The Bangladesh Awami League (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ, lit.'Bangladesh People's League'), simply known as Awami League (Bengali:[awɐmiliːg]), is one of the major political parties in Bangladesh. The oldest existing political party in the country, the party played the leading role in achieving the independence of Bangladesh. It is also one of the two most dominant parties in the country, along with its archrival Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
After the emergence of independent Bangladesh, Awami League under the leadership of Sheikh Mujib won the first general elections. The party along with most other parties of Bangladesh were merged into Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BaKSAL) in January 1975, where Awami League politicians played the leading role in BaKSAL. After the August 1975 coup, the party was forced by subsequent military regimes onto the political sidelines, and many of its senior leaders and activists were executed or jailed. In 1981, Sheikh Hasina, the daughter of Sheikh Mujib, became the president of the party and continued to hold the position to this date.
The party played a crucial role in the anti-authoritarian movements against the regime of Hussain Muhammad Ershad. After the restoration of democracy amidst mass uprising in 1990, the Awami League emerged as one of the principal players of Bangladeshi politics. The party formed governments winning the 1996, 2008, 2014, 2018 and 2024 general elections. Throughout its tenure as the ruling party from 2009 to 2024 under Sheikh Hasina,[7] Bangladesh experienced democratic backsliding[8][9][10] and was consistently described as authoritarian,[a]dictatorial and fascist.[b] It was finally overthrown with the Student–People's uprising in August 2024. Since then, the party remained underground.
The early flag of the Awami League used during the Pakistani period
East Pakistan Awami Muslim League was formed as a breakaway faction of the Muslim League in 1949, within two years of the formation of Pakistan. The word Muslim was dropped in 1953 and it became a secular party.[24] The word Awami is the adjectival form for the Urdu word Awam, which means "people"; thus the party's name can be translated as Bangladesh People's League. During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, most of the Awami League members joined the Provisional Government of Bangladesh and Mukti Bahini guerrillas to fight against the Pakistani army and the name Bangladesh Awami League was eventually settled upon.
The most common electoral symbol for the party has been a traditional boat,[25] a recognizable and relatable image in riverine Bangladesh.
The salutation Joy Bangla (Bengali: জয় বাংলা; meaning "Victory to Bengal" or "Long live Bengal") is the official slogan of the Awami League. It was the slogan and war cry of the Mukti Bahini that fought for the independence of Bangladesh during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971. The phrase Joy Bangla, Joy Bangabandhu is used by the party members at the end of speeches and communications pertaining to or referring to the devotion towards Bangladesh and Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujib.
The Awami League party flag is a green field with four five-rayed red star at its centre, and a vertical red stripe at the hoist side. The flag also bears some resemblance to the flag of Pakistan, showing the ex-Pakistani origin of the Awami League. The four stars on the Flag represent the four fundamental principles of the party.
During the post-Mughal era, no political parties existed in the area known as Bangla or Bangal. After the British arrived and established government, the system of political representation (though much later) was adopted in the area of Bangla (Bengal) or introduced in Bengal. After the official departure of the British, the area known as East Bengal became a part of Pakistan, and the establishment of the Muslim was led by its founder Muhammad Ali Jinnah and his Muslim League party.
In 1948, there was rising agitation in East Bengal against the omission of Bengali script from coins, stamps and government exams. Thousands of students, mainly from the University of Dhaka, protested in Dhaka and clashed with security forces. Prominent student leaders including Shamsul Huq, Khaleque Nawaz Khan, Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Oli Ahad, and Abdul Wahed were arrested and the police were accused of repression while charging protesters. In March, senior Bengali political leaders were attacked whilst leading protests demanding that Bengali be declared an official language in Pakistan. The leaders included A. K. Fazlul Huq, the former Prime Minister of undivided Bengal.[26] Amidst the rising discontent in East Bengal, Jinnah visited Dhaka and announced that Urdu would be the sole state language of Pakistan given its significance to Islamic nationalism in South Asia.[27] The announcement caused an emotional uproar in East Bengal, where the native Bengali population resented Jinnah for his attempts to impose a language they hardly understood on the basis of upholding unity. The resentment was further fuelled by rising discrimination against Bengalis in government, industry, bureaucracy and the armed forces and the dominance of the Muslim League. The Bengalis argued that they constituted the ethnic majority of Pakistan's population and Urdu was unknown to the majority in East Bengal.[28] Moreover, the rich literary heritage of the Bengali language and the deep rooted secular culture of Bengali society led to a strong sense of linguistic and cultural nationalism amongst the people of East Bengal.[citation needed] The only significant language in Pakistan not written in the Persian-Arabic script was Bengali.[29] Against this backdrop, Bengali nationalism began to take root within the Muslim League and the party's Bengali members began to take a stand for recognition.
