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Jugendweihe in Berlin 1968. The SED established the rite of passage instead of confirmation, which led to ongoing conflicts with the churches.
Christianity in East Germany underwent several phases, ranging from state repression to state co-option. Christianity in East Germany also came up against secularism that saw the Church struggle to maintain its influence at times.
Right after the war, many Catholic parishes were cut off from their dioceses in the western part of Germany.[citation needed]
Since the 16th-century Protestant Reformation, Catholics had been a minority on the territory that became East Germany after the war.[1] Due to the post-war flight and expulsion of Germans from Eastern Europe to the west of the new Oder–Neisse line, refugees who resettled in East Germany increased the portion of Catholics between 1945 and 1949 to 13.9%.[1] Between the establishment of the GDR in 1949 and the construction of the Berlin Wall in 1961, about 1.1 million Catholics left the GDR.[1] From 1961 to 1988, their number shrunk further to 1.05 million Catholics, about 6% of the population.[1]
On 5 June 1945, following the end of World War II in Europe, Soviet authorities established the Soviet occupation zone within Germany, installing a provisional government for the former Prussian provinces of Brandenburg, Saxony and the western part of Pommerania, as well as for the Länder of Mecklenburg, Saxony, Thuringia and Anhalt. Political parties that had been forbidden in Nazi Germany were allowed to resume their activities in 1945, including the Communist Party of Germany led by Walter Ulbricht, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Christian CDUD and the liberal LDPD. The first two parties merged into the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in 1946, which won the first regional elections and gradually managed to erode the significance of the other parties. The SED party congress formed a Popular Council in 1948, which declared itself a provisional parliament on 7 October 1949, adopted a constitution and proclaimed the German Democratic Republic (GDR) on the same day. In the years after that, the GDR quickly evolved into a de factosingle-partysocialist state.[2]
In general, through the early postwar period (1945–1949), the state pursued a moderate policy toward the church. This could be attributed to several reasons, one of which was that the church generally opposed Hitler. Beyond this, there was also a human need for the ministrations of the Church in the wake of the trauma and widespread devastation caused by the war.[3] The Church was even exempted from the land reform conducted through 1945–1946 that sought to parcel large estates and distribute them among individual farmers, indicating their privileged position. Additionally, the Church was invited to join all-party talks held with the aim of establishing a single, non-partisan youth movement helmed by Erich Honecker.[3]
However, this phase did not last long. In general, the period from 1949 to 1961 was characterised largely by visible repression of the Church. A variety of strategies were adopted by the SED to varying degrees over time, seeking to quicken the ‘withering away’ of religion under communism. Publishing books and communications were hindered by the scarcity of paper, the post-war destruction also deprived the church of buildings for their gatherings and services. The burgeoning conflict between the Church and State manifested clearly in the arena of education. In 1946, the State issued a decree that forbade the establishment of any kind of educational establishment apart from that provided by the state. Such a decree directly impacted religious education, and by the end of 1952, all religious education in schools had stopped.[4]
1952–1960s
1952 onwards marked a period of struggle and conflict between the state and the church. During the second party congress (9–12 July 1952), the SED abandoned its previously pronounced neutrality towards the churches. The announced "construction of socialism" (Aufbau des Sozialismus) required an "intensification of the class struggle" (Verschärfung des Klassenkampfes), including an offensive against the power of the churches. For example, Erich Mielke ordered an encompassing surveillance "of the churches and affiliate organisations such as the CDU" by the Ministry for State Security, because these "reactionary groups of people" were allegedly opponents of the construction of socialism. Arrests and convictions were already underway.[5] In a famous 10 October 1957 speech in Sonneberg, Ulbricht stated that old traditional beliefs should be thrown overboard.[6]
The GDR state sponsored atheism and tried to reduce the influence of the churches on society.[7] The GDR's constitution ostensibly proclaimed the freedom of religious belief, while "Freedom of religion and liberty of conscience did not in reality exist, and the exercise of religion was obstructed in every conceivable way".[8]
As the state sought to strengthen its youth movement, the ‘Freie Deutsche Jugend’ (FDJ), the Church was viewed with increasing suspicion as a rival. In the period from the formation of the GDR, the drive for socialist transformation led the state to seek to curtail the church's social presence. The rivalry between the Church and state intensified over two issues, namely the Jugendweihe and the provision of military chaplains.[9]
The Jugendweihe, the youth ceremony of the FDJ, introduced in 1954 was an initiation rite that acted as a secular substitute for confirmation. The State designed the ceremony such that participating in it would express affirmation to the State and socialism. The Church protested against this ceremony, denying anyone who participated in this ceremony admission into the confirmation classes. The State did not back down, and by 1958 it was essentially mandatory for every school child to attend it. While the Church held out as long as it could, its stance could not be sustained for long as the number of confirmations dropped sharply.[10] This affair clearly delineated the limits of the Church's power and attraction to a society rapidly undergoing secularisation.
