Alex de Waal OBE | |
---|---|
Born | Alexander William Lowndes de Waal February 22, 1963 Cambridge |
Education | The King's School, Canterbury |
Alma mater | University of Oxford |
Occupation(s) | Human rights activist, author, academic |
Organization(s) | World Peace Foundation, The Fletcher School, Tufts University |
Father | Victor de Waal |
Relatives | Edmund de Waal, Thomas de Waal (brothers) |
Alexander William Lowndes de Waal (born 22 February 1963), is the executive director of the World Peace Foundation at the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University. [1] He is an authority on famine and has worked on the Horn of Africa since the 1980s as a researcher and practitioner. He was listed among Foreign Policy ’s 100 most influential international intellectuals in 2008 and Atlantic’s 29 ‘brave thinkers’ in 2009 and is the winner of the Huxley Award of the Royal Anthropological Institute in 2024. [2] [3] [4]
Previously, he was a fellow of the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative at Harvard University, as well as program director at the Social Science Research Council on AIDS in New York City. [5]
De Waal was born in Cambridge, United Kingdom to Victor de Waal, an Anglican priest, and Esther Aline Lowndes-Moir, an author. He attended The King's School, Canterbury. [6] He graduated with a BA in Psychology with Philosophy from Corpus Christi College, Oxford in 1984 going on to receive a DPhil in social anthropology from Nuffield College, Oxford in 1988. [6] [7]
De Waal has worked on famine since began fieldwork for his DPhil in social anthropology on how rural people in Sudan understood famine and adopted coping strategies to try to survive it. A revised version of his dissertation was published as Famine that Kills: Darfur, Sudan, 1984-1985. [8] This was influential in developing the concept of famine as a threat to a way of life, and contributed to the study of livelihood coping strategies and survival strategies. It also framed famine mortality as the outcome of health crises as well as starvation per se.
In the 1990s, de Waal focused on the intersection between human rights violations and famine, including censorship and the use of starvation as a weapon of war. [9] [10]
He was sharply critical of the role of humanitarian organizations in downplaying the politics and criminality of famine, arguing that an anti-famine political contract was the route towards famine prevention. This was the core theme of his 1997 book, Famine Crimes: Politics and the Disaster Relief Industry in Africa. [11] This book influenced a generation of researchers, students and aid practitioners to think critically about role of humanitarians in obscuring the underlying reasons for famine.
In the 2010s, de Waal returned to the topic of famine, posing the question, why the number and virulence of famines had declined, and what action was necessary to abolish them for good. [12] His paper ‘The End of Famine’ in Political Geography, was the winner of the Elsevier Atlas Prize for 2017. [13] [14]
By the time of the publication of his book Mass Starvation: The history and future of famine, later in 2017 de Waal was more pessimistic, noting that famines were making a comeback. [15] He attributed this to the increasing use of starvation as a weapon of war, characterizing them as ‘the new atrocity famines.’ Subsequently, he explained the increasing use of weaponized hunger as a product of changing global political economy and an accompanying normative shift, more permissive towards starvation. [16]
With his colleague at the World Peace Foundation, Bridget Conley, and the legal group Global Rights Compliance, de Waal pushed for stronger legal measures to call perpetrators of starvation to account. [17]
De Waal has exposed and condemned the use of starvation as a weapon in Tigray, Ethiopia, Sudan and Gaza. [18] [19]
De Waal joined Africa Watch (later renamed Human Rights Watch-Africa) in 1989, authoring reports on Sudan, Ethiopia, and Somalia including on starvation as a weapon of war in all three of those countries. He resigned from Africa Watch in December 1992 in protest at Human Rights Watch’s decision to support the US Operation Restore Hope, which sent American troops to Somalia.
With his colleague Rakiya Omaar, who was fired as director of Africa Watch at the same time, de Waal set up African Rights, a small human rights NGO in London. African Rights hit the headlines for its exposure of human rights violations by the international forces in Somalia. [20]
The United Nations military attorney for the UN Operation in Somalia accused de Waal of ‘supporting the propaganda efforts of the USC [United Somali Congress]’ when he was researching a report, ‘Somalia: Human Rights Abuses by the United Nations Forces.’ The report caused particular controversy in Belgium, where the Belgian army first denied that its paratroopers were responsible for any abuses, and later admitted that they had occurred when photographic evidence emerged. [21]
African Rights took a lead in documenting the genocide in Rwanda, publishing a report Rwanda: Death, Despair and Defiance, with scores of first hand testimonies within weeks of the atrocities. The testimonies were collected by Rakiya Omaar, who was in Rwanda, interviewing survivors, sometimes on the very day they escaped from the genocidaires, assisted by de Waal who was in London.