On 23 June 1949, Bengali nationalists from East Bengal broke away from the Muslim League, Pakistan's dominant political party, and established the East Pakistan Awami Muslim League.[30]Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Shamsul Huq were elected the first president and general secretary of the party respectively, Ataur Rahman Khan was elected the vice-president, Yar Mohammad Khan was elected as the treasurer, while Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad and A. K. Rafiqul Hussain were elected the party's first joint secretaries.[31] The party was formed to champion the rights of the masses in Pakistan against the powerful feudal establishment led by the Muslim League. However, due to its strength stemming from the discriminated Bengali population of Pakistan's eastern wing, the party eventually became associated and identified with East Bengal.
Moulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman marching barefoot to pay their tributes on Language Movement Day of 1953
In 1952, the Awami Muslim League and its student wing played an instrumental role in the Bengali Language Movement, during which Pakistani security forces fired upon protesting students demanding Bengali be declared an official language of Pakistan, killing a number of students including Abdus Salam, Rafiq Uddin Ahmed, Abul Barkat and Abdul Jabbar.[32] The events of 1952 are widely seen by historians today as a turning point in the history of Pakistan and the Bengali people, as it was the starting point of the Bengali nationalist struggle that eventually culminated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971.[31]
Hussein Shaheed Suhrawardy, who had been the All-India Muslim League (AIML)-nominated prime minister of Bengal in 1937 and held the same office after 1946 elections, did not agree to 'Muslim League' as the name of AIML in Pakistan. He initiated the thought that the ideal of political representation under religious identity was no longer prudent after independence and the organisation might be called the 'Pakistan League'. Moreover, he claimed that the Muslim League's objective of struggling to form a nation state had been achieved therefore political representation should continue focusing on nationalism based on Pakistani sovereignty. Suhrawardy's suggestion was not accepted and he parted ways with the party to be re-established as the Awami League in 1949. This was to serve the first shock to the country's political structure. In 1953, the party's council meeting voted to drop the word "Muslim". In the run-up to the 1954 East Bengal Legislative Assembly election, the Awami League took the lead in negotiations in forming a pan-Bangla political alliance including the Krishak Praja Party, Nizam-e-Islam and Ganatantri Dal. The alliance was termed the Jukta Front (United Front) and formulated the Ekush Dafa, or 21-point Charter, to fight for establishing rights in East Pakistan. The party also took the historic decision to adopt the traditional Bengali boat, which signified the attachment to rural Bengal, as its election symbol.[31]
The election in April 1954 swept the United Front coalition into power in East Bengal with a massive mandate of 223 seats out of 237 seats. The Awami League itself won 143 seats while the Muslim League won only 9 seats. Veteran student leader and language movement stalwart Khaleque Nawaz Khan defeated incumbent prime minister of the then East Bengali Nurul Amin in a landslide margin. Amin was defeated in his home Nandail constituency. Khaleque Nawaz Khan created history at age 27 by defeating the sitting prime minister and the Muslim League was wiped from the political landscape of the then East Pakistan. A. K. Fazlul Huq assumed the office of Chief Minister of East Bengal and drew up a cabinet containing many of the prominent student activists that were leading movements against the Pakistani state.[31] They included Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Awami League, who served as commerce minister.
Leaders of the new provincial government demanded greater provincial autonomy for East Bengal and eventually succeeded in pressuring Prime Minister Muhammad Ali Bogra, himself a Bengali, to endorse the proposed constitutional recognition of Bengali as an official language of Pakistan. The United Front also passed a landmark order for the establishment of the Bangla Academy in Dhaka.[33] As tensions with the western wing grew due to the demands for greater provincial autonomy in East Bengal, Governor-GeneralGhulam Muhammad dismissed the United Front government on 29 May 1954 under Article 92/A of the provisional constitution of Pakistan.[31]
In September 1956, the Awami League formed a coalition with the Republican Party to secure a majority in the new National Assembly of Pakistan and took over the central government. Awami League President Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy became the Prime Minister of Pakistan. Suhrawardy pursued a reform agenda to reduce the long-standing economic disparity between East and West Pakistan, greater representation of Bengalis in the Pakistani civil and armed services and he unsuccessfully attempted to alleviate the food shortage in the country.[34]
The Awami League also began deepening relations with the United States. The government moved to join the Southeast Asia Treaty Organisation (SEATO) and Central Treaty Organisation (CENTO), the two strategic defence alliances in Asia inspired by the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). Maulana Bhashani, one of the party's founders, condemned the decision of the Suhrawardy government and called a conference in February 1957 at Kagmari, Tangail in East Bengal. He protested the move and the support lent by the Awami League leadership to the government. Bhashani broke away from the Awami League and then formed the leftist National Awami Party (NAP).[31]Yar Mohammad Khan funded the 5-day Kagmari Conference and was the treasurer of the conference committee.
