1979 Kurdish rebellion in Iran | |||||||
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Part of Consolidation of the Iranian Revolution, Iran-Iraq War, and Kurdish separatism in Iran [1] | |||||||
The epicenter of insurrection | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Interim Government and Council of the Islamic Revolution (1979−80) Contents
Islamic Republic of Iran (1980−83) | KDP-I Supported by: Iraq [7] | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Ruhollah Khomeini Army | Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou Muhammad Uthman Siraj al-Din [6] | ||||||
Units involved | |||||||
Revolutionary Guards | Peshmerga | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
5,000 Revolutionary Guards in Kurdistan province (August 23, 1979); 200,000 by 1982 | 100,000 armed Kurdish Peshmerga (August 1979), including 2,000 in Paveh, 2,000 in Saqqiz, 20,000 in Mahabad, 10,000 near Sardasht, and 5,000 Kurds of Turkey. [2] Artillery included a few captured tanks, light artillery pieces, recoilless guns, and machine guns. [9] | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
3,960 Kurdish democrat rebels killed (shehid.com claim) [2] 1980-1984 25,000 civilians have died including 2,500 Kurdish rebels | 5,000 killed (Iranian Government claim) [2] | ||||||
45,000 total casualties [2] |
The 1979 Kurdish rebellion in Iran was one of the largest nationwide uprisings in the country against the new state following the Iranian Revolution. The Kurdish rebellion began in mid-March, just two months after the Revolution ended, and was one of the most intense Kurdish rebellions in modern Iran. [2]
Kurdish groups initially tried to align with Iran's new government in an attempt to emphasize their own Muslim identity and to seek common ground with other Iranians. The Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI), who strongly campaigned for political autonomy, briefly identified as a non-separatist organization, even criticizing those calling for independence from the state. [1] However, following a number of attacks on Iranian army barracks in the Kurdistan province by militant groups, relations quickly deteriorated. Though Shīʿa Kurds and some Sunni tribal leaders approved of the Shīʿa Islamic State, most Sunni Kurdish leftists and communists continued to push for the independence of Kurdistan. [1] A portion of the Naqshbandi order also opposed the new state, aligning with the Iraqi army and forming the Sipay Rizgari militant group, under the guidance of Sheikh Muhammad Uthman Siraj al-Din. [6]
Kurdish militants, primarily from the KDPI, initially made territorial gains in Mahabad and temporarily ousted Iranian troops from the region, but a large-scale offensive in spring 1980 by the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps reversed the course of the conflict. The start of the Iran–Iraq War in September 1980 saw the Iranian government increasing efforts to snuff the Kurdish rebellion, the only 1979 uprising that remained, in part due to the province's proximity to the Iraqi border. By 1981, the Iranian police and the Revolutionary Guard had ousted the Kurdish militants from their strongholds, but small groups continued to execute sporadic attacks against Iranian militia. Clashes in the area continued until 1983.
About 10,000 people were killed over the course of the rebellion, including 1,200 Kurdish political prisoners executed by the Iranian government. [2] There was a resurgence in conflict in 1989 following the assassination of KDPI leader Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou.
This article possibly contains original research .(June 2019) |
After failed rebellions in 1946 and 1967, Kurdish political organizations continued to push for revolution against the Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, a move that brought Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini to power in February 1979. Tensions remained between the Kurdish people and the government, even with the new leader installed. Many Iraqi Kurds fled to Kurdistan following Saddam Hussein's crackdown on Kurdish revolts, though they continued their campaign for their right to independence in their new home. [12] In the past, Iran had supported Kurdish fighters in clashes with Iraq. The Kurds were exploited by foreign powers looking to destabilize the young republic.[ clarification needed ]
Unlike others in the country, Iranian Sunni Kurds abstained from voting to endorse the creation of an Islamic Republic in March 1979. That referendum garnered 99.20% approval of the Islamic Republic from Kurdistan, compared to 99.31% nationwide.[ citation needed ] KDPI leader Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou was barred from joining the Assembly of Experts, the group responsible for writing the new constitution in 1979, despite winning a seat with 34.9% of the vote. The rejection came after Ghassemlou refused the government's request to disarm the KDPI and turn their weapons in to the military. [13] [14]
A wave of nationalism engulfed eastern Kurdistan after the fall of the Pahlavi Dynasty. A series of anti-revolutionary revolts were cropping up across the country, including in Khuzestan and Iranian Baluchestan. In March 1979, the KDPI announced an eight-point plan for Kurdish independence, [7] which was met with opposition from other Kurdish leaders such as Ahmad Moftizadeh who disapproved of the militarism and separatism proposed. [12] In mid-March, Kurdish factions took control of police headquarters, army bases, and parts of army barracks in Sanandaj, killing 21 soldiers when they refused to surrender the barracks to the militants. [15] [2]
BBC reported that the revolt began when Kurdish tribesmen overpowered Iranian militiamen in Paveh. [16] Unrest was then alleged to have spread to other Kurdish-dominated regions such as Divan Darreh, Saqqez, and Mahabad as Kurds took over towns and army garrisons to keep the Iranian military at bay. [16] [2] Many Kurdish leaders went into hiding after Khomeini ordered their arrest and execution. At this point, Iranian newspapers were estimating 600 casualties. [16]
Two groups formed in Sanandaj at this time: one was led by Ahmad Moftizadeh and another by the leader of the city's hussainiya, Safdari. [15] The Iranian government sent a delegate to Sanandaj to meet with representatives of the militant groups. Negotiations resulted in an agreement to end conflict. Afterwards, Brayim Younisi was temporarily appointed governor of Kurdistan by the Ministry of Interior. Armed conflict broke out again in April, initially between Kurdish forces such as the KDPI and Komala against the revolutionary government's forces, [17] but later between Kurdish militants and area Azerbaijani factions, including the Qarapapaq tribe, as well. This resulted in the death of hundreds of Azeris and Kurds. [2]
