Arne L. Kalleberg | |
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Born | |
Alma mater | Brooklyn College (BA); University of Wisconsin–Madison (MS/PhD in sociology) |
Scientific career | |
Institutions | Indiana University (1975–1986), University of North Carolina (1986–current) |
Arne Lindeman Kalleberg (born February 9, 1949) [1] is a Kenan Distinguished Professor of Sociology at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill [2] and a Faculty Fellow at the Carolina Population Center. He is also an adjunct professor in the Kenan-Flagler Business School, the Department of Public Policy, and the Curriculum in Global Studies. Kalleberg served as the secretary of the American Sociological Association from 2001 to 2004 and as its president from 2007 to 2008. He has been the editor-in-chief of Social Forces , an international journal of social research for over ten years. [3] He was elected a fellow of the National Academy of Sciences in 2024.
Kalleberg received his B.A. from Brooklyn College and his M.S. and Ph.D. (in 1975) from the University of Wisconsin–Madison. He was a faculty member at Indiana University for 10 years, where he served as the director of the Institute of Social Research. He moved to the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in 1986. Previous administrative roles at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill include chair of the Department of Sociology (1990–2000), senior associate dean of The Graduate School (2001–2004), senior associate vice chancellor for graduate studies and research (interim) (2000–2001), senior associate dean for social sciences and international programs (2004–2007), and director of international programs (2007–2008). He has been a visiting professor at universities in Germany, Norway, South Korea, and Sweden.
Kalleberg studies labor force issues at the interface of sociology, economics, and psychology. Much of his work is cross-national, comparative and multi-level, linking societal and organizational institutions and structures to individual outcomes. His contributions to sociology have focused on three main topics.
The degree to which peoples’ jobs “fit” or match their skills has important consequences for individuals, organizations, and societies. When peoples’ jobs match their needs, preferences, and abilities, then they are likely to be relatively happy and satisfied with their work and lives, and workplaces are apt to function fairly smoothly and effectively. On the other hand, when there is a “mismatch” or lack of fit between persons and their jobs, a variety of problems and difficulties are likely to result for the workers, their families, employers and the society more generally. The degree to which jobs “fit” persons depends on their degree of control people have over their employment situations, which in turn reflects their market power and the opportunities available in the labor market.
Kalleberg's research on this topic is represented by his early work on job satisfaction (Kalleberg, 1977), [4] his comparative studies of organizational commitment and job satisfaction in Japan and the United States (e.g., Lincoln and Kalleberg, 1985) [5] and his more recent book on The Mismatched Worker (Kalleberg, 2007). [6]
Institutions are central to sociological explanations of social and economic inequality. Kalleberg's research has sought to document how different kinds of work institutions, or work structures (occupations, industries, unions, classes) generate inequalities in economic as well as non-economic (such as autonomy and challenging work) rewards. He provided a conceptual framework of how multiple work structures and market combine to produce inequalities in his book with Ivar Berg, Work and Industry: Structures, Markets and Processes (1987). [7]
Kalleberg's contributions to sociological explanations of labor markets show how institutional structures combine with characteristics of individuals (such as their gender, race, age, education, experience) to produce inequalities. This work is represented by Kalleberg and Sørensen (1979), [8] Althauser and Kalleberg (1981); [9] Sørensen and Kalleberg (1981); [10] Kalleberg, Wallace and Althauser (1981); [11] Kalleberg and Van Buren (1996). [12] His research on occupations shows how they produce differences in wage inequality (e.g., Kalleberg and Griffin, 1980; Mouw and Kalleberg, 2010). [13] [14]
Kalleberg's research has also shown the potential of collecting information on nationally representative samples of organizations for addressing a wide range of outcomes related to inequality, both at the organizational level (e.g., Kalleberg, Knoke, Marsden and Spaeth, 1996; Kalleberg, Reynolds and Marsden, 2003) [15] and for individuals (e.g., Kalleberg and Reskin, 1995). [16]
These two strands of Kalleberg's scholarship—on the fit between persons and jobs and on work and inequality—were joined in his ongoing research program on transformations in employment relations, which are implicit or explicit contractual arrangements that specify the reciprocal expectations and obligations linking employers and employees. Employment relations encompass a wide range of phenomena—including work organization, governance, evaluation and rewards—and so the study of employment relations is central to numerous subjects in the social sciences, including the origins and maintenance of economic inequality and social stratification; the operation of labor markets; mechanisms of skill acquisition and career mobility; recruitment, selection, hiring and promotion processes; and the governance and control of work activities within organizations. As the link between individuals and their employing organizations, employment relations provide a theoretical linchpin connecting multiple levels of analysis: macrostructures such as economic, political, legal and social institutions; mesoscopic (middle-range) aspects of work groups, firms and inter-firm networks; and micro-level features of employment including individual work experiences and rewards.