The controversy over 'One Unit' (the division of Pakistan into only two provinces, east and west) and the appropriate electoral system for Pakistan, whether joint or separate, also revived as soon as Suhrawardy became prime minister. In West Pakistan, there was strong opposition to the joint electorate by the Muslim League and the religious parties. The Awami League however, strongly supported the joint electorate. These differences over One Unit and the appropriate electorate caused problems for the government.[34]
By early 1957, the movement for the dismemberment of the One Unit had started. Suhrawardy was at the mercy of the central bureaucracy fighting to save the One Unit. Many in the business elite in Karachi were lobbying against Suhrawardy's decision to distribute millions of dollars of American aid to East Pakistan and to set up a national shipping corporation. Supported by these lobbyists, President Iskander Mirza demanded the Prime Minister's resignation. Suhrawardy requested to seek a vote of confidence in the National Assembly, but this request was turned down. Suhrawardy resigned under threat of dismissal on 10 October 1957.[34]
On 7 October 1958, President Mirza declared martial law and appointed army chief General Ayub Khan as Chief Martial Law Administrator. Khan eventually deposed Mirza in a bloodless coup.[35] By promulgating the Political Parties Elected Bodies Disqualified Ordinance, Khan banned all major political parties in Pakistan. Senior politicians, including the entire top leadership of the Awami League, were arrested and most were kept under detention until 1963.
In 1962, Khan drafted a new constitution, modelled on indirect election, through an electoral college, and termed it 'Basic Democracy'. Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy joined Nurul Amin, Khwaja Nazimuddin, Maulvi Farid Ahmed and Hamidul Haq Chowdhury in forming the National Democratic Front against Ayub Khan's military-backed rule and to restore elective democracy. However the alliance failed to obtain any concessions. Instead the electoral colleges appointed a new parliament and the President exercised executive authority.[31]
Widespread discrimination prevailed in Pakistan against Bengalis during the regime of Khan. The University of Dhaka became a hotbed for student activism advocating greater rights for Bengalis and the restoration of democracy in Pakistan.[36]
On 5 December 1963, Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy was found dead in his hotel room in Beirut, Lebanon. His sudden death under mysterious circumstances gave rise to speculation within the Awami League and the general population in East Pakistan that he had been poisoned.[31]
The 6-point demands, proposed by Mujib, were widely accepted by the East Pakistani populace, as they proposed greater autonomy for the provinces of Pakistan. After the so-called Agartala Conspiracy Case, and subsequent end of the Ayub Khan's regime in Pakistan, the Awami League and its leader Sheikh Mujib reached the peak of their popularity among the East Pakistani Bengali population. In the elections of 1970, the Awami League won 167 of 169 East Pakistan seats in the National Assembly but none of West Pakistan's 138 seats. It also won 288 of the 300 provincial assembly seats in East Pakistan.[37][38] This win gave the Awami League a healthy majority in the 313-seat National Assembly and placed it in a position to establish a national government without a coalition partner. This was not acceptable to the political leaders of West Pakistan and led directly to the events of the Bangladesh Liberation War. The Awami League leaders, taking refuge in India, successfully led the war against the Pakistan Army throughout 1971. Leader Sheikh Mujib was arrested by the Pakistan Army on 25 March 1971, but the Bangladeshi people continued the fight to free themselves for nine months.
After independence (1971—1975)
After victory on 16 December 1971, the party formed the national government of Bangladesh. In 1972, under Sheikh Mujib, the party name was changed to "Awami League". The new government faced many challenges as they rebuilt the country and carried out mine clearing operations. The party had pro Pakistani newspaper editors arrested and shut down the nations' newspapers leaving only four in operation.[39] Food shortages were also a major concern of the Awami League. War had damaged all forms of farming. The party aligned itself with the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM), and leaned towards the Soviet bloc. The party was accused of corruption by supporters of Pakistan. In 1974 Bangladesh suffered a famine: 70,000 people died, and support for Mujib declined. Bangladesh continued exporting jute to Cuba, violating US economic sanctions, the Nixon government barred grain imports to Bangladesh. This exacerbated famine conditions.
