Criticism of suburbia

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An aerial view of housing developments near Markham, Ontario; suburban development is often criticized for its uniformity Markham-suburbs aerial-edit2.jpg
An aerial view of housing developments near Markham, Ontario; suburban development is often criticized for its uniformity

Mainstream criticism of suburbia emerged during the housing boom of the 1950s, reflecting concerns about the culture of aspirational homeownership and its societal impacts. [1] Critiques of modern suburbs date back to the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with early urban planners and social theorists questioning the development of suburbia. [2] The discourse is particularly focused in the English-speaking world and the Anglosphere,[ citation needed ] being prevalent both in popular culture and academia.

Contents

In the United States

Aerial view of Levittown, Pennsylvania c. 1959; William Levitt refused to sell Levittown homes to people of color LevittownPA.jpg
Aerial view of Levittown, Pennsylvania c. 1959; William Levitt refused to sell Levittown homes to people of color

More than half of Americans have described their neighborhoods as suburban, though some have recognized the fact that there is no clear definition of what "suburban" actually means. [3]

Environmental issues

Sprawl leads to increased driving, which in turn leads to vehicle emissions that contribute to air pollution and its attendant negative impacts on human health. In addition, the reduced physical activity implied by increased automobile use has negative health consequences. [4] The American Journal of Public Health and the American Journal of Health Promotion have both stated that there is a significant connection between sprawl, obesity, and hypertension. [5]

A heavy reliance on automobiles increases traffic throughout the city as well as automobile crashes, pedestrian injuries, and air pollution. [6]

Increased infrastructure/transportation costs

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Road Space Requirements Road Space Requirements.png
Road Space Requirements

Living in larger, more spread out spaces generally makes public services more expensive. Since car usage becomes endemic and public transport often becomes significantly more expensive, city planners are forced to build highway and parking infrastructure, which in turn decreases taxable land and revenue, and decreases the desirability of the area adjacent to such structures.[ citation needed ] Providing services such as water, sewers, and electricity is also more expensive per household in less dense areas, given that sprawl increases lengths of power lines and pipes, necessitating higher maintenance costs. [7]

Residents of low density areas spend a higher proportion of their income on transportation than residents of high density areas. [8] The unplanned nature of outward urban development is commonly linked to increased dependency on cars. In 2003, a British newspaper calculated that urban sprawl would cause an economic loss of £3,905 per year, per person through cars alone, based on data from the RAC estimating that the average cost of operating a car in the UK at that time was £5,000 a year. Train travel (assuming a citizen commutes every day of the year, with a ticket cost of 3 pounds) would be £1,095. [9]

In Canada

The Canadian government has no definition of 'suburbia' or suburbs. [10] Independent studies have found that 50% to 66% of Canadians live in what the respective researchers define as suburban. [11] [12]

In Australia

Sprawling cities define the urban Australian landscape.[ according to whom? ] The "quarter-acre" block is often cited[ by whom? ] as fundamental to the Australian Dream; it has both cultural and political currency. [13] In 1901, the year of Australian Federation, "almost 70 percent of Sydney's population were living in the suburbs". [14]

Commentary by "intellectuals and others seeking to delineate the suburb" [15] has been characterized by "conformity, control and some sense of false consciousness".[ citation needed ] [16]

Suburbia bashing

Suburban housing in Griffith, New South Wales View over Griffith NSW 1.jpg
Suburban housing in Griffith, New South Wales

Negative discourse about suburbia, often termed "suburbia bashing", exists in mainstream media discussions. [17] Dame Edna Everage typifies this, as she demonstrates both "nostalgia and disdain for the Australian suburb and suburban life". [15]

Prominent journalist Allan Ashbolt satirized the suburb that represented Australian nationalism, rooted in the post-World War II era, as passive and uninspired, inscribed strongly in spatial terms.[ clarification needed ] In 1966, he described Australian reality accordingly:

"Behold the man – the Australian of today – on Sunday morning in the suburbs when the high decibel drone of the motor-mower is calling the faithful to worship. A block of land, a brick veneer, and the motor-mower beside him in the wilderness – what more does he want to sustain him." [18]

Ashbolt, among others, represent a "tradition of abuse of the suburbs and of the majority of Australians" in Australian mainstream media. [19]

Suburbia vs the Australian bush

Suburbia bashing is entrenched in questions of national identity. Disparaging commentary about the suburbs often appears in contrast to the national mythology of the Australian bush. The landscape that is portrayed in the tourism advertisements, by poets and painters, does not represent the experience of the majority of Australians. The suburb and the bush are counterposed, "the bush (cast as the authentic Australian landscape) with the city (regarded as blighted foreign import)". [20] The bush landscape is a masculine construction of a more "authentic notion of Australian national identity" exemplified by the poetry of Henry Lawson. [14] Conversely, the suburb is feminised, epitomised by Dame Edna for more than fifty years, and more recently, by comedic team Jane Turner and Gina Riley in Kath & Kim . [14]