The second conflict in the 1950s emerged over the issue of military chaplaincy. At that time, the Protestant Churches in the GDR were constituent members of the EKD, which also consisted of churches in the West. The leaders of Federal Germany and the EKD signed an agreement to provide military chaplains for West German armed forces, igniting outcry in East Berlin. This led to calls for the churches in the GDR to officially disassociate themselves from the West German ‘NATO Church’. Though the East and West German Church remained united, state pressure on the East German Church to separate from the EKD continued to grow, and the GDR churches gradually grew more distant from the ‘NATO-church’ in the West.[4]
1960s
The 1960s witnessed a declining Church, with shrinking portions of society expressing affiliation with the church.[11] The church veered away from its defensive stance in the 50s, but was able to maintain its presence in some areas. In 1962, when the GDR introduced military conscription, an opportunity for the church to maintain its sphere of influence presented itself in the form of ‘construction soldiers’ (Bausoldaten). Many of these young people with a pacifist conscience thus came under the wing of the church. The 1960s also saw the church adapting more to the situation in the GDR, rather than trying to change it as in the 50s.[12]
1969: formation of the BEK
The issue of separation within the EKD all-German church body became more acute in 1961 with the building of the Wall, rendering it impossible for the Church to meet physically. The synod had to be split into two parts, one East and one West, meeting separately. As it became clear that re-unification would not take place, the East German church decided to form the ‘Bund der evangelischen Kirchen in der DDR’ (BEK), splitting from the EKD. This was not just a change in name but also symbolic of a re-orientation within the Church. The clergymen that were now in positions of authority had largely grown up in divided Germany, and were less fixated on a vision of a reunified Germany. Instead, they believed that their duty, first and foremost, was towards their own parish and GDR society.[13]
Start of the Honecker era
Over time, the church appeared less of a threat. Bishop Schönherr's well-worn refrain of being a church not against, not alongside, but within socialism enabled the church to accommodate the regime in different ways. Thus when Honecker came into power, his early policy was characterised by outward toleration. The policy of no taboos in culture and the signing of the Helsinki agreement seemed to signal that the state was more willing to accommodate church. The state also benefited from the churches’ activities - the church ran hospitals, old people's homes, orphanages and additionally was a source of hard currency contributions. The hard currency came from the West German churches.[14]
Nonetheless, discrimination against individual Christians continued, and the scope for spiritual freedom remained limited. What remains clear is that the situation in the 1970s was vastly different from the visible struggles of the 1950s.
Later Honecker years
Church/state relations only became more complex with the signing of the church/state agreement of 6 March 1978. Considered a watershed agreement, the church was able to secure a degree of official recognition within the communist system. This was by no means an extension of goodwill, but was a move undertaken by the state to stabilise the regime. The oil crises of 1973 and 1979 heavily impacted the German economy and the population was increasingly restless, with the Helsinki agreements having raised their expectations beyond what the regime was willing to concede. Thus, not only was the church/state agreement of 1978 a defensive move, it was also offensive in nature. Documents now made available reveal that the state viewed the agreement as a means to co-opt the church leadership as a “long arm of the state”, controlling the segments of society that the party-state could not reach.[15]
This initially seemed an ingenious solution, with the church's greater degree of autonomy leading many dissidents to flock to the church as a gathering place. At least until the mid-1980s, much of the church leadership dutifully regulated dissident activity, keeping them within bounds and sustaining their end of the bargain with the state. SED officials would remind church leaders that concessions granted in 1978 could be rescinded, and thus church leaders were expected to ensure activities within the church did not get out of hand. In this way, the SED managed to ventilate dissent effectively.[15]
However, this compromise soon backfired. The SED assumed that the church leadership could control all activities within their four walls, but under the protection of the church, groups were able to discuss sensitive issues concerning peace, human rights and the environment[citation needed]. The space this granted to these groups boosted their organisational capacities. In this way, the church regained political relevance as a platform through which movements and alternative points of view could flourish, paving the way for the church to take on a prominent role in the fall of the GDR.[16]
Die Wende
In the last few years of the GDR, more and more citizens began to use the voting booths. Church congregations organized themselves to ensure that members were present at every voting location. These members encouraged voters to exercise their right to use the voting booths. After polls were closed, church members participated in the counting and recording of tallies. The government was actually happy to have the church representatives present. For as long as the churches certified the results, the government had even more reason to claim legitimacy.
