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Tenentism (Portuguese : tenentismo) was a political philosophy of junior army officers (Portuguese: tenentes, IPA: [teˈnẽtʃis] , "lieutenants") who significantly contributed to the Brazilian Revolution of 1930 that ended the First Brazilian Republic.
The first decades of the 20th century saw marked economic and social change in Brazil. With industrialization on the rise, the federal government — dominated by the coffee oligarchs and the old order of café com leite politics and coronelismo — came under threat from the political aspirations of new urban groups: the proletariat, government and white-collar workers, merchants, bankers, and industrialists. In parallel, growing prosperity encouraged a rapid rise of a new working class of Southern and Eastern European immigrants who contributed to the growth of trade unionism, anarchism, and socialism in Brazil. [1] In the post-World War I period, Brazil saw its first wave of general strikes and the establishment of the Communist Party in 1922. [2]
A new class of junior army officers (Portuguese: tenentes) had emerged. They were trained in European war standards and believed themselves superior to their senior officers who still held antiquated ideas of the past. In addition, various senior officers had become complacent or sided with the government and its political structure, which sparked criticism from the tenentes. [3]
Meanwhile, the divergence of interests between the coffee oligarchs and the burgeoning, dynamic urban sectors was intensifying. According to historian Benjamin Keen, the task of transforming society "fell to the rapidly growing urban bourgeois groups, and especially to the middle class, which began to voice even more strongly its discontent with the rule of the corrupt rural oligarchies". [4] In contrast, despite a wave of general strikes in the post-war years, the labour movement remained small and weak, [5] lacking ties to the peasantry, who constituted the overwhelming majority of the Brazilian population. As a result, rather disparate and disjointed social reform movements cropped up in the 1920s.
What became known as the tenentist movement came to public notice on 5 July 1922 when a group of young army officers began a rebellion against the First Brazilian Republic at Fort Copacabana in Rio de Janeiro. Sparked initially by the punishment and brief imprisonment of marshal Hermes da Fonseca by president Epitácio Pessoa, the tenentes attempted to prevent Artur Bernardes, winner of the 1922 presidential election, from taking office. [6] The tenentes demanded various forms of social modernization, calling for agrarian reform, the formation of cooperatives, and the nationalization of mines.
Their early-morning rebellion was taken up by a garrison in São Paulo but not by others; only "scattered units around Rio de Janeiro revolted: the Escola Militar, some elements of the First Infantry Regiment and the Battalion of Engineers, and the garrisons of Forts Copacabana and Vigia. However, the remainder of the First Army Division stayed loyal and, with General Setembrino de Carvalho supervising the operations, easily crushed the revolt". [7] Twenty-four hours later, just 200 rebels remained when the navy dreadnought Minas Geraes shelled the Copacabana barracks, after which two navy aircraft bombed the barracks in the first use of naval aircraft in combat in Latin America. [8] The defenders were driven from their positions. A group known subsequently as the 18 of the Copacabana Fort revolt were led down Avenida Atlântica by Antônio de Siqueira Campos and Eduardo Gomes to confront the army loyalists; [7] the eighteen made a last stand on the beach, where sixteen were killed and two, Gomes and Campos, survived. In the aftermath, the government imposed a state of emergency, 1,000 cadets were expelled from the army school and many officers were sent to remote garrisons. [9]
The São Paulo Revolt of 1924 was the second tenentist revolt and the largest conflict in the city of São Paulo. It began in the early hours of July 5 and ended on 28 July 1924. The revolt was motivated by the discontent of the military with the economic crisis and the concentration of power at the hands of politicians from São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Commanded by retired General Isidoro Dias Lopes, with the participation of several lieutenants, the main objective of the uprising was to depose President Artur Bernardes (considered to be an enemy of the military since the crisis of the fake letters). Among the demands was the adoption of the secret ballot, free justice and the introduction of compulsory public education.
