|Military of Kurdistan|
Peshmerga soldiers in Iraqi Kurdistan, 2016.
|Commander-in-Chief||Nechirvan Barzani (outgoing as of July 2019)|
|De facto leader||Sirwan Barzani (Ministry of Peshmerga)|
|(247,000 (disputed, see Structure))|
Peshmerga (Sorani Kurdish : پێشمەرگە, Kurmanji :Pêşmerge), meaning Those who face death are the military forces of the autonomous region of Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Since the Iraqi Army is forbidden by Iraqi law to enter Kurdistan Region, the Peshmerga, along with their security subsidiaries, are responsible for the security of Kurdistan Region. These subsidiaries include Asayish (intelligence agency), Parastin u Zanyarî (assisting intelligence agency) and the Zeravani (Gendarmerie). Peshmerga predates Iraq, starting out as a strictly tribal pseudo-military border guard under the Ottomans and Safavids to a well-trained, disciplined guerrilla force in the 19th century.
The Kurdistan Region of Iraq is an autonomous region in the northern parts of Iraq comprising the four Kurdish-majority populated governorates of Dohuk, Erbil, Halabja and Sulaymaniyah and borders Iran, Syria and Turkey. The Kurdistan Region encompasses most of Iraqi Kurdistan but excludes Kurdish areas which Iraq has been preventing the Kurds from governing since Kurdish autonomy was realized in 1992 with the first Kurdish elections in the aftermath of the Gulf War. The Kurdistan Region Parliament is situated in Erbil, which is the largest Kurdish city in Iraq, but the Kurdish constitution declares the disputed city of Kirkuk to be the capital of Kurdistan. When the Iraqi Army withdrew from most parts of the disputed areas in mid-2014 because of the ISIL offensive in Northern Iraq, Kurdish Peshmerga entered the areas and held control there until October 2017.
Iraq, officially the Republic of Iraq, is a country in Western Asia, bordered by Turkey to the north, Iran to the east, Kuwait to the southeast, Saudi Arabia to the south, Jordan to the southwest and Syria to the west. The capital, and largest city, is Baghdad. Iraq is home to diverse ethnic groups including Arabs, Kurds, Chaldeans, Assyrians, Turkmen, Shabakis, Yazidis, Armenians, Mandeans, Circassians and Kawliya. Around 95% of the country's 37 million citizens are Muslims, with Christianity, Yarsan, Yezidism and Mandeanism also present. The official languages of Iraq are Arabic and Kurdish.
The Iraqi Army, officially the Iraqi Ground Forces, is the ground force component of the Iraqi Armed Forces, having been active in various incarnations throughout the 20th and 21st centuries. It was known as the Royal Iraqi Army up until the coup of July 1958.
Formally, the Peshmerga are under the command of the Kurdistan Regional Government's Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs. In reality the Peshmerga force itself is largely divided and controlled separately by the two regional political parties: Democratic Party of Kurdistan and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. Unifying and integrating the Peshmerga has been on the public agenda since 1992 but the forces remain divided due to factionalism which has proved to be a major stumbling block.
The Kurdistan Democratic Party, usually abbreviated as KDP or PDK, is one of the main Kurdish parties in Iraqi Kurdistan and Kurdistan Region. It was founded in 1946 in Mahabad in Iranian Kurdistan. The party claims it exists to combine "democratic values and social justice to form a system whereby everyone in Kurdistan can live on an equal basis with great emphasis given to rights of individuals and freedom of expression."
The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan is a Kurdish political party in Iraqi Kurdistan. The PUK describes its goals as self-determination, human rights, and democracy and peace for the Kurdish people of Kurdistan and Iraq. The current Secretary General is Kosrat Rasul Ali. Fuad Masum, co-founder of the PUK, was the President of Iraq from 2014 to 2018. It was founded on 22 May 1975 in Iraqi Kurdistan by Adel Murad, Nawshirwan Mustafa, Ali Askari, Fuad Masum, Jalal Talabani and Abdul Razaq Feyli.
In 2003, during the Iraq War, Peshmerga were said to have played a key role in the mission to capture Saddam Hussein.In 2004, they captured key al Qaeda figure Hassan Ghul, who revealed the identity of Osama Bin Laden's messenger, which eventually led to Operation Neptune Spear and the death of Osama Bin Laden.