De Waal continued to work on Sudan, particularly on the then-neglected case of the Nuba Mountains, organizing the first mission to document abuses there, which led to the report, Facing Genocide: The Nuba of Sudan, and a BBC documentary by the journalist Julie Flint. [22] De Waal reflected on the challenges of documenting genocide as it unfolds in an article in Boston Review . [23]
In 1998 de Waal left African Rights and founded a new organization, Justice Africa, with Tajudeen Abdul-Raheem, Yoanes Ajawin and Paulos Tesfagiorgis. African Rights co-hosted a series of conferences on peace and human rights in Sudan, bringing civil society voices to the peace process. [24]
It campaigned against the war between Ethiopia and Eritrea, sponsoring a case at the African Court of Human and People’s Rights against Ethiopia for the expulsion of Eritreans. It convened workshops on the peace and security challenges facing Africa. [25]
De Waal left Justice Africa to work on HIV and AIDS in Africa, playing a leading role in the UN Economic Commission for Africa’s Commission on HIV/AIDS and Governance in Africa, [26] the Social Science Research Council report on AIDS, Conflict and Security, [27] and the Harvard University-led Joint Learning Initiative on Children and HIV/AIDS. [28] De Waal later reflected on how the worst predictions for political and security crises arising from the HIV and AIDS epidemic in Africa had turned out to be erroneous. [29]
At the onset of the Covid-19 pandemic, de Waal wrote an essay for Boston Review drawing lessons from the politics of the 1890s cholera epidemic in Hamburg, which he later expanded into a book, New Pandemics, Old Politics, arguing that each pandemic should be seen also as a societal ‘pandemy’, with subtle but far-reaching social and political implications.
In the outset of the Tigray War, de Waal and Mulugeta Gebrehiwot published reports surrounding the situation in Tigray with regards to Eritrea's involvement. [30]
A widespread famine affected Ethiopia from 1983 to 1985. The worst famine to hit the country in a century, it affected 7.75 million people and left approximately 300,000 to 1.2 million dead. 2.5 million people were internally displaced whereas 400,000 refugees left Ethiopia. Almost 200,000 children were orphaned.
Darfur is a region of western Sudan. Dār is an Arabic word meaning "home [of]" – the region was named Dardaju while ruled by the Daju, who migrated from Meroë c. 350 AD, and it was renamed Dartunjur when the Tunjur ruled the area. Darfur was an independent sultanate for several hundred years until 1874, when it fell to the Sudanese warlord Rabih az-Zubayr. The region was later invaded and incorporated into Sudan by Anglo-Egyptian forces in 1916. As an administrative region, Darfur is divided into five federal states: Central Darfur, East Darfur, North Darfur, South Darfur and West Darfur. Because of the War in Darfur between Sudanese government forces and the indigenous population, the region has been in a state of humanitarian emergency and genocide since 2003. The factors include religious and ethnic rivalry, and the rivalry between farmers and herders.
The Baggāra, also known as Chadian Arabs, are a nomadic confederation of people of mixed Arab and Arabized indigenous African ancestry, inhabiting a portion of the Sahel mainly between Lake Chad and the Nile river near south Kordofan, numbering over six million. They are known as Baggara and Abbala in Sudan, and as Shuwa Arabs in Cameroon, Nigeria and Western Chad. The term Shuwa is said to be of Kanuri origin.
The Derg, officially the Provisional Military Administrative Council (PMAC), was the military dictatorship that ruled Ethiopia, then including present-day Eritrea, from 1974 to 1987, when the military junta formally "civilianized" the administration but stayed in power until 1991.
The Nuba Mountains, also referred to as the Nuba Hills, are an area located in South Kordofan, Sudan. The area is home to a group of indigenous ethnic groups known collectively as the Nuba peoples. They are not the same as the Nubians who are indigenous to north Sudan. Rather their name is derived from the name of the mountains, “Nuba”. In the Middle Ages, the Nuba mountains had been part of the Nubian kingdom of Alodia. In the 18th century, they became home to the kingdom of Taqali that controlled the hills of the mountains until their defeat by Mahdi Muhammad Ahmad. After the British defeated the Mahdi army, Taqali was restored as a client state. Infiltration of the Messiria tribe and Muraheleen of Baggara Arabs has been influential in modern conflicts. Up to 1.5 million people live in the mountains, mostly ethnic Nuba, with a small minority of Baggara.
The Messiria, also known as Misseriya Arabs, are a branch of the Baggara ethnic grouping of Arab tribes. Their language is primarily Sudanese Arabic, when Chadian Arabic is also spoken by a small number of them in Darfur. The numbers is varies, perhaps between 500,000 and 1 million in western Sudan, extending into eastern Chad. They are primarily nomadic cattle herders and their journeys are dependent upon the seasons of the year. The use of the term Baggara carries negative connotations as slave raiders, so they prefer to be called instead Messiria.
