Top to bottom: Shafi's body arrives in Hathazari, Coffin prepared for funeral prayer, Attendees of funeral prayer inside madrasa campus | |
Date | 18 September 2020 |
---|---|
Location | Protest location: Darul Uloom Hathazari, Chittagong Place of death: Asgar Ali Hospital, Dhaka |
Type | Cardiac arrest |
Inquiries | Police Bureau of Investigation |
Accused | Junaid Babunagari and 42 others |
Funeral prayer attendees | 400,000–500,000 ( The Daily Ittefaq ) |
Security | Deployment of 10 BGB platoons, seven executive magistrates, and 500+ personnel from police, RAB, and intelligence agencies |
Successors | Junaid Babunagari (In Hefazat) Mahmudul Hasan (In Befaq and Haia) Yahya Alampuri (In madrasa) |
Shah Ahmad Shafi, founder of Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh and long-time rector of Darul Uloom Hathazari, died on 18 September 2020 during a student protest at the madrasa he had led for three decades. His funeral prayer, held on 19 September, was reported as the largest in Bangladesh's history, and the Jatiya Sangsad passed a condolence motion in November 2020. His death was described as the end of the Shafi era and triggered a split within Hefazat-e-Islam between two factions: one led by his son Anas Madani, noted for a pro-government stance, and the other by secretary-general Junaid Babunagari, identified with a more oppositional position. [1] The student protest had called for the removal of Anas Madani and for Shafi's retirement from executive leadership in favor of an advisory role, citing concerns over decisions perceived as benefiting his son. Following Shafi's death, the Madani faction alleged that it was the result of a planned killing and accused leaders of the Babunagari faction, while the latter maintained that the death was natural and dismissed the allegations as politically motivated. A legal case was filed by the Madani faction, and an investigation by the Police Bureau of Investigation also implicated Babunagari's supporters, though the government showed limited interest in pursuing the judicial process. [2] [3]
In 1986, Shah Ahmad Shafi became the director-general of Darul Uloom Hathazari, where his son Anas Madani was appointed as a teacher in the mid-1990s. [4] In 2010, Shafi united various Qawmi madrasa groups under Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh, which received prominence the following year after opposing the government's National Women Development Policy. [5] The organization further drew attention in 2013 when it launched the Siege of Dhaka movement with a 13-point demand, which ended with the Shapla Square massacre. The event elevated Shafi from a largely non-political religious figure to a central leader of the Qawmi establishment. [5] In 2017, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina formally recognized the Qawmi Dawra-e-Hadith certificates as equivalent to a master's degree, announcing the decision in Shafi's presence and later enacting it through legislation. A large gathering was held in Dhaka in 2018 to thank the government, during which Shafi presented a token of appreciation to the prime minister. [5] These developments caused divisions within Hefazat, with critics accusing Anas Madani of exploiting his father's declining health to align the organization with the government. Allegations against Madani included manipulating his father, financial irregularities, harassment of students, favoritism in appointments, marginalizing senior teachers, and consolidating personal authority within Hefazat and the Qawmi madrasa board. [6]
As Shafi's health declined, disputes arose over succession at Darul Uloom Hathazari. Junaid Babunagari, the madrasa's assistant director and Hefazat's secretary-general, was considered a likely successor but was removed from his post in June 2020 following conflicts with Madani's supporters. [4] Babunagari was known for his opposition to the government, in contrast to the pro-government stance attributed to the Madani bloc. [4] After the madrasa reopened in September 2020 following the COVID-19 lockdown, students staged protests demanding Anas Madani's expulsion and Shafi's honorable retirement, with reassignment to an advisory role. On 17 September 2020, citing illness, Shafi resigned as director-general and was formally made an advisor, effectively ending his long tenure at the institution. [7] That night, he left the madrasa in poor health and was admitted to Chattogram Medical College Hospital before being flown to Dhaka, [8] where he died the following day, 18 September 2020, from cardiac arrest. [9]
Shafi's son Anas Madani announced that it had been Shafi's wish to have a single funeral prayer, which would be held on 19 September 2020 at Darul Uloom Hathazari, followed by his burial in the madrasa cemetery. In response to questions about multiple prayers, Anas stated that his father had always supported one janaza and urged that no confusion be created. [10] Shafi's body was prepared for burial at Jamia Arabia Imdadul Uloom and transported to Hathazari during the night, arriving the following morning. [11] Authorities imposed heightened security in Chattogram and surrounding upazilas, deploying 10 platoons of Border Guard Bangladesh (BGB), seven executive magistrates, and more than 500 personnel from the police, Rapid Action Battalion, and intelligence agencies. Vehicular access to Hathazari was restricted throughout the day. [12] [13]