In mid-August, the Revolutionary Guard ambushed Paveh in defiance of the army's advice. Since they were unprepared for battle, they were overpowered and encircled by Kurdish militants. [2] [18] The situation prompted Khomeini to meet with the heads of the government and army. In his statement on August 17, he announced a jihad against Kurdish separatists and declared key Kurdish nationalist figures, including Ghassemlou, enemies of the state. [7] A three-week campaign to clear out rebel strongholds in Saqqez and Mahabad followed. A week after the ill-advised siege on Paveh, the city was captured by the Revolutionary Guard after the Kurdish withdrew. This marked the beginning of the Iranian counteroffensive. [18]
By August 20, the Iranian army had begun attacking Mahabad; they managed to completely surround it by August 30. Three days of negotiations began but ultimately failed, and Iranian forces launched another onslaught of the city on September 3. [19] Using F-4 fighter jets, artillery, and more than 100 tanks, they managed to seize control of Mahabad after just a few hours. Iranian forces continued pushing forward and took the town of Baneh. More than 500 people were killed during the siege. [20] [19] By the end of the campaign, Iranian forces had also recaptured Marivan, Bastam, Sardasht, Bukan, and Saqqez. The Kurdish Peshmerga retreated into the mountains during the attacks and resumed their offensive six weeks later, returning to Mahabad and using Molotov cocktails and rocket-propelled grenades to fight the Iranian troops. At the end of November, while the Iranian government was occupied with other events in the country such as the American Embassy hostage crisis, the Kurds sieged Sanandaj, Saqqez, and other captured cities and towns. [2]
In a Radio Iran speech on December 17, Khomeini said that ethnic minorities were contrary to Islamic doctrines and that those against the union of Muslim countries were at fault for creating the issue of nationalism within these minority groups. [17] In late January, after President Banisadr took office, Revolutionary Guard units and government-aligned Kurds unsuccessfully attacked rebels in the region, resulting in a stalemate that lasted until spring. By May 1980, Kurds still controlled most of Kurdistan's roads and rural areas and held Mahabad as their capital. The KDPI claimed to have more than 7,000 fighters at this time.
In the spring of 1980, government forces under the command of President Banisadr once again captured most of the Kurdish cities through a massive military campaign, sending in mechanized military divisions to Kurdish cities including Sanandaj,[ citation needed ] Pawe, and Marivan.[ citation needed ] Neighbourhoods of some villages and towns were destroyed as a result of the fighting between Kurdish rebels and government forces. [21] Ayatollah Khalkhali sentenced thousands of Kurds to execution after summary trials.[ citation needed ] The Kurds continued to control Mahabad as the summer fighting diminished. Iranian-Iraqi tensions grew amid Iraqi attacks on Qasr-e Shirin and Sarpol-e Zahab, prompting Iran to move its army to the border. [2] [22] [23]
Mahabad remained under Kurdish control for another five months until the Iran-Iraq War bled into the Kurdistan province. Following this invasion, President Banisadr ordered a ceasefire, but the Revolutionary Guard ignored him and continued their campaign. [2] The situation was further complicated by Iranian Kurds receiving Iraqi support for the insurgency. [7] It was initially assumed that Iraqi and Iranian Kurds would cooperate to exploit weaknesses on both sides. Neither Baghdad nor Tehran were willing to accept that outcome and both sides insisted on organizing special loyalist Kurdish military units to participate in the war and to demonstrate allegiance to their respective states. [7]
Prior to June 1980, the KDPI requested an official allegiance with Saddam Hussein's Iraq, resulting in the signing of a seven-point agreement in Kirkuk. According to Ghassemlou, Iraq provided the Kurdish forces with ammunition and anti-aircraft missiles taken from the Iranian army. [24] Despite this alliance, however, Ghassemlou still pursued neutrality against Iraqi Kurdish factions, such as the Kurdistan Democratic Party and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, and served as an intermediary in negotiations between these groups and Baghdad. [25]
The alliance with Iraq created divides within the KDPI. In late May, Ghani Bulurian and six other central committee members renounced their party membership and published Ghassemlou's private correspondence with the Iraqis, including information about a meeting between him and Iraqi vice president Taha Yasin Ramadan. [17]
In January 1981, the Iraqi army successfully established a supply line to KDPI strongholds through Nowdesheh and Qasr-e Shirin, and began sending military equipment their way. This allowed the KDPI to cut off the Baghdad-Tehran highway, blocking Iranian forces from using this main thoroughfare. By late 1981, however, a counteroffensive from the Iranian forces pushed Iraqi forces back over the border, debilitating the KDPI and rendering them a marginal military factor for the rest of the war. [26] More than 10,000 Kurdish forces were alleged to have been killed.[ citation needed ]
Despite the KDPI's military defeat, armed remnants of the group continued to shelter in northern Iraq [27] and engage in low-level campaigns against Iranian forces. This lasted until 1983, when more Iranian forces were diverted to the Iraqi front amid escalation of the Iran-Iraq War. [16] Komala militants also moved their military bases to Iraqi Kurdistan following Iranian operations on the border. [12]
While most of KDPI's military and political activity in Iran was greatly reduced after the 1979-1981 rebellion, they continued their opposition activities throughout the 1980s. Starting in 1985, military conflict broke out between the KDPI and Komala inside northern Iraq, leading to hundreds of deaths among the two rebel groups. [27] In 1989, the KDPI resumed its military activities against the government. Following a political and military crackdown in 1996, the conflict between KDPI and the Iranian government mainly shifted to political opposition abroad rather than violence within the country. Insurgency was renewed in 2004 by the Kurdistan Free Life Party, a militant group affiliated with the Turkish Kurdistan Workers' Party and the Kurdistan Communities Union.