Raised in the capital of São Paulo on 5 July 1924 (the 2nd anniversary of the 18 Revolt of the Copacabana Fortress, the first tenentist revolt), the revolt occupied the city for 23 days, forcing the president of the state, Carlos de Campos, to flee to the neighborhood of Penha, in the east zone of São Paulo, on July 9, after the Campos Elíseos Palace, seat of the São Paulo government at that time, was bombarded. Carlos de Campos was installed in an adapted train car at the Guaiaúna station in Central Brazil, where the federal troops that came from Mogi das Cruzes were located. Rebellions broke out in several cities in the interior of the state of São Paulo, with many prefectures being taken over by the rebels.
The city of São Paulo was bombarded by Federal Government aircraft and artillery. The loyalist Army (loyal to President Artur Bernardes) used the so-called "terrifying bombardment", reaching various parts of the city, especially working-class neighborhoods such as Mooca and Brás, and the middle class, such as Perdizes. Without equivalent military equipment (artillery or aircraft) to confront government troops, the rebels retired to Bauru in the early hours of July 28, where Isidoro Dias Lopes heard news that the legalist army was concentrated in the city of Três Lagoas, Mato Grosso do Sul. At 10 o'clock on the morning of July 28, Carlos de Campos returned to his office in the Government Palace. Isidoro Dias Lopes and Juarez Távora then planned an attack on that city. The defeat at Três Lagoas, however, was the greatest defeat of this revolt. A third of the revolting troops died, were seriously injured or captured. Overthrown, the rioters then marched south, where, in the city of Foz do Iguaçu, in Paraná, they joined Gaucho officers led by Luís Carlos Prestes, in what became the greatest guerrilla feat in Brazil until then: the Prestes Column. The final balance indicates the death of 1,000 people, 4,000 injured and an estimated 300,000 temporarily driven into the outskirts of the city. [6]
Two years later, on 5 July 1924, another group of army officers mounted a rebellion in São Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul. The date was chosen to honour the 1922 rebels; the uprising "was better prepared and was intended to bring down the Bernardes government". [10] The formal leader was retired General Isidoro Dias Lopes, with others including Eduardo Gomes, Newton Estillac Leal, João Cabanas and Miguel Costa. The rebellion began well, with control of São Paulo being secured after the governor and forces loyal to him abandoned the city early on 9 July. [10] [11] The rebels in the city were put under siege by government forces, and prevented from linking up with other uprisings which were breaking out in places such as Bela Vista, Mato Grosso, Aracaju, Sergipe and Manaus. The city was then subjected to a several-week artillery and aerial bombardment, of which civilians bore the brunt. [12] On 26 July, army aircraft dropped leaflets over the city warning the remaining civilians to leave so that loyalist forces would have a free hand against the rebels.
Isidoro's various attempts at securing an agreement with the government that would at least give the rebels amnesty were rebuffed. The leaders understood that they would be wiped out, along with a good part of the city, if they stayed. On the night of 27 July they staged a careful withdrawal of 3,000 troops on thirteen trains, via the Northwest Railroad, toward Mato Grosso, where they hoped to link up with sympathetic units. [13] This withdrawal was executed so smoothly that it went unnoticed by the government forces until the morning. However, with their route to Mato Grosso blocked, the rebels retired to an area bordering Argentina and Paraguay close to Foz do Iguaçu.