Due to the size of the crowd, the coffin was moved from the madrasa field to the local Dak bungalow grounds, where the funeral prayer was led by Shafi's eldest son, Yusuf Madani. He was then buried in front of the Baitul Atiq Jame Mosque inside the madrasa campus. [14] The gathering extended far beyond the madrasa grounds, with people filling nearby streets, rooftops, and open spaces. [15] Media outlets described it as the largest funeral in Bangladesh's history, [14] [16] [17] with The Daily Ittefaq estimating 400,000–500,000 attendees [18] and the Union of Catholic Asian News referring to it as 'literally a sea of humans.' [19] The event also drew controversy when leaders of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, including Secretary-General Mia Golam Parwar and Shajahan Chowdhury, were seen carrying Shafi's bier, despite Shafi's known criticism of Jamaat's political ideology during his lifetime. [20] [21]
On 18 September 2020, separate condolence messages were issued by Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina and President Abdul Hamid. [22] Former Pakistani Supreme Court justice Taqi Usmani stated that Shafi's activities had influence beyond Bangladesh, while Yusuf al-Qaradawi of the Muslim Brotherhood called for recognition of his works. Arshad Madani of Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind in India described him as attentive to issues affecting the Muslim community. [23] Libyan historian Ali al-Sallabi referred to his death as a major loss, and Nayef bin Nahar of Qatar University noted his standing among followers. Oxford researcher Akram Nadwi recalled receiving hadith certification from him in England. Rabey Hasani Nadwi of the Muslim World League said his passing left a gap in Islamic scholarship. Bangladeshi writer Sultan Zawq Nadwi described him as a figure associated with the preservation of Islamic traditions and scholarly unity. [23] Saad Kandhlawi of Tablighi Jamaat cited his role in education and religious activities in Bangladesh. [24] Indian politician Mahmood Madani referred to a long association with him, while the Saudi-based Rohingya Ulama Council emphasized his support for the Rohingya community. Sri Lanka's Grand Mufti Rizwe Mohammed also expressed condolences. [25] Within Bangladesh, political parties issued statements: the Bangladesh Nationalist Party described his death as a loss for the country; [26] the Awami League highlighted his involvement in Islamic education; [27] Jamaat-e-Islami referred to his leadership role among ulama; [28] and Jatiya Party leader Rowshan Ershad noted his association with Qawmi madrasa education. [29] Inspector General of Police Benazir Ahmed described him as firm against wrongdoing, [30] and the Islamic Foundation Bangladesh referred to him as a significant figure in Qawmi education. [31] On 8 November 2020, the Bangladesh Parliament passed a condolence motion in his memory. [32]
Following Shafi's burial, Hefazat's secretary-general Junaid Babunagari announced that his successor would be chosen through a delegates' conference. [33] He scheduled the event for 15 November 2020, formed an 18-member preparatory committee to oversee leadership reorganization, [34] and appointed Muhibbullah Babunagari as its head. [35] This initiative was opposed by Anas Madani and his supporters, who argued that the conference lacked legitimacy, contending that the central committee established under Shafi's leadership had not been formally dissolved and should therefore remain in place. [36] Madani's faction also claimed that Shafi had endorsed a complete committee shortly before his death on 13 August. [37] Despite this opposition, the Babunagari group consolidated control by creating a new 151-member central committee, naming Junaid Babunagari as Amir, Nur Hossain Qasmi as Secretary-General, and Muhibbullah Babunagari as Chief Adviser. [38] Media reports described the outcome as a de facto split in Hefazat, noting that Madani's camp was preparing to announce a rival committee and sought government support, though it failed to secure broad recognition. [39] [40]
Shafi served as chairman of both Befaqul Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh and Al-Haiatul Ulya Lil-Jamiatil Qawmia Bangladesh. After his death, divisions arose within the boards, broadly characterized as pro-government and opposition-aligned factions, while the secretary-general position remained vacant following a leaked phone conversation scandal. [41] To resolve the leadership issue, a delegates' conference was convened on 3 October 2020, with Befaq vice chairman Muhammad Wakkas acting as chief election commissioner. [42] Of the 125 members present, Mahmudul Hasan received 64 votes, while his closest rival, Nur Hossain Qasmi, received 50 votes. Mahmudul Hasan was subsequently elected chairman of Befaqul Madarisil Arabia and, by virtue of that role, became the ex-officio chairman of Al-Haiatul Ulya Lil-Jamiatil Qawmia Bangladesh. [42]
Shafi resigned as rector of Darul Uloom Hathazari without appointing a successor. After his burial, a meeting of the madrasa's 11-member shura committee, attended by eight members, decided against naming a single director-general and instead formed a three-member interim body consisting of Abdus Salam Chatgami, Sheikh Ahmad, and Yahya Alampuri, with equal authority to prevent unilateral decision-making. [43] To avoid internal conflict, senior shura members and Hefazat leaders were excluded, and responsibility was assigned to teachers. [43] On 8 September 2020, the committee reconvened to fill vacancies and appointed Abdus Salam Chatgami as director-general, but he died during the meeting, after which Yahya Alampuri was given the post. [44]