In May, 1989, however, it was exactly the church who destroyed the government's credibility. Popular unrest was rising, and many more citizens were willing to voice their dissatisfaction with their votes. At the May 7th elections, church members were once again present to insure fair play. On the next day, state-controlled newspapers published only overall vote totals for larger metro areas without providing totals from each local poll. The results claimed commanding support for the government. Church members, in disbelief of the high percentage of supporting votes, began collecting counts from other local churches who had been present at other local polls. Their totals proved that the government reports were false.[17]
The government fraud came as the last straw for many East German citizens. It was shortly thereafter, when Hungary opened its borders, that disillusioned thousands began to flee the country.[18] The discovered voting manipulation served as perhaps the greatest catalyst in bringing about the revolution at that time. Had the churches not acted as a guard against this deception, party candidates would have held their claims to legitimacy. It is probably impossible to speculate as to how the story might have unfolded from there.
The church had a centeral role before and after the Revolution. They would take part in conducting dialogue between the citizens and government officials. They were also involved in planning mass protest and provided activists groups with safe places to meet. After the revolution the church was involved in the forum debating the future shape and structure of the new German society and government. Many high ranking church figures even got important positions in this new German government. [19]
The Church and the opposition
The church's role in peace is also, in part, a dialectical function of the activities of peripheral groups and the mood of society-at-large.
Bausoldaten
Introduction of conscription in the GDR in 1962 caused considerable resistance, particularly by clergy and theology students, leading in 1964 to the creation of unarmed construction units (Bausoldaten, literally construction soldiers) attached to the military. This did not end the controversy, however, since Bausoldaten were often employed on military projects and suffered discrimination in career chances. Church criticism continued through the early 1970s until 1975, when an agreement was reached with the state limiting the Bausoldaten to nonmilitary objects. However, the scope of the debate regarding alternative service widened in the late 1970s and early 1980s.[citation needed][20]
Increasing numbers of nonclergy opted for Bausoldat status (roughly 1000/year currently). Many youth petitioned in 1981 for a positive alternative to military service, a "social peace service" similar to that in the FRG, entailing service in hospitals and other social welfare institutions. The church had backed this proposal, but the state rejected it as unrealistic. Nonetheless, the church has long given moral support to total conscientious objectors and some segments seem to be moving in the direction of supporting pacifism as "the clearer signal of peace service," as opposed to the EKD's continued equivocal stance supporting "peace service, with or without weapons."[citation needed]
The Church and the Stasi
With the opening of archives, many have questioned whether the church was really an autonomous actor, but rather had been subverted in its independence by the secret police. Stasi success in recruiting informers and “unofficial collaborators” from within the ranks of the churches themselves, including several pastors came to light in the Stasi files. According to Bishop Hempel, out of the 1050 pastors in his diocese of Saxony, twenty were known to have worked for the Stasi. The Stasi Records Agency ascertained that to date, it was aware of 113 cases in the whole country. This thus represented only a small fraction of the estimated four thousand pastors in East Germany.[21] While there did exist compromised individuals who colluded with the state, in general institutional autonomy was not seriously eroded. One of the most notable counter-examples would be Manfred Stolpe, who was revealed to have had extensive contacts with the Stasi, meeting with the Stasi at least 1,000 times. He later became the Prime Minister of Brandenburg.[22] However, it is worth noting that numerous leaders who were instrumental in formulating church policy were not informal collaborators.
East Germany, officially the German Democratic Republic, was a country in Central Europe that existed from its formation on 7 October 1949 until its reunification with West Germany on 3 October 1990. Until 1989, it was generally viewed as a communist state, and it described itself as a socialist "workers' and peasants' state". Before its establishment, the country's territory was administered and occupied by Soviet forces with the autonomy of the native communists following the Berlin Declaration abolishing German sovereignty in World War II; when the Potsdam Agreement established the Soviet-occupied zone, bounded on the east by the Oder–Neisse line. The GDR was dominated by the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED), a communist party, from 1949 to 1989, before being democratized and liberalized under the impact of the Revolutions of 1989 against the communist states, helping East Germany be united with the West. Unlike West Germany, the SED did not see its state as the successor of the German Reich (1871–1945) and abolished the goal of unification in the constitution (1974). The SED-ruled GDR was often described as a Soviet satellite state; Western scholars and academics described it as a totalitarian regime.