Having escaped to the interior and joined by others from Rio Grande do Sul, they began a campaign as a guerrilla force led by Luís Carlos Prestes and Miguel Costa. They became known as the Prestes Column, and covered some 25,000 kilometres from October 1924 to February 1927 as they roamed through the interior of the country seeking unsuccessfully to promote mass rebellion or at any rate to act as a moral gadfly to the nation's conscience. [14] After losing significant numbers to desertion and sickness, escaping encirclement at Palmeira, Rio Grande do Sul, in January 1925, making a successful stand at the Iguazu Falls in February [15] and after some initial disagreements about strategy, the rebels adopted one that amounted less to a war of movement than a moving "armed protest demonstration" that would serve as a constant call to action against the hated president Bernardes. The idea was not to defeat the forces sent against them, much less so the old objective of seizing power in Rio de Janeiro: the objective now was to stay alive, keep the column moving and seemingly invincible. In that, they succeeded as they moved through state after state from Mato Grosso to Maranhão and back, before seeking refuge in Bolivia in 1927". [16]
Regarding the "Long March", Prestes subsequently wrote that "the tactics of swift marches, evasion as far as possible of contact with superior enemy forces and surprise attacks aimed at demoralizing the enemy and capturing arms and ammunition, demonstrated that in Brazilian conditions it was possible to stage a protracted struggle". [17]
However, years later he was critical of the futility of his own strategy, writing that "I also defended the column's march tactics, claiming that they presented opportunities for recruiting new fighters. This, however, was not the case. The farmers sympathised with us for the simple reason that we were against the oppressors, they admired our heroism and devotion, but had no intention (with rare exceptions of some young people) of committing themselves to a struggle in whose success they could not believe". [17]
The tenente revolts heralded the end of the café com leite politics and coronelismo and the beginning of social reforms. The actions and ideas that grew out of the revolts inspired other individuals, such as Getúlio Vargas, to lead the 1930 revolution against the Brazilian Government and bring down the First Brazilian Republic. The impact of the Prestes Column placed insurgents in contact with the rural peasantry of Brazil and the surrounding countryside; a contact that made the soldiers aware, for the first time, of the wretched conditions of their own countrymen. [6] "The tenentes became the most visible proponents for revolution and helped convince Vargas that the use of force would be necessary". [18] Subsequently, with the help of the tenentes, whom he restored to the army, often with significant promotions, Vargas "forged a highly personalised dictatorship". [17] Prestes, however, "proclaimed his opposition to the 1930 coup and formally applied for membership of the Communist Party". [19]
The First Brazilian Republic, also referred to as the Old Republic, officially the Republic of the United States of Brazil, refers to the period of Brazilian history from 1889 to 1930. The Old Republic began with the coup d'état that deposed emperor Pedro II in 1889, and ended with the Revolution of 1930 that installed Getúlio Vargas as a new president. During the First Republic, the country's presidency was dominated by the most powerful states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais. Because of the power of these two states, based on the production of coffee and dairy, respectively, the Old Republic's political system has been described as "milk coffee politics". At local level, the country was dominated by a form of machine politics known as coronelism, in which the political and economic spheres were centered around local bosses, who controlled elections.
São Paulo was a dreadnought battleship of the Brazilian Navy. It was the second of two ships in the Minas Geraes class, and was named after the state and city of São Paulo.
The Constitutionalist Revolution of 1932 is the name given to the uprising of the population of the Brazilian state of São Paulo against the Brazilian Revolution of 1930 when Getúlio Vargas assumed the nation's presidency; Vargas was supported by the people, the military and the political elites of Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba. The movement grew out of local resentment from the fact that Vargas ruled by decree, unbound by a Constitution, in a provisional government. The 1930 Revolution also affected São Paulo by eroding the autonomy that states enjoyed during the term of the 1891 Constitution and preventing the inauguration of the governor of São Paulo, Júlio Prestes, who had been elected president of Brazil in 1930, while simultaneously overthrowing President Washington Luís, who was governor of São Paulo from 1920 to 1924. These events marked the end of the First Brazilian Republic.