In January 1975, facing violent leftist insurgents Mujib declared a state of emergency and later assumed the presidency, after the Awami League dominated parliament decided to switch from parliamentary to a presidential form of government. Sheikh Mujib renamed the League the Bangladesh Krishak Sramik Awami League (BAKSAL), and banned all other parties. The consequences lead to a critical political state. BAKSAL was dissolved after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.
The move towards a secular form of government caused widespread dissatisfaction among many low ranking military personnel, most of whom received training from the Pakistani army. On 15 August 1975 during the time of Major GeneralK. M. Shafiullah as a Chief of the Army Staff, some junior members of the armed forces in Dhaka, led by Major Faruk Rahman and Major Rashid, murdered Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and all his family members, including his wife and minor son. Within months, on 3 November 1975, four more of its top leaders, Syed Nazrul Islam, Tajuddin Ahmed, Muhammad Mansur Ali and A. H. M. Qamaruzzaman were killed inside the Dhaka Central Jail as they were on behalf of BAKSAL. Only Sheikh Hasina and Sheikh Rehana, daughters of Mujib, survived the 1988 Chittagong Massacre as they were in West Germany as a part of a cultural exchange program. They later claimed political asylum in the United Kingdom. Sheikh Rehana, the younger sister, chose to remain in the UK permanently, while Sheikh Hasina moved to India and lived in self-imposed exile. Her stays abroad helped her gain important political friends in the West and in India that proved to be a valuable asset for the party in the future.
Struggle for democracy (1981–2009)
Awami League Rally on 10 Nov 1987 protest for democracy in Dhaka about Half an Hour before Noor Hossain shot dead by police. On this Exclusive, Historical Photo of 10 Nov 1987 Protest, Mofazzal Hossain Chowdhury (Maya) is sitting on Opposition Leader Sheikh Hasina's (PM) car giving Slogan and Noor Hossain ahead on the Rally with Hand written Slogan স্বৈরাচার নীপাত যাক// "Shoirachar Nipat Jaak" on his chest. This is "The Only Photograph" we have as "The Photographic Proof" that Shohid Noor Hossain was an Awami League Supporter, Leading Sheikh Hasina's Rally approaching Zero Point (Shohid Noor Hossain Chattar Now).
After 1975, the party remained split into several rival factions and fared poorly in the 1979 parliamentary elections held under a military government. In 1981 Sheikh Hasina returned as Ziaur Rahman allowed her to return after the largest party faction, the Awami League elected her its president, and she proceeded to take over the party leadership and unite the factions. As she was under age at the time she could not take part in the 1981 presidential elections that followed the assassination of President Ziaur Rahman. Throughout the following nine years of military rule by Lieutenant GeneralHussain Muhammad Ershad the Awami League participated in some polls but boycotted most as Ershad did not believe in democracy. On 7 May 1986, Awami League participated in the general election of Bangladesh staged by military ruler Lt. Gen. H. M. Ershad even though the other major political party and the winner of previous elections Bangladesh Nationalist Party boycotted. British observers including a journalists termed the elections a "tragedy for democracy" and a "cynically frustrated exercise".[40]
The Awami League emerged as the largest opposition party in parliament in the elections in 1991, in which Khaleda Zia became the first female prime minister.
AL's second term in office had mixed achievements. Apart from sustaining economic stability during the Asian economic crisis, the government successfully settled Bangladesh's long standing dispute with India over sharing the water of the river Ganges (also known as Padma) in late 1996, and signed a peace treaty with tribal rebels in 1997. In 1998, Bangladesh faced one of the worst floods ever, and the government handled the crisis satisfactorily. It also had significant achievements in containing inflation, and peacefully neutralising a long-running leftist insurgency in south-western districts dating back to the first AL government's time. However, rampant corruption allegations against party office bearers and ministers as well as a deteriorating law and order situation troubled the government. Its pro poor policies achieved wide microeconomic development but that left the country's wealthy business class dissatisfied. The AL's last months in office were marred by sporadic bombing by alleged Islamist militants. Hasina herself escaped several attempts on her life, in one of which two anti-tank mines were planted under her helipad in Gopalganj district. In July 2001, the second AL government stepped down, becoming the first elected government in Bangladesh to serve a full term in office.
The party won only 62 out of 300 parliamentary seats in the elections held in October 2001, despite winning 40% of the votes, up from 36% in 1996 and 33% in 1991. The BNP and its allies won a two-thirds majority in parliament with 46% of the votes cast, with BNP alone winning 41%, up from 33% in 1996 and 30% in 1991.
In its second term in opposition since 1991, the party suffered the assassination of several key members. Popular young leader Ahsanullah Master, a member of parliament from Gazipur, was killed in 2