The Iraq War was a protracted armed conflict that began in 2003 with the invasion of Iraq by a United States-led coalition that overthrew the government of Saddam Hussein. The conflict continued for much of the next decade as an insurgency emerged to oppose the occupying forces and the post-invasion Iraqi government. An estimated 151,000 to 600,000 or more Iraqis were killed in the first three to four years of conflict. In 2009, official US troops were withdrawn, but American soldiers continued to remain on the ground fighting in Iraq, hired by defence contractors and private military companies. The U.S. became re-involved in 2014 at the head of a new coalition; the insurgency and many dimensions of the civil armed conflict continue. The invasion occurred as part of a declared war against international terrorism and its sponsors under the administration of U.S. President George W. Bush following the unrelated September 11 terrorist attacks.
Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majid al-Tikriti was President of Iraq from 16 July 1979 until 9 April 2003. A leading member of the revolutionary Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party, and later, the Baghdad-based Ba'ath Party and its regional organization the Iraqi Ba'ath Party—which espoused Ba'athism, a mix of Arab nationalism and socialism—Saddam played a key role in the 1968 coup that brought the party to power in Iraq.
Hassan Ghul, born Mustafa Hajji Muhammad Khan, was a Pakistani member of al-Qaeda who revealed the kunya of Osama Bin Laden's messenger, which eventually led to Operation Neptune Spear and the death of Osama Bin Laden.
The word 'Peshmerga' can be translated to 'to stand in front of death',and Valentine states it was first used by Qazi Muhammad in the short lived Mahabad republic 1946–47. The word is mutually intelligible to speakers of Persian.
Persian, also known by its endonym Farsi, is a Western Iranian language belonging to the Iranian branch of the Indo-Iranian subdivision of the Indo-European languages. It is a pluricentric language predominantly spoken and used officially within Iran, Afghanistan and Tajikistan in three mutually intelligible standard varieties, namely Iranian Persian, Dari Persian and Tajiki Persian. It is also spoken natively in the Tajik variety by a significant population within Uzbekistan, as well as within other regions with a Persianate history in the cultural sphere of Greater Iran. It is written officially within Iran and Afghanistan in the Persian alphabet, a derivation of the Arabic script, and within Tajikistan in the Tajik alphabet, a derivation of Cyrillic.
The Kurdish warrior tradition of rebellion has existed for thousands of years along with aspirations for independence, and early Kurdish warriors fought against the various Persian empires, the Ottoman Empire and the British Empire.
The Ottoman Empire, historically known to its inhabitants and the Eastern world as Rome (Rûm), and known in Western Europe as the Turkish Empire or simply Turkey, was a state that controlled much of Southeast Europe, Western Asia and North Africa between the 14th and early 20th centuries. It was founded at the end of the 13th century in northwestern Anatolia in the town of Söğüt by the Oghuz Turkish tribal leader Osman I. Although initially the dynasty was of Turkic origin, it was thoroughly Persianised in terms of language, culture, literature and habits. After 1354, the Ottomans crossed into Europe, and with the conquest of the Balkans, the Ottoman beylik was transformed into a transcontinental empire. The Ottomans ended the Byzantine Empire with the 1453 conquest of Constantinople by Mehmed the Conqueror.
The British Empire comprised the dominions, colonies, protectorates, mandates and other territories ruled or administered by the United Kingdom and its predecessor states. It originated with the overseas possessions and trading posts established by England between the late 16th and early 18th centuries. At its height, it was the largest empire in history and, for over a century, was the foremost global power. By 1913, the British Empire held sway over 412 million people, 23% of the world population at the time, and by 1920, it covered 35,500,000 km2 (13,700,000 sq mi), 24% of the Earth's total land area. As a result, its political, legal, linguistic and cultural legacy is widespread. At the peak of its power, the phrase "the empire on which the sun never sets" was often used to describe the British Empire, because its expanse around the globe meant that the sun was always shining on at least one of its territories.
Historically the Peshmerga existed only as guerilla organizations, but under the self-declared Republic of Mahabad (1946–1947), the Peshmerga led by Mustafa Barzani became the official army of the republic.After the fall of the republic and the execution of head of state Qazi Muhammad, Peshmerga forces reemerged as guerilla organizations that would go on to fight the Iranian and Iraqi governments for the remainder of the century.