A three-member committee, led by Muhammad Wakkas with Ataullah Hafezzi and Musleh Uddin Razu as members, was formed by Befaqul Madarisil Arabia Bangladesh to investigate the circumstances surrounding Shafi's death; however, the committee failed to commence its inquiry. [45] Following allegations of derogatory remarks about Shafi's death on social media, Harunur Rashid, the Khatib of Devhog Madrasa, filed a case under the Digital Security Act against Alauddin Jihadi at Fatulla Model Police Station, and on 20 September 2020, Jihadi was arrested at his residence in Mahmudpur, Fatulla. Protests and counter-movements subsequently erupted in several districts, particularly in Narayanganj, prompting the local administration to impose Section 144. [46] On 28 September 2020, the court granted bail to Jihadi, which remained in effect until the police submitted their report. [47] On the same day, Yahya Mahmud, vice-chairman of Befaqul Madarisiddinia Bangladesh, claimed that external conspiracies and provocations had fueled the Hathazari protests and called for an investigation to identify those responsible. [48]
On 28 September 2020, senior teachers of Darul Uloom Hathazari issued a joint statement asserting that Shafi had died of natural causes. [49] However, supporters of Anas Madani continued to claim that his death was a planned murder. A 36-page book titled Shahid Shaykhul Islam Allama Shah Ahmad Shafi (R): The Last Three Days of Life in Hathazari circulated, alleging that Shafi's death had been intentional. [45] On 17 December 2020, Shafi's brother-in-law, Mohammad Moinuddin, filed a murder case, claiming that Shafi had been subjected to mental abuse and that his oxygen mask had been removed. [50] The case named 36 individuals as defendants, and the court instructed the Police Bureau of Investigation (PBI) to submit a report within one month. [51] Hefazat leaders described the case as a 'political conspiracy' and a tactic to exert pressure, while also announcing that they would respond through legal channels and, if necessary, organizational measures. [52] On 25 December, a group of 313 ulama issued a statement demanding a judicial investigation, claiming that Shafi had been subjected to two days of extreme physical and mental abuse. [53] On 29 December, Shafi's eldest son, Yusuf Madani, also called for a judicial investigation, noting that a prior video in which he described his father's death as natural had been recorded under coercion. [54]
The PBI began its investigation on 12 January 2021, inspecting Darul Uloom Hathazari and Babunagar madrasa in Fatikchhari. [55] On 14 January, Hefazat's eight joint secretaries issued a statement describing the murder allegations as a 'political conspiracy' and an attempt to harass religious scholars, warning that strict measures would be taken if the case was not withdrawn. [56] On 13 April, the PBI submitted its investigation report to the court, naming 43 individuals, including Junaid Babunagari and Nasir Uddin Munir, as responsible. Of these, 31 had been listed in the original case, while 12 were newly added. [57] In response, Babunagari rejected the allegations as 'completely false' but stated that they would contest them through legal channels. [51] On 14 April, Information and Broadcasting Minister Hasan Mahmud called for exemplary legal action regarding the claim of Shafi's murder, [58] while Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh and Darul Uloom Hathazari held a joint press conference reaffirming that Shafi had died of natural causes, rejecting the murder allegations, and describing the case as a political conspiracy. [59]
Hefazat leader Aminul Islam was arrested on 27 May in connection with the case. [60] On 2 June, pro-Anas Madani ulama held a press conference presenting four demands: to conduct a judicial investigation into Shafi's 'unnatural death' and ensure exemplary punishment for those involved; to promptly identify and arrest the actual perpetrators through an investigation of the case filed by Shafi's family; to guarantee the safety of Shafi's family and followers and to take legal action against those issuing threats to withdraw the case; and to remove Shafi's opponents from all religious and social institutions he had established. [61] The press conference was also attended by Abdul Hamid Madhupuri, previously known as a pro-Babunagari leader. [62] The first hearing of the case took place on 30 June. [63] On 5 February 2022, the chairman of the Bangladesh United Islami Party, Mohammad Ismail Hossain, expressed concern over the slow progress of the Shafi murder case, stating that the people of Bangladesh wanted to know whether the case had stalled. [64] Following the political changes after Sheikh Hasina's fall, Hefazat leaders began demanding the withdrawal of all cases filed against their leaders and activists since 2013, which they described as politically motivated. [65]
BBC Bangla reported that Shafi and Hefazat were often regarded as synonymous, raising questions about the organization's future following his death. [66] Jugantor described his passing as the farewell of a legend and a symbol of a century-spanning awakening, [67] [68] while Inqilab referred to it as the end of the Shafi era. [69] A year later, Jugantor suggested that his death marked a period of uncertainty for the Qawmi madrasa movement. [70] The Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses also published a report examining the implications of Shafi's death for ulama politics in Bangladesh. [71] On 21 October 2020, Shafi's family and Anjuman-e-Da'wat-e-Islah jointly announced the release of a commemorative publication. [72] Several biographies have been published on his life, including Samayer Mahanayak by Syed Mabnu (2020), [73] Kingbodhanti Sheikh Allama Ahmad Shafi by Mahmud Tashfin (2020), [74] the March 2021 'Shaykh al-Islām' issue of the monthly periodical Neyamat from Jamia Arabia Imdadul Uloom, [75] and the most recent biography, Allama Shah Ahmad Shafi Rah.-er Jibonkotha, published in 2025 by Protyoy and authored by Hasan Anhar. [76]