Kalleberg has written extensively on the causes and consequences of the emergence of nonstandard work arrangements such as temporary, contract, and part-time work in the US, Asia and Europe (e.g., Kalleberg, 2000, 2001, 2003, 2009, 2012; Kalleberg, Reskin and Hudson, 2000). [17] His recent book, Good Jobs, Bad Jobs: The Rise of Polarized and Precarious Employment Systems in the United States, 1970s to 2000s (Russell Sage Foundation, 2011), discusses the rise of precarious employment in the United States as well as the growing polarization of jobs with regard to earnings as well as non-economic rewards such as the control people have over their work activities and schedules, especially in balancing work and family. [18] He has also extended his studies of precarious work to various countries in Asia (e.g., Kalleberg and Hewison, 2013; Hewison and Kalleberg, 2013; Hsiao, Kalleberg and Hewison, 2015). [19]
Industrial sociology, until recently a crucial research area within the field of sociology of work, examines "the direction and implications of trends in technological change, globalization, labour markets, work organization, managerial practices and employment relations" to "the extent to which these trends are intimately related to changing patterns of inequality in modern societies and to the changing experiences of individuals and families", and " the ways in which workers challenge, resist and make their own contributions to the patterning of work and shaping of work institutions".
William Julius Wilson is an American sociologist, a professor at Harvard University, and an author of works on urban sociology, race, and class issues. Laureate of the National Medal of Science, he served as the 80th President of the American Sociological Association, was a member of numerous national boards and commissions. He identified the importance of neighborhood effects and demonstrated how limited employment opportunities and weakened institutional resources exacerbated poverty within American inner-city neighborhoods.
The working poor are working people whose incomes fall below a given poverty line due to low-income jobs and low familial household income. These are people who spend at least 27 weeks in a year working or looking for employment, but remain under the poverty threshold.
Workfare is a governmental plan under which welfare recipients are required to accept public-service jobs or to participate in job training. Many countries around the world have adopted workfare to reduce poverty among able-bodied adults; however, their approaches to execution vary. The United States and United Kingdom are two countries utilizing workfare, albeit with different backgrounds.
Employment discrimination is a form of illegal discrimination in the workplace based on legally protected characteristics. In the U.S., federal anti-discrimination law prohibits discrimination by employers against employees based on age, race, gender, sex, religion, national origin, and physical or mental disability. State and local laws often protect additional characteristics such as marital status, veteran status and caregiver/familial status. Earnings differentials or occupational differentiation—where differences in pay come from differences in qualifications or responsibilities—should not be confused with employment discrimination. Discrimination can be intended and involve disparate treatment of a group or be unintended, yet create disparate impact for a group.
Precarious work is a term that critics use to describe non-standard or temporary employment that may be poorly paid, insecure, unprotected, and unable to support a household. From this perspective, globalization, the shift from the manufacturing sector to the service sector, and the spread of information technology have created a new economy which demands flexibility in the workplace, resulting in the decline of the standard employment relationship, particularly for women. The characterization of temporary work as "precarious" is disputed by some scholars and entrepreneurs who see these changes as positive for individual workers. Precarious is work is ultimately a result of a profit driven capitalist organization of work in which employment is largely understood as a cost that needs to be reduced. The social and political consequences vary greatly in terms gender, age, race and class and result in varying degrees of inequality and freedom.
Barbara Reskin is a professor of sociology. As the S. Frank Miyamoto Professor of Sociology at the University of Washington, Reskin studies labor market stratification, examining job queues, nonstandard work, sex segregation, and affirmative action policies in employment and university admissions, mechanisms of work-place discrimination, and the role of credit markets in income poverty and inequality.
Occupational inequality is the unequal treatment of people based on gender, sexuality, age, disability, socioeconomic status, religion, height, weight, accent, or ethnicity in the workplace. When researchers study trends in occupational inequality they usually focus on distribution or allocation pattern of groups across occupations, for example, the distribution of men compared to women in a certain occupation. Secondly, they focus on the link between occupation and income, for example, comparing the income of whites with blacks in the same occupation.
The following events related to sociology occurred in the 2000s.