The Republic of Mahabad was a short-lived Kurdish self-governing state in present-day Iran, from 22 January to 15 December 1946. The Republic of Mahabad arose alongside the Azerbaijan People's Government, a similarly short-lived state.
Mustafa Barzani also known as Mala Mustafa, was a Kurdish nationalist leader, and one of the most prominent political figures in modern Kurdish politics. In 1946, he was chosen as the leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) to lead the Kurdish revolution against Iraqi regimes, although at times he also allied himself to the Iranian government. Barzani was the primary political and military leader of the Kurdish revolution until his death in March 1979. He led campaigns of armed struggle against both the Iraqi and Iranian governments.
Qazi Muhammad was an Iranian Kurdish leader who founded the Democratic Party of Kurdistan and headed the short-lived Republic of Mahabad. He was hanged by the Pahlavi dynasty for working for his nation's rights and defending the Kurdish people.
In Iraq, most of these Peshmerga were led by Mustafa Barzani of the Kurdistan Democratic Party.In 1975 the Peshmerga were defeated in the Second Iraqi–Kurdish War. Jalal Talabani, a leading member of the KDP, left the same year to revitalize the resistance and founded the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan. This event created the baseline for the political discontent between the KDP and PUK that to this day divides Peshmerga forces and much of Kurdish society in Kurdistan.
After Mustafa Barzani's death in 1979, his son Masoud Barzani took his position.As tension increased between KDP and PUK, most Peshmerga fought to keep a region under their own party's control, while also fighting off Iraqi Army incursions. Following the First Persian Gulf War, Iraqi Kurdistan saw the Kurdish Civil War between the two major parties, the KDP and the PUK, and Peshmerga forces were used to fight each other. The civil war officially ended in September 1998, when Barzani and Talabani signed the Washington Agreement establishing a formal peace treaty. In the agreement, the parties agreed to share revenue and power, deny the use of northern Iraq to the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), and not allow Iraqi troops into the Kurdish regions. By then, around 5,000 had been killed on both sides, and many more had been evicted for being on the wrong side. In the years after, tension remained high, but both parties moved towards each other and in 2003 they both took part in the overthrowing of the Baathist regime as part of the Iraq War. They remained on good terms, forming a Kurdistan Kurdistan. Unlike other militia forces, the Peshmerga were never prohibited by Iraqi law.
The Peshmerga are mostly divided among forces loyal to the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK),while other, minor Kurdish parties such as the Kurdistan Socialist Democratic Party also have their own small Peshmerga units. The KDP and PUK do not disclose information about the composition of their forces with government or media. Thus there is no reliable number of how many Peshmerga fighters exist. Media outlets have speculated that there are between 150,000 and 200,000 Peshmerga, but this number is highly disputed. Peshmerga have divided Kurdistan Region into a KDP-governed "yellow" zone covering Dohuk Governorate and Erbil Governorate and a PUK-governed "green" zone covering Sulaymaniyah Governorate and Halabja Governorate. Each zone has its own branch of Peshmerga with their own governing institutions and parallel Peshmerga units that do not coordinate with the other branch.