Australian ugliness

Architect and cultural critic, Robin Boyd, also criticized suburbia, referring to it as the "Australian ugliness". [1] Boyd observed a "pursuit of respectability" in suburban spaces. [1] Boyd writes of a contrived and superficial sense of place, centered on a "fear of reality":

"The Australian ugliness begins with fear of reality, denial of the need for the everyday environment to reflect the heart of the human problem, satisfaction with veneer and cosmetic effects. It ends in betrayal of the element of love and a chill near the root of national self-respect." [21]

The ugliness that Boyd describes is qualified as "skin deep". [22] However, in the tradition of suburbia bashing, he proposes that there is an emptiness of spirit that can be read through an uninformed appreciation for aesthetics.

More recently there has been suggestion of a "new Australian ugliness". [23] New suburban developments have seen the proliferation of what have become known as "McMansions". McMansions epitomize the suburbia that is attacked by Boyd for both its monotony and "featurism" [1] Journalist Miranda Devine refers to an elitist perception that those who live in such suburban assemblages display a "poverty of spirit and a barrenness of mind" that is derived from a politics of aesthetics and taste, as expressed by Boyd fifty years ago. [17] In this "new Australian ugliness" some commentators attribute a rise in consumer culture: "There's a concern about over-consumption. But there's little thought of why – beyond advertising-driven gullibility". [23] Academic Mark Peel has rejected notions of gullible "consuming" residents of new suburbs by explaining his own "choice" to move to Melbourne's outer suburbs. [23]

Peel alludes to a discourse of suburbia that is elitist, and is based on matters of taste which have translated into a socio-cultural divide. When Miranda Devine refers to the elites, she refers to an inner-city population. [17] The divide is between the urbanites and the suburbanites, and the conflict is over national identity.

In the United Kingdom

Suburbia in the United Kingdom has been a subject of criticism for many decades, with critiques focusing on various social, cultural, and environmental aspects. The criticisms often revolve around themes such as conformity, lack of community spirit, environmental degradation, and socio-economic divides.

Historical context

Suburban development in the UK accelerated during the interwar and post-World War II periods, driven by a mix of factors such as the desire for better living conditions away from overcrowded urban centers, government initiatives encouraging homeownership, and improvements in transportation that made commuting more practical. However, critiques of suburbia among certain academics emerged much earlier. In the 1876 edition of The Architect an anonymous contributor remarked, "A modern suburb, is a place which is neither one thing nor the other; it has neither the advantage of the town nor the open freedom of the country, but manages to combine in nice equality of proportion of both." [2] Similarly in Francis Longstreth Thompson's seminal work The Rise of Suburbia, he quotes Sir Walter Besant, who describes suburban life as, "The life of the suburb without any society; no social gatherings or institutions; as dull a life as mankind ever tolerated." [2]

In Japan

Suburbia in Japan has been subject to various criticisms, focusing on social, cultural, and economic aspects. These critiques often highlight issues such as aging populations, social isolation, economic inefficiencies, and environmental concerns.

Historical context

Post-World War II, Japan experienced rapid urbanization, leading to significant suburban development. The government implemented policies to address housing shortages, resulting in the construction of extensive suburban housing complexes. These developments were initially aimed at providing affordable housing for middle-income families. However, over time, shifts in housing policies led to socioeconomic imbalances and challenges in these suburban areas. [24]

Social Criticisms

Aging Population and Social Isolation

Japanese suburbs have witnessed a demographic shift toward aging populations. Many younger residents have migrated to urban centers, leaving behind older adults who often experience social isolation. This has led to instances of "solitary deaths"(kodokushi), where individuals pass away unnoticed, highlighting the lack of community support systems in these areas. [25]

Conformity and Social Pressure

In Japanese rural and suburban communities, there is often a strong emphasis on social conformity. Newcomers or individuals who do not adhere to established social norms may experience social exclusion or pressure to conform, leading to a lack of diversity and individual expression within these communities. This phenomenon is discussed in the article "Law and Community in Japan: The Role of Legal Rules in Suburban Formation," which examines how legal rules are utilized to maintain harmonious living environments in suburban neighborhoods, often reinforcing social conformity. [26]

Economic Criticisms

Economic Inefficiency

The sprawling nature of Japanese suburbs has led to economic inefficiencies. Maintaining infrastructure such as roads, utilities, and public services in these areas incurs higher costs per household compared to more densely populated urban centers. This has strained local government budgets and led to disparities in service quality. [27]

Property Depreciation

Suburban areas have faced challenges related to property depreciation. As populations decline and properties age, there is a decrease in property values, leading to negative equity risks for homeowners. This economic instability can deter potential new residents, exacerbating population decline. [28]

Environmental Criticism

The expansion of suburban areas has contributed to urban sprawl, leading to the loss of agricultural land and natural habitats. This sprawl has increased reliance on automobiles, contributing to higher greenhouse gas emissions and environmental degradation. [29]