The Party of Democratic Socialism was a democratic socialist political party in Germany active between 1989 and 2007. It was the legal successor to the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED), which ruled the German Democratic Republic as a state party until 1990. From 1990 through to 2005, the PDS had been seen as the left-wing "party of the East". While it achieved minimal support in western Germany, it regularly won 15% to 25% of the vote in the eastern new states of Germany, entering coalition governments with the Social Democratic Party of Germany in the federal states of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and Berlin.
The Ministry for State Security, commonly known as the Stasi, an abbreviation of Staatssicherheit, was the state security service of East Germany from 1950 to 1990.
Walter Ernst Paul Ulbricht was a German communist politician. Ulbricht played a leading role in the creation of the Weimar-era Communist Party of Germany (KPD) and later in the early development and establishment of the German Democratic Republic. As the First Secretary of the Socialist Unity Party from 1950 to 1971, he was the chief decision-maker in East Germany. From President Wilhelm Pieck's death in 1960 on, he was also the East German head of state until his own death in 1973. As the leader of a significant Communist satellite, Ulbricht had a degree of bargaining power with the Kremlin that he used effectively. For example, he demanded the building of the Berlin Wall in 1961 when the Kremlin was reluctant.
The Socialist Unity Party of Germany, informally known in English as the East German Communist Party, was the founding and ruling party of the German Democratic Republic from the country's foundation in October 1949 until its dissolution after the Peaceful Revolution in 1989. It was a Marxist–Leninist communist party, established in April 1946 as a merger between the East German branches of the Communist Party of Germany and Social Democratic Party of Germany.
The Protestant Church in Germany, formerly known in English as the Evangelical Church in Germany, is a federation of twenty Lutheran, Reformed, and United Protestant regional Churches in Germany, collectively encompassing the vast majority of the country's Protestants. In 2020, the EKD had a membership of 20,236,000 members, or 24.3% of the German population. It constitutes one of the largest Protestant bodies in the world. Church offices managing the federation are located in Herrenhausen, Hanover, Lower Saxony. Many of its members consider themselves Lutherans.
The Free German Youth is a youth movement in Germany. Formerly, it was the official youth movement of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) and the Socialist Unity Party of Germany.
The East German uprising of 1953 was an uprising that occurred in East Germany from 16 to 17 June 1953. It began with strike action by construction workers in East Berlin on 16 June against work quotas during the Sovietization process in East Germany. Demonstrations in East Berlin turned into a widespread uprising against the Government of East Germany and the Socialist Unity Party the next day, involving over one million people in about 700 localities across the country. Protests against declining living standards and unpopular Sovietization policies led to a wave of strikes and protests that were not easily brought under control and threatened to overthrow the East German government. The uprising in East Berlin was violently suppressed by tanks of the Soviet forces in Germany and the Kasernierte Volkspolizei. Demonstrations continued in over 500 towns and villages for several more days before eventually dying out.
The Christian Democratic Union of Germany was an East German political party founded in 1945. It was part of the National Front with the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) and a bloc party until 1989.
These are lists of political office-holders in East Germany. The political leadership of East Germany was distributed between several offices. However, until the Volkskammer removed a section in the GDR's constitution guaranteeing their monopoly on political power on 1 December 1989, the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) held ultimate power and authority over state and government. Thus, the head of the SED's Politburo of the Central Committee was the de facto leader of the country.
The Peaceful Revolution, as a part of the Revolutions of 1989, was the process of sociopolitical change that led to the opening of East Germany's borders with the West, the end of the ruling of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany (SED) in the German Democratic Republic in 1989 and the transition to a parliamentary democracy, which later enabled the reunification of Germany in October 1990. This happened through non-violent initiatives and demonstrations. This period of change is referred to in German as Die Wende.
The Deutsche Volkspolizei, commonly known as the Volkspolizei or VoPo, was the national uniformed police force of the German Democratic Republic from 1945 to 1990. The Volkspolizei was a highly-centralized agency responsible for most civilian law enforcement in East Germany, maintaining 257,500 personnel at its peak. It worked closely along with the Stasi to maintain public order and identify threats to the regime.