As a result of the split nature of the Peshmerga force, there is no central command center in charge of the entire force, and Peshmerga units instead follow separate military hierarchies depending on political allegiance.Multiple unification and depoliticizing efforts of the Peshmerga have been made since 1992. But so far all deadlines have been missed, reforms have been watered down and most of the Peshmerga is still under the influence of the KDP and the PUK, who also maintain their separate Peshmerga forces. Following the events of the Iraqi Civil War in 2014 the United States and several European nations pressured the PUK and KDP to set up mixed brigades of Peshmerga, as a condition for aid and funding. The PUK and KDP united 12 to 14 brigades under the Regional Guard Brigades which were then placed under the command of the Ministry of Peshmerga Affair. However officers continue to report to and take orders from their party leaders who also control the deployment of forces loyal to them and appoint front-line and sector commanders
Both the KDP and the PUK rely heavily on irregulars in times of conflict to increase their ranks.However both maintain several professional military brigades. The following units have been identified within the Peshmerga force:
|Force||Estimated size||Commander||Party affiliation|
|Regional Guard Brigades||40,000–43,000||Ministry of Peshmerga Affairs||Supposedly apolitical|
|Hezekani Kosrat Rasul||2,000–3,000||Kosrat Rasul Ali||PUK|
|Anti-terror force||unknown||Lahur Shekh Jangi||PUK|
|Presidential Peshmerga brigades||unknown||Hero Ibrahim Ahmed||PUK|
|70 Unit||60,000||Sheikh Jaafar Sheikh Mustafa||PUK. Supposedly becoming incorporated into MPA|
|PUK Asayish (security) force||unknown||unknown||PUK|
|Nechirvan Barzani's brigade||unknown||Nechirvan Barzani||KDP|
|80 Unit||70,000-90,000||Najat Ali Salih||KDP. Supposedly becoming incorporated into MPA|
|Zerevani||51,000–120,000 active/250,000 reservists||Masoud Barzani||KDP|
|7,000 –8,000||Masoud Barzani||KDP|
|KDP Asayish (security) force||unknown||unknown||KDP|
Due to limited funding and the vast size of the Peshmerga forces, the KRG has long planned to downsize its forces from large numbers of low-quality forces to a smaller but much more effective and well-trained force.Consequently, in 2009, the KRG and Baghdad engaged in discussions about incorporating parts of the Peshmerga forces into the Iraqi Army, in what would be the 15th and 16th Iraqi Army divisions. However, after increasing tension between Erbil and Baghdad regarding the disputed areas, the transfer was largely put on hold. Some Peshmerga were already transferred but reportedly deserted again, and there are allegations that former Peshmerga forces remain loyal to the KRG rather than their Iraqi chain of command,regardless thousands of 80 Unit / KDP and 70 Unit / PUK are based in Baghdad and they have good cooperation with other Iraqi forces in Baghdad.
The Peshmerga forces are secular with a Muslim majority and Assyrian Christian and Yezidi units.
Peshmerga forces largely rely on old arms captured from battles. The Peshmerga captured stockpiles of weapons during the 1991 Iraqi uprisings.Several stockpiles of weapons were captured from the old Iraqi Army during the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq, in which Peshmerga forces were active. Following the retreat of the new Iraqi Army during the June 2014 ISIS offensive, Peshmerga forces reportedly again managed to get hold of weapons left behind by the Army. Since August 2014, Peshmerga forces have also captured weapons from ISIS. In 2015, for the first time, Peshmerga soldiers received urban warfare and military intelligence training from foreign trainers, the Combined Joint Task Force – Operation Inherent Resolve.
The Peshmerga arsenal is limited and confined by restrictions because the Kurdish Region has to purchase arms through the Iraqi government. Due to disputes between the KRG and the Iraqi government, arm flows from Baghdad to Kurdistan Region has been almost nonexistent, as Baghdad fears Kurdish aspirations for independence.After the ISIS offensive of August 2014, multiple governments armed the Peshmerga with some light equipment, such as light arms, night goggles and ammunition. However, Kurdish officials and Peshmerga stressed that they were not receiving enough. They also stress that Baghdad was blocking all arms from reaching the KRG, emphasizing the need for weapons to be sent directly to the KRG and not through Baghdad. Despite this the United States has maintained that the government of Iraq is responsible for the security of Iraqi Kurdistan and that Baghdad must approve all military aid.
The Peshmerga lack a proper medical corps and communication units.This became apparent during the ISIS offensive in 2014 where the Peshmerga found itself lacking ambulances and frontline field hospitals, forcing wounded fighters to walk back to safety. There is also a lack of communication tools as Peshmerga commanders are forced to use civilian cellphones to communicate with each other. Under guidance of the US-led coalition the Peshmerga has started to standardize its weapons systems, replacing Soviet-era weapons with NATO firearms.
The Peshmerga forces are plagued by frequent allegations of corruption, partisanship, nepotism, and fraud.A common result of corruption in the Peshmerga are "ghost employees" which are employees on paper who either do not exist or do not show up for work but receive a salary. Those setting up such a scam split the salary of these employees.
In addition the KDP and PUK have used the Peshmerga to exert, or attempt to exert, a monopoly on the use of force within their zones.In 2011 KDP Peshmerga fired on anti-government protesters in Sulaymaniyah on and the PUK later used its own security forces to break up these protests. Leading to criticism from all of the opposition parties in the parliament. In 2014 the KDP used its Peshmerga to stop ministers from the Gorran Movement to enter Erbil and attend parliament.