The Copacabana Fort revolt, also known as the 18 of the Fort revolt, was one of several movements coordinated by rebel factions of the Brazilian Army against the president of Brazil, Epitácio Pessoa, and the winner of the 1922 presidential election, Artur Bernardes. Acting under the figure of marshal Hermes da Fonseca and supporting the defeated faction, the Republican Reaction, the rebels tried a wide revolt in Rio de Janeiro on 5 July 1922, but only managed to control Fort Copacabana and the Military School of Realengo, in addition to, outside the city, a focus in Niterói and the 1st Military Circumscription, in Mato Grosso. They were defeated, but the revolt marks the beginning of tenentism and the events that led to the end of the First Brazilian Republic.
The Coluna Prestes, also known as Coluna Miguel Costa-Prestes, in English Prestes Column, was a social rebel movement that broke out in Brazil between 1925 and 1927, with links to the Tenente revolts. The rebellion's ideology was diffuse, but the main issues that caused it were the general dissatisfaction with the oligarchic First Brazilian Republic, the demand for the institution of the secret ballot, and the defense of better public education. The rebels marched some 25,000 km through the Brazilian countryside. They did not aim to defeat the forces of the Federal government in battle, but rather to ensure their survival and their ability to continue threatening the government.
Events in the year 1919 in Brazil.
Isidoro Dias Lopes (30 June 1865 – 27 May 1949) was a brigadier general of the Brazilian army, often styled the "Marshal of the Revolution of 1924".
The São Paulo Revolt of 1924, also called the Revolution of 1924, Movement of 1924 or Second 5th of July was a Brazilian conflict with characteristics of a civil war, initiated by tenentist rebels to overthrow the government of president Artur Bernardes. From the city of São Paulo on 5 July, the revolt expanded to the interior of the state and inspired other uprisings across Brazil. The urban combat ended in a loyalist victory on 28 July. The rebels' withdrawal, until September, prolonged the rebellion into the Paraná Campaign.
Antônio de Siqueira Campos was a leader and one of two survivors of a military revolt that occurred in July 1922 on Copacabana Beach in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, which became known as the Copacabana Fort revolt. Following release from prison he took part in further rebellions including the so-called Prestes Column from 1925 to 1927.
The bombing of São Paulo, which took place during the São Paulo Revolt of 1924, was the largest artillery and air attack in São Paulo's history. From 5 to 28 July 1924, rebel and loyalist forces used bombing in their fight for the city; the rebels had up to 26 artillery pieces from the Brazilian Army, while the loyalists had more than a hundred guns and six bombers from the Army Aviation. Artillery, and especially loyalist artillery, was largely responsible for the conflict's casualties, most of whom were civilians.
The interior of São Paulo was the scene of the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 from July, parallel to the battle for the city of São Paulo, until August and September, when the rebels left the capital and headed for the state border, first to the south of Mato Grosso and then to Paraná. There is record of revolt in 87 municipalities and support for the revolt in another 32. Local political factions joined one side or the other in the conflict, the impact of which was felt even in municipalities never traversed by the revolutionary army.
The foreign battalions were three military units in the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 recruited from among immigrant communities by tenentist rebels in the city of São Paulo. 750 foreigners and their descendants, from a wide variety of nationalities, signed up; they were usually workers motivated by hunger and unemployment caused by the conflict. They formed the German, Hungarian and Italian battalions, in which even the commanders and officers were immigrants.
The Battle of Três Lagoas was an offensive by tenentist rebels against Brazilian government forces on 17–18 August 1924, extending the São Paulo Revolt into southern Mato Grosso. Led by Juarez Távora, the rebels suffered heavy losses to loyalist troops from Minas Gerais, under the command of colonel Malan d'Angrogne, in the town of Campo Japonês. This defeat frustrated the rebels' ambition to settle in Mato Grosso, forcing them to start the Paraná Campaign.
The Paraná Campaign was the continuation of the São Paulo Revolt of 1924 in western Paraná from 1924 to 1925, concluding with the formation of the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column. Rebel tenentists, led by Isidoro Dias Lopes, withdrew from São Paulo, went down the Paraná River and settled in the region from Guaíra to Foz do Iguaçu, from where they faced the forces of the Brazilian government, commanded by general Cândido Rondon from October 1924. In April 1925, another rebel column, led by Luís Carlos Prestes, arrived from Rio Grande do Sul and joined the São Paulo rebels. They entered Paraguay to escape the government siege and returned to Brazil through southern Mato Grosso, continuing their armed struggle.