The German Democratic Republic (GDR), German: Deutsche Demokratische Republik (DDR), often known in English as East Germany, existed from 1949 to 1990. It covered the area of the present-day German states of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Brandenburg, Berlin, Sachsen, Sachsen-Anhalt, and Thüringen. This area was occupied by the Soviet Union at the end of World War II excluding the former eastern lands annexed by Poland and the Soviet Union, with the remaining German territory to the west occupied by the British, American, and French armies. Following the economic and political unification of the three western occupation zones under a single administration and the establishment of the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949, the German Democratic Republic was founded on 7 October 1949 as a sovereign nation.
Christian was a Protestant pastor and one of the leading figures and organisers of the 1989 Monday demonstrations in East Germany which finally led to German reunification and the end of the GDR in 1990.
Vera Lengsfeld is a German politician. She was a prominent civil rights activist in East Germany and after the German reunification she first represented the Alliance 90/The Greens and then the German Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the Bundestag.
The State of Israel and the German Democratic Republic never had official diplomatic relations throughout the latter's nearly forty years of existence. Even after the fall of the Berlin Wall no ambassadors were exchanged. The official policy of East Germany emphasized the necessity to differentiate between Jews and the Israeli state. This approach, stemming originally from the theories of Marx and Lenin on nationalism, class struggle, and the "irreconcilable struggle between socialism and imperialism" also served to counter accusations of antisemitism. In this context, a specific relationship or responsibility of the German people to the Jewish state was denied. Relations can be divided into three periods: positive neutrality (1948–1956), confrontation (1956–1985) and movement towards rapprochement (1986–1990).
Bernd Eisenfeld, also known by the pseudonym Fred Werner, was an opponent of the East German dictatorship who became a writer and an historian.
Ehrhart Neubert is a retired German Evangelical minister and theologian.
William Borm was a German politician, of the Free Democratic Party (FDP). He was a member of the Bundestag from 1965 to 1972, and a member of the FDP National Executive Committee from 1960 to 1982. Several years after his death, it was revealed that since the late 1950s he had been an agent of the Stasi, the State Security Service of the German Democratic Republic.
The German Democratic Republic, a state in Central Europe that existed from 1949 to 1990 before merging with the Federal Republic of Germany, was dominated by heterosexual norms. However, homosexual East Germans experienced decriminalisation during the 1960s, followed by increasing social acceptance and visibility.
↑ Dienstanweisung Mielkes vom 17. September 1952. In: Gerhard Besier, Stephan Wolf (ed.): Pfarrer, Christen und Katholiken. Das Ministerium für Staatssicherheit der ehemaligen DDR und die Kirchen. Neukirchen-Vluyn 1991, p. 150f.
↑ Deseret News National "During the decades of state-sponsored atheism in East Germany, more formally known as the German Democratic Republic, the great emphasis was on avoiding religion."
↑ Krisch, Henry, The German Democratic Republic. Westview Press, London, 1985, p. 153
↑ Goeckel, Robert (Winter 1988–1989). "Church and Society in the GDR: Historical Legacies and "Mature Socialism"". International Journal of Sociology. 18 (4): 215.
↑ Fulbrook, Mary (1997). "The Limits of Totalitarianism: God, State and Society". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 7: 25–52. doi:10.2307/3679269. JSTOR3679269. S2CID162448768.
↑ Goeckel, Robert (1994). "The GDR Legacy and the German Protestant Church". German Politics & Society. 31 (Spring 1994): 87. JSTOR23736286.
↑ Goeckel, Robert (Winter 1988–1989). "Church and Society in the GDR: Historical Legacies and "Mature Socialism"". International Journal of Sociology. 18 (4): 217.
1 2 Fulbrook, Mary (1997). "The Limits of Totalitarianism: God, State and Society in the GDR". Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 7: 43. doi:10.2307/3679269. JSTOR3679269. S2CID162448768.
↑ Fulbrook, Mary (November 1983). "Popular Discontent and Political Activism in the GDR". Contemporary European History. 2 (3): 279. doi:10.1017/S0960777300000527. S2CID145572747.
↑ Pfaff, Steven (July 2001). "The Politics of Peace in the GDR: The Independent Peace Movement, the Church, and the Origins of the East German Opposition". Peace & Change. 26 (3): 285. doi:10.1111/0149-0508.00194.
↑ Conway, James (1994). "The "Stasi" and the Churches: Between Coercion and Compromise in East German Protestantism, 1949-89". Journal of Church and State. 36 (4): 725–745. doi:10.1093/jcs/36.4.725.
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