Outside of Kurdistan Region the Peshmerga has been accused of using force to exert control of local Arab, Yazidi and Assyrian communities. Particularly after taking control of areas officially outside of Kurdistan Region during the Iraqi Civil War.
Women have played a significant role in the Peshmerga since its foundation. The Kurdish Zand tribe was known for allowing women in military roles.During the Iraqi–Kurdish conflict the majority of women served within the Peshmerga in supporting roles such as building camps, taking care of the wounded and carrying munitions and messages. Several women brigades served on the front lines. The most famous Peshmerga was Margaret George Shello who managed to secure a leading position. The PUK started recruiting women during the Kurdish Civil War. Women were given a 45-day basic training that included parade drills and basic marksmanship with various rifles, mortars, and RPGs. In the months leading up to the US 2003 invasion of Iraq, the United States launched Operation Viking Hammer which dealt a huge blow to Islamic terrorist groups in Iraqi Kurdistan and uncovered a chemical weapons facility. The PUK later confirmed that women Kurdish fighters had participated in the operation.
The modern Peshmerga is almost entirely made up of men while having at least 600 women in their ranks.In the KDP, these women Peshmerga have so far been refused access to the frontline and are mostly used in logistics and management positions, but women PUK Peshmerga are deployed in the front lines and are actively engaged in combat.
Iraqi Kurdistan or Southern Kurdistan is the Kurdish-populated region incorporated into Iraq and considered by Kurds as one of four parts of Greater Kurdistan. Much of the geographical and cultural region of Iraqi Kurdistan is governed by the Kurdistan Region (KRI) which is an autonomous region recognized by the Iraqi constitution.
The Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) is the official ruling body of the autonomous Kurdistan Region.
Masoud Barzani is a Kurdish politician who was President of the Kurdistan Region Region from 2005 to 2017. However, Barzani’s post sparked controversy, as his mandate expired 19 August 2015. He is also leader of the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) since 1979.
The Iraqi Kurdish Civil War was a military conflict that took place between rival Kurdish factions in Iraqi Kurdistan during the mid-1990s, most notably between the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan and the Kurdistan Democratic Party. Over the course of the conflict, Kurdish factions from Iranian and Turkish Kurdistan, as well as Iranian, Iraqi and Turkish state forces, were drawn into the fighting, with additional involvement from American forces. Between 3,000 and 5,000 fighters and civilians were killed.
Kosrat Rasul Ali, also known as Kosret Rasoul Ali, is an Iraqi Kurdish politician, First Deputy for the Secretary General of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), veteran Peshmerga military leader, former Prime Minister of KRG and former Vice President of the Kurdistan Region.
Nawshirwan Mustafa was an Iraqi Kurdish politician who served as the General Coordinator of the Movement for Change and the leader of the opposition in the Kurdistan Region from 1 April 2009 to his death on 19 May 2017.
The Kurdish rebellion of 1983 occurred during the Iran–Iraq War as PUK and KDP Kurdish militias of northern Iraq rebelled against Saddam Hussein, in an attempt to form their own autonomous country. With Iraqi occupation of the Iranian front, Kurdish Peshmerga combining the forces of KDP and PUK succeeded in retaining control of some enclaves with Iranian logistic and sometimes military support. The initial rebellion resulted in stalemate by 1985.
The Iraqi–Kurdish conflict consists of a series of wars and rebellions by the Kurds against the central authority of Iraq during the 20th century, which began shortly after the defeat of the Ottoman Empire in World War I and lasting until the U.S. invasion of Iraq in 2003. Some put the marking point of the conflict beginning to the attempt by Mahmud Barzanji to establish an independent Kingdom of Kurdistan, while others relate to the conflict as only the post-1961 insurrection by the Barzanis. The conflict lasted until the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, though tensions between the Kurdish autonomy and the central Iraqi government have continued.
An independence referendum for Kurdistan Region of Iraq was held on 25 September 2017, with preliminary results showing approximately 93.25 percent of votes cast in favour of independence. Despite reporting that the independence referendum would be non-binding, the autonomous Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) characterised it as binding, although they claimed that an affirmative result would trigger the start of state building and negotiations with Iraq rather than an immediate declaration of independence of Kurdistan. The referendum's legality was rejected by the federal government of Iraq.