The Rio Grande do Sul Revolt of 1924 was triggered by tenentist rebels from the Brazilian Army and civilian leaders from the Liberating Alliance on 28–29 October of that year. The civilians, continuing the 1923 Revolution, wanted to remove the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, Borges de Medeiros, while the military were against the president of Brazil, Artur Bernardes. After a series of defeats, in mid-November the last organized stronghold was in São Luiz Gonzaga. In the south, guerrilla warfare continued until the end of the year. From São Luiz Gonzaga, the remnants of the revolt headed out of the state, joining other rebels in the Paraná Campaign and forming the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column.
The Lightning Column was the last tenentist uprising, fought in southern Brazil from November 1926. Under the command of general Isidoro Dias Lopes, exiled in Argentina, military and civilian leaders of the government's opposition in Rio Grande do Sul combined incursions across Brazilian borders with uprisings in army garrisons in Rio Grande do Sul. The uprising, contrary to the federal and state governments, intended to indirectly support the Prestes Column, which was in Mato Grosso. Some conspirators prematurely started the revolt before the scheduled date, compromising the campaign plan, which was quickly dismantled by the loyalist army and state forces.
A state of emergency was in force in Brazil for much of the period from 1922 to 1927, comprising the end of president Epitácio Pessoa's government (1919–1922), most of Artur Bernardes' government (1922–1926), and the beginning of Washington Luís' government (1926–1930). The measure was decreed after the Copacabana Fort revolt, on 5 July 1922, and remained in force in several regions of Brazil's territory until the end of the subsequent tenentist revolts in February 1927, with the exception of the first months of 1924. At its peak in 1925, it was in force in the Federal District and ten states. The state of emergency allowed the political elite of the First Brazilian Republic to defend itself with authoritarian measures at a time of crisis, but the apparent tranquility after its suspension came to an end with the 1930 Revolution.
Officers from the 28th Battalion of Caçadores of the Brazilian Army launched two tenentist revolts in Sergipe in 1924 and 1926. The first, inspired by the São Paulo Revolt of 1924, removed state governor Maurício Graccho Cardoso on 13 July and dominated the capital Aracaju until its defeat by loyalist troops on 3 August. The second, inspired by the passage of the Prestes Column through Piauí, was launched on 18 January 1926 and suppressed in four hours of combat. The uprisings marked a combative political spirit in the battalion, and one of its leaders, Augusto Maynard Gomes, was appointed governor of Sergipe after the Revolution of 1930.
The Brazilian state of Mato Grosso was the focus of tenentist military conspiracies and the stage of a series of revolts in the 1920s: by the command of the Military Circumscription of Mato Grosso (CMMT), in Campo Grande in 1922, by the 10th Regiment of Independent Cavalry of Bela Vista in 1924, and the 17th Battalion of Caçadores of Corumbá in 1925. Tenentist forces from other states also made incursions into Mato Grosso: the remnants from the São Paulo Revolt, in 1924, and the Prestes Column in 1925 and again in 1926–1927. A state of emergency was in force in the Mato Grosso from August 1924 until the end of 1925, and again from October 1926 to February 1927.
Artur Bernardes' tenure as the 12th president of Brazil lasted from 15 November 1922, after he defeated Nilo Peçanha in the 1922 presidential election, until 15 November 1926, when he transferred power to Washington Luís. A representative of the so-called "milk coffee policy" and the last years of the First Brazilian Republic, Bernardes ruled the country almost continuously under a state of emergency, supported by the political class, rural and urban oligarchies, and high-ranking officers of the Armed Forces against a series of tenentist military revolts.