February 1979
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In 2006, Ettela'at photographer Jahangir Razmi released 27 photos he had taken of the 1979 firing squad execution of eleven Kurdish prisoners. At the time of the execution, a state-owned holding company seized Ettela'at after one of these photos ran across six columns of the paper a few weeks later. Razmi won a Pulitzer Prize for these photos in 1980. [28]
The 2014 film Che won a number of awards, including two Crystal Simorghs in the fields of best editing and best visual effects. [29] The film detailed the experiences of Mostafa Chamran during the battle for Paveh. [30]
The flag of Kurdistan is the flag of Kurds and was created by the Society for the Rise of Kurdistan in 1920. It would later, in different variants, be adopted as the national flag of different Kurdish states including Republic of Ararat, Republic of Mahabad and most recently by Kurdistan Region in 1992. Moreover, the Kingdom of Kurdistan used the crescent flag which was also considered a Kurdish flag.
The Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, also known as the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran (KDPI), is an armed leftist separatist movement of Kurds, exiled in northern Iraq with branch offices in Europe. It is banned in Iran and thus not able to operate openly. The group calls for either separatism in Iran or a federal system.
Kurds in Iran constitute a large minority in the country with a population of around 9 and 10 million people.
Abdul Rahman Ghassemlou was an Iranian Kurdish politician and leader. Ghassemlou was the Secretary-General of the Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan (KDPI) from 1973 until his assassination in 1989 by individuals suspected of being agents of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
The Iran–PJAK conflict is an armed conflict between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Kurdish rebels of the Kurdistan Free Life Party (PJAK), which began in 2004. The group has carried out numerous attacks in the Kurdistan Province of Iran and provinces of Western Iran. PJAK is closely affiliated with the militant Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), the primary opponent of the Republic of Turkey in the Kurdish–Turkish conflict. PJAK has been designated as a terrorist organization by Iran, Japan, Turkey, and the United States.
The Iraqi–Kurdish conflict consists of a series of wars, rebellions and disputes between the Kurds and the central authority of Iraq starting in the 20th century shortly after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I. Some put the marking point of the conflict beginning to the attempt by Mahmud Barzanji to establish an independent Kingdom of Kurdistan, while others relate to the conflict as only the post-1961 insurrection by the Barzanis.
Kurdish separatism in Iran or the Kurdish–Iranian conflict is an ongoing, long-running, separatist dispute between the Kurdish opposition in Western Iran and the governments of Iran, lasting since the emergence of Reza Shah Pahlavi in 1918.
The insurgency by the Kurdish Democratic Party of Iran surged in 1989, lasting until 1996, as part of the Kurdish separatism struggle. The eruption of the conflict in July 1989 was caused by the assassination of KDPI leader Abdul Rahman Qassemlou by suspected Iranian government agents. The most violent episodes took place in 1990 and 1991, when Kurdish soldiers launched massive attacks on Iranian military bases in Kurdish areas of Iran. This brought heavy retaliation from the Iranian government, aiming to eradicate the KDPI leadership by assassinating Sadegh Sharafkandi and other KDPI leaders in 1992 in order to disable the Kurdish party's ability to function. The conflict faded with the effective targeted assassination policy of Iran and by 1996 KDPI was no longer able to function militarily and announced a unilateral ceasefire. The conflict claimed hundreds of lives, mostly Iranian government troops and Kurdish militants.
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Iranian Kurdistan or Eastern Kurdistan is an unofficial name for the parts of northwestern Iran with either a majority or sizable population of Kurds. Geographically, it includes the West Azerbaijan Province, Kurdistan Province, Kermanshah Province, Ilam Province and parts of Hamadan Province and Lorestan Province.
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