The Peshmerga have historically been Kurdish guerrilla forces combating the ruling power in the region of what is now Iraqi Kurdistan. Under Mahmud Barzanji, the Peshmerga fought against the occupying British after World War I. They also spearheaded revolts against Iraq in 1931–1932 and against Iran in 1946–1947. Under the leadership of Mustafa Barzani, Peshmerga forces fought the Iraqi government in the First and Second Iraqi–Kurdish Wars of the 1960s and 1970s, and supported the Iranian side in the Iran–Iraq War of the 1980s. The Peshmerga became divided between forces loyal to the Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP) and those loyal to the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), a split that led to the Iraqi–Kurdish Civil War of 1995–1998. After the 2003 invasion of Iraq, the Peshmerga became the official military forces of autonomous Iraqi Kurdistan, whose government has attempted to unify the factions. The Peshmerga have played an important role in re-taking territory occupied by ISIS in 2014.
Parliamentary elections took place in Kurdistan Region on 30 September 2018 to elect Parliament. The ruling Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) came first in a parliamentary election in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, winning 45 seats, that positioning it to lead the next regional government. A year after a failed bid for independence, Iraq’s Kurds voted last month in a parliamentary election. Announcement of the results was delayed for three weeks. The KDP’s historic rival and junior coalition partner in government, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), was in second place with 21 seats. The results suggest that Masoud Barzani’s KDP will take a dominant position in Kurdish politics.
Sirwan Barzani is an Iraqi Kurdish businessman and military commander. He is a member of the Barzani Kurds Barzani family. He is the older brother of Saywan Barzani, the Iraqi diplomat, and Hasan Barzani who died in an air accident in October 2016.
Hungary–Kurdistan Region relations are bilateral relations between Hungary and the Kurdistan Region. Hungary is represented in Kurdistan Region through a consulate general since November 2014, while Kurdistan Region has no representation in Hungary. Relations are characterized by several high-level talks and close ties. The Kurdish President Massoud Barzani visited Hungary in 2012 and in 2015 on official visits. Moreover, Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán uttered support for the independence of Kurdistan Region from Iraq in 2015 causing concern among the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq.
Germany–Kurdistan Region relations are bilateral relations between Germany and Kurdistan Region. Germany has a consulate general in Erbil since 2012, and Kurdistan Region has a representation in Berlin since 1992. Many high-level meetings have been held between the two parties, including a visit to Berlin by Kurdish President Masoud Barzani in 2009, where he met with German Chancellor Angela Merkel and Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. In 2014, President Barzani described Germany as "one of Kurdistan Region’s staunch allies in the war against the Islamic State." German Consul General Marc Eichhorn described the relations as "excellent".
France–Kurdistan Region relations are bilateral relations between France and Kurdistan Region. France has a consulate general in Erbil and Kurdistan Region has a representation in Paris. The ties between France and Kurdistan Region have been very close since the presidency of François Mitterrand (1981–1995), when his wife Danielle Mitterrand played an instrumental role in the campaign for the no fly zone over Kurdistan Region in 1991. France has a military presence in Kurdistan Region, and Consul General Dominique Mas described their relations as being "historic" and "long-term".
Bafel Talabani, in Kurdish Bafel Tallebanî بافڵ تاڵەبانی is an Iraqi Kurdish politician and an emerging political figure and dealmaker in the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK). He is the older son of PUK leader Jalal Talabani.
The 2017 Iraqi–Kurdish conflict occurred in and around the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, and began on 15 October 2017, as a result of the Iraqi Kurdistan referendum in 2017 held on September 25. The diplomatic crisis between the Iraqi Government and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) escalated into all out conflict when the Peshmerga ignored repeated warnings by Iraqi prime minister Haider al-Abadi to hand over Kirkuk peacefully to Iraqi forces. The Peshmerga stated they would not take commands from the central Government of Iraq but from the autonomous Kurdish region, this was tantamount to a declaration of rebellion against the state of Iraq.
Hemin Hawrami, real name Hayman Ahmed Hma Salah, is a Kurdish politician, writer and academic. He has been the Deputy Speaker of the Iraqi Kurdistan Parliament since February 2019. He is a senior member of the Kurdistan Democratic Party. He was elected as a Member of the Kurdistan Parliament in September 2018. He was the head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party’s foreign relations (2011–2017) and later a senior adviser to President Masoud Barzani (2017–2019) for political and international affairs. He has written eight books in Kurdish on Kurdish politics.