See also

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Boyd, Robin (1980). Seidler, Harry (ed.). The Australian ugliness (2nd ed.). Penguin Books. ISBN   9780140700831.
  2. 1 2 3 Thompson, Francis Michael Longstreth (1982). Rise of Suburbia: Themes in urban history. Leicester University Press. p. 3. ISBN   9780718511777.
  3. ↑ "US Is Majority Suburban but Doesn't Define Suburb". Bloomberg. 14 November 2018.
  4. ↑ Sturm, R.; Cohen, D.A. (October 2004). "Suburban sprawl and physical and mental health". Public Health. 118 (7): 488–496. doi: 10.1016/j.puhe.2004.02.007 . PMID   15351221.
  5. ↑ McKee, Bradford. "As Suburbs Grow, So Do Waistlines Archived August 16, 2009, at the Wayback Machine ", The New York Times , September 4, 2003. Retrieved on February 7, 2008.
  6. ↑ De Ridder, K (2008). "Simulating the impact of urban sprawl on air quality and population exposure in the German Ruhr area. Part_II_Development_and_evaluation_of_an_urban_growth_scenario". Atmospheric Environment. 42 (30): 7070–7077. Bibcode:2008AtmEn..42.7070D. doi:10.1016/j.atmosenv.2008.06.044. S2CID   95045241.
  7. ↑ Snyder, Ken; Bird, Lori (1998). Paying the Costs of Sprawl: Using Fair-Share Costing to Control Sprawl (PDF). Washington: U.S. Department of Energy's Center of Excellence for Sustainable Development. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 24, 2015. Retrieved May 20, 2015.
  8. ↑ McCann, Barbara. Driven to Spend Archived June 19, 2006, at the Wayback Machine . Surface Transportation Policy Project (2000). Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  9. ↑ "Is your car worth it?", The Guardian , Guardian Media Group, February 15, 2003. Retrieved on February 8, 2008.
  10. ↑ Gordon, D.; Vandyk, C. (July 1010). Suburban National Capital: A pilot study of Canada's post-1945 suburbs in Ottawa-Hull (PDF). Presented at the 14th International Planning Society Conference, "Urban Transformation: Controversies, Contrasts, and Challenges." Istanbul.
  11. ↑ Turcotte, Martin (2008). "Life in metropolitan areas – The city/suburb contrast: How can we measure it?" (PDF). Statistics Canada. pp. 2–19.
  12. ↑ Gordon, David L. A.; Janzen, Mark (2013). "Suburban Nation? Estimating the size of Canada's suburban population". Journal of Architectural and Planning Research. 30 (3): 197–220. JSTOR   43031005.
  13. ↑ Horin (2005).
  14. 1 2 3 Turnball (2008), pp. 15–32.
  15. 1 2 Healy (1994).
  16. ↑ Simons (2005), p. 28.
  17. 1 2 3 Devine (2004).
  18. ↑ Ashbolt (1966), p. 353.
  19. ↑ Simons (2005), pp. 11–36.
  20. ↑ Gleeson (2006).
  21. ↑ Boyd (1960), p. 225.
  22. ↑ Boyd (1960), p. 1.
  23. 1 2 3 Peel (2007).
  24. ↑ Kubo, Tomoko (2020), "Divided Tokyo: Housing Policy, the Ideology of Homeownership, and the Growing Contrast Between the City Center and the Suburbs", Divided Tokyo, International Perspectives in Geography, 11, Singapore: Springer Singapore: 21–46, doi:10.1007/978-981-15-4202-2_2, ISBN   978-981-15-4201-5, PMC   7143446
  25. ↑ "How Tokyo's suburban housing became vast ghettoes for the old". The Guardian. 11 June 2019. ISSN   0261-3077 . Retrieved 30 March 2025.
  26. ↑ HASEGAWA, Kiyoshi (1 July 2009). "Law and Community in Japan: The Role of Legal Rules in Suburban Neighborhoods" . Social Science Japan Journal. 12 (1): 71–99. doi:10.1093/ssjj/jyp008. ISSN   1369-1465.
  27. ↑ Sorensen, Andre (1 January 2005). "The making of urban Japan: Cities and planning from Edo to the 21st century". Habitat International.
  28. ↑ Kubo, Tomoko (15 July 2019). "Housing challenges in shrinking and aging Japanese cities". Abstracts of the ICA. 1: 195. Bibcode:2019AbICA...1..195K. doi: 10.5194/ica-abs-1-195-2019 .
  29. ↑ Kubo, Tomoko (2020), "Divided Tokyo: Housing Policy, the Ideology of Homeownership, and the Growing Contrast Between the City Center and the Suburbs", Divided Tokyo, International Perspectives in Geography, 11, Singapore: Springer Singapore: 21–46, doi:10.1007/978-981-15-4202-2_2, ISBN   978-981-15-4201-5, PMC   7143446

Bibliography

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