Occupational segregation is the distribution of workers across and within occupations, based upon demographic characteristics, most often gender. Other types of occupational segregation include racial and ethnicity segregation, and sexual orientation segregation. These demographic characteristics often intersect. While a job refers to an actual position in a firm or industry, an occupation represents a group of similar jobs that require similar skill requirements and duties. Many occupations are segregated within themselves because of the differing jobs, but this is difficult to detect in terms of occupational data. Occupational segregation compares different groups and their occupations within the context of the entire labor force. The value or prestige of the jobs are typically not factored into the measurements.
Economic restructuring is used to indicate changes in the constituent parts of an economy in a very general sense. In the western world, it is usually used to refer to the phenomenon of urban areas shifting from a manufacturing to a service sector economic base. It has profound implications for productive capacities and competitiveness of cities and regions. This transformation has affected demographics including income distribution, employment, and social hierarchy; institutional arrangements including the growth of the corporate complex, specialized producer services, capital mobility, informal economy, nonstandard work, and public outlays; as well as geographic spacing including the rise of world cities, spatial mismatch, and metropolitan growth differentials.
Ascription occurs when social class or stratum placement is primarily hereditary. In other words, people are placed in positions in a stratification system because of qualities beyond their control. Race, sex, age, class at birth, religion, ethnicity, species, and residence are all good examples of these qualities. Ascription is one way sociologists explain why stratification occurs.
Evelyn Seiko Nakano Glenn is a professor at the University of California, Berkeley. In addition to her teaching and research responsibilities, she served as founding director of the university's Center for Race and Gender (CRG), a leading U.S. academic center for the study of intersectionality among gender, race and class social groups and institutions. In June 2008, Glenn was elected president of the 15,000-member American Sociological Association. She served as president-elect during the 2008–2009 academic year, assumed her presidency at the annual ASA national convention in San Francisco in August 2009, served as president of the association during the 2009–2010 year, and continued to serve on the ASA governing council as past-president until August 2011. Her presidential address, given at the 2010 meetings in Atlanta, was entitled "Constructing Citizenship: Exclusion, Subordination, and Resistance", and was printed as the lead article in the American Sociological Review.
Aage Bottger Sørensen was born on May 13, 1941, in Silkeborg, Denmark, and died on April 18, 2001, in Boston, Massachusetts, United States.
In sociology and economics, the precariat is a neologism for a social class formed by people suffering from precarity, which means existing without predictability or security, affecting material or psychological welfare. The term is a portmanteau merging precarious with proletariat.
William A. "Sandy" Darity Jr. is an American economist and social scientist at Duke University. Darity's research spans economic history, development economics, economic psychology, and the history of economic thought, but most of his research is devoted to group-based inequality, especially with respect to race and ethnicity. His 2005 paper in the Journal of Economics and Finance established Darity as the 'founder of stratification economics.' His varied research interests have also included the trans-Atlantic slave trade, African American reparations and the economics of black reparations, and social and economic policies that affect inequities by race and ethnicity. For the latter, he has been described as "perhaps the country’s leading scholar on the economics of racial inequality."
Donald Tomaskovic-Devey is a professor of sociology at the University of Massachusetts Amherst.
Kevin Hewison is an Australian social and political scientist, formerly the Weldon E. Thornton Distinguished Professor at University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (UNC) and director of the Carolina Asia Center. He is now Weldon E. Thornton Distinguished Emeritus Professor at UNC.
Valeria Pulignano is an Italian-born sociologist, full Professor of Sociology at the University of Leuven, Belgium, and author of numerous publications on comparative industrial relations, labour markets and employment in Europe. She was formerly (2013–2017) scientific director of the Center for Social Sociological Research (CeSO) at KU Leuven. She is Specialty Chief Editor of the "Work, Employment and Organization" section of Frontiers in Sociology, co-coordinator of the RN17 Work, Employment and Industrial Relations at the European Sociological Association (ESA) and principal investigator of the ERC Advanced Grant Research Project “Revolving Precariousness: Advancing the Theory and Measurement of Precariousness Across the Paid/Unpaid Continuum” (ResPecTMe).
Kim A. Weeden is an American sociologist. She is a professor of sociology at Cornell University, where she is also a Stephen H. Weiss Presidential Fellow and the Jan Rock Zubrow '77 Professor of the Social Sciences. Weeden studies income inequality, the gender wage gap, and what determines the professions that different people enter and the academic majors that students select. She primarily uses large-scale surveys to study these topics.