NKAO), which were occupied by the ethnic Armenian military forces of the breakaway Republic of Artsakh with military support from Armenia, from the end of the First Nagorno-Karabakh War (1988–1994) to 2020, when the territories were returned to Azerbaijani control by military force or handed over in accordance to the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh ceasefire agreement. The surrounding regions were seized by Armenians under the justification of a "security belt" which was to be traded for recognition of autonomous status from Azerbaijan.
On 2 June 1992, the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR), a former breakaway state in the South Caucasus region, adopted a flag derived from the flag of Armenia, to which a white, five-toothed, stepped carpet pattern is added, beginning at the two verges of the flag's fly and meeting at a point equal to one-third of the distance from that side. The NKR was renamed the Republic of Artsakh in 2017 after a referendum and retained the flag. Following an Azerbaijani offensive on 19 September 2023, Artsakh agreed to dissolve itself by 1 January 2024.
The political status of Nagorno-Karabakh remained unresolved from its declaration of independence from the Soviet Union on 10 December 1991, to its September 2023 collapse. During Soviet times, it had been an ethnic Armenian autonomous oblast of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic. Following the dissolution of the Soviet Union, a conflict arose between local Armenians who sought to have Nagorno-Karabakh join Armenia and local Azerbaijanis who opposed this.
Anti-Armenian sentiment or Armenophobia is widespread in Azerbaijan, mainly due to the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. According to the European Commission against Racism and Intolerance (ECRI), Armenians are "the most vulnerable group in Azerbaijan in the field of racism and racial discrimination." A 2012 opinion poll found that 91% of Azerbaijanis perceive Armenia as "the biggest enemy of Azerbaijan." The word "Armenian" (erməni) is widely used as an insult in Azerbaijan. Stereotypical opinions circulating in the mass media have their deep roots in the public consciousness.
The 2016 Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, also known as the Four-Day War, April War, or April clashes, began along the former Nagorno-Karabakh line of contact on 1 April 2016 with the Artsakh Defence Army, backed by the Armenian Armed Forces, on one side and the Azerbaijani Armed Forces on the other.
David Klimi Babayan is an Artsakhi politician who is serving as the advisor to the president of Artsakh since 17 January 2023. He previously served as the foreign minister of Artsakh. From 28 December 2013 he served as Head of the Central Information Department of the Artsakh Republic. He also served as the Deputy Chief of Staff in the office of the President of the Republic. On 26 May 2020, he was appointed as an adviser to the President on foreign relations. On 4 January 2021, Babayan was appointed the Minister of Foreign Relations taking over from Masis Mayilyan. He founded and currently leads the Artsakh Conservative Party. After the 2023 Azerbaijani offensive in Nagorno-Karabakh, he surrendered himself to the Azerbaijani authorities and is currently facing criminal charges in Azerbaijan.
The 2020 shelling of Ghazanchetsots Cathedral took place prior to the Battle of Shusha on 8 October, when the Holy Savior Cathedral of the city of Shusha, known as Ghazanchetsots Cathedral, was struck twice by missiles, resulting in the collapse of a part of the roof. Armenia accused the Azerbaijani Armed Forces over the shelling.
During its existence, the Republic of Artsakh and the United States did not have official diplomatic relations as the United States was among the vast majority of countries that did not recognize Artsakh as a sovereign nation and instead recognized the region of Artsakh, or Nagorno-Karabakh, as part of Azerbaijan. Despite no formal relations, the Republic of Artsakh had a representative office in Washington, D.C. since November 1997. It is not known whether the office still functions after the apparent dissolution of Artsakh.
Armenia–Artsakh relations were the foreign relations between the former unrecognized Republic of Artsakh and Armenia. The Republic of Artsakh controled most of the territory of the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Oblast. Artsakh had very close relations with Armenia. It functioned as a de facto part of Armenia. A representative office of Nagorno-Karabakh exists in Yerevan.
The blockade of Nagorno-Karabakh was an event in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The region was disputed between Azerbaijan and the breakaway Republic of Artsakh, internationally recognised as part of Azerbaijan, which had an ethnic Armenian population and was supported by neighbouring Armenia, until the dissolution of Republic of Artsakh on 28 September 2023.
Between 19 and 20 September 2023, Azerbaijan launched a large-scale military offensive against the self-declared breakaway state of Artsakh, a move seen as a violation of the ceasefire agreement signed in the aftermath of the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War in 2020. The offensive took place in the disputed region of Nagorno-Karabakh, which is de jure a part of Azerbaijan, and was a de facto independent republic. The stated goal of the offensive was the complete disarmament and unconditional surrender of Artsakh, as well as the withdrawal of all ethnic Armenian soldiers present in the region. The offensive occurred in the midst of an escalating crisis caused by Azerbaijan blockading Artsakh, which has resulted in significant scarcities of essential supplies such as food, medicine, and other goods in the affected region.
On 25 September 2023, at about 19:00 (UTC+4), an explosion at a fuel depot in Berkadzor near Stepanakert, in the region of Nagorno-Karabakh, resulted in the deaths of at least 218 people and 120 injuries. The explosion occurred amidst the chaotic exodus of Armenians from Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia, following a major military offensive launched by Azerbaijan against the unrecognized Republic of Artsakh.
On 19–20 September 2023 Azerbaijan initiated a military offensive in the disputed Nagorno-Karabakh region which ended with the surrender of the self-declared Republic of Artsakh and the disbandment of its armed forces. Up until the military assault, the region was internationally recognized as part of Azerbaijan but governed and populated by ethnic Armenians.
The Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention (LIGP), or Lemkin Institute, is a multinational non-governmental organization based in the United States. Its mission is to "[connect] the global grassroots with the tools of genocide prevention."
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