The War in Darfur, also nicknamed the Land Cruiser War, was a major armed conflict in the Darfur region of Sudan that began in February 2003 when the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) rebel groups began fighting against the government of Sudan, which they accused of oppressing Darfur's non-Arab population. The government responded to attacks by carrying out a campaign of ethnic cleansing against Darfur's non-Arabs. This resulted in the death of hundreds of thousands of civilians and the indictment of Sudan's president, Omar al-Bashir, for genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.
This is the bibliography and reference section for the Darfur conflict series. External links to reports, news articles and other sources of information may also be found below.
The Ethiopian Civil War was a civil war in Ethiopia and present-day Eritrea, fought between the Ethiopian military junta known as the Derg and Ethiopian-Eritrean anti-government rebels from 12 September 1974 to 28 May 1991.
Throughout its history, Darfur has been the home to several cultures and kingdoms, such as the Daju and Tunjur kingdoms. The recorded history of Darfur begins in the seventeenth century, with the foundation of the Fur Sultanate by the Keira dynasty. The Sultanate of Darfur was initially destroyed in 1874 by the Khedivate of Egypt. In 1899, the government of Anglo-Egyptian Sudan recognized Ali Dinar as the Sultan of Darfur, in exchange for an annual tribute of 500 pound sterling. This lasted until Darfur was formally annexed in 1916. The region remained underdeveloped through the period of colonial rule and after independence in 1956. The majority of national resources were directed toward the riverine Arabs clustered along the Nile near Khartoum. This pattern of structural inequality and overly underdevelopment resulted in increasing restiveness among Darfuris. The influence of regional geopolitics and war by proxy, coupled with economic hardship and environmental degradation, from soon after independence led to sporadic armed resistance from the mid-1980s. The continued violence culminated in an armed resistance movement around 2003.
Africa Action is a nonprofit organization that is based in Washington, D.C., working to change U.S.–Africa relations to promote political, economic and social justice in nations of Africa. They provide accessible information and analysis, and mobilize popular support for campaigns to achieve this mission.
John Prendergast is an American human rights and anti-corruption activist as well as an author. He is the co-founder of The Sentry, an investigative and policy organization that seeks to disable multinational predatory networks that benefit from violent conflict, repression, and kleptocracy. Prendergast was the founding director of the Enough Project and was formerly director for African affairs at the National Security Council.
By January 2011 the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) estimated that there are 262,900 Sudanese refugees in Chad. The majority of them left Sudan escaping from the violence of the ongoing Darfur crisis, which began in 2003. UNHCR has given the Sudanese refugees shelter in 12 different camps situated along the Chad–Sudan border. The most pressing issues UNHCR has to deal with in the refugee camps in Chad are related to insecurity in the camps, malnutrition, access to water, HIV and AIDS, and education.
All sides of the Tigray war have been repeatedly accused of committing war crimes since it began in November 2020. In particular, the Ethiopian federal government, the State of Eritrea, the Tigray People's Liberation Front (TPLF) and Amhara Special Forces (ASF) have been the subject of numerous reports of both war crimes and crimes against humanity.
Beginning with the onset of the Tigray War in November 2020, acute food shortages leading to death and starvation became widespread in northern Ethiopia, and the Tigray, Afar and Amhara Regions in particular. As of August 2022, there are 13 million people facing acute food insecurity, and an estimated 150,000–200,000 had died of starvation by March 2022. In the Tigray Region alone, 89% of people are in need of food aid, with those facing severe hunger reaching up to 47%. In a report published in June 2021, over 350,000 people were already experiencing catastrophic famine conditions. It is the worst famine to happen in East Africa since 2011–2012.
The Tigrayan peace process encompasses the series of proposals, meetings, agreements and actions that aimed to resolve the Tigray War.
The EHRC–OHCHR Tigray investigation is a human rights investigation launched jointly by the Ethiopian Human Rights Commission (EHRC) and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in mid-2021 into human rights violations of the Tigray War that started in November 2020. The EHRC–OHCHR joint investigation team's report was published on 3 November 2021.
The 1992 famine in Somalia resulted from a severe drought and devastation caused by warring factions in southern Somalia, primarily the Somali National Front, in the fertile inter-riverine breadbasket between the Jubba and Shebelle rivers. The resulting famine primarily affected residents living in the riverine area, predominantly in Bay Region, and those internally displaced by the civil war.
The Muraheleen, also known as al-Maraheel, were tribal militias primarily composed of Rizeigat and Messiria tribes from western Sudan. They were armed since 1983 by successive Sudanese government to suppress the insurgency of the Sudan People's Liberation Army (SPLA) during the Second Sudanese Civil War. Their activities included raiding Dinka villages, looting cattle, abducting women and children, scorched earth, and causing widespread destruction. The Muraheleen were notorious for their brutal tactics, which contributed to famine and displacement among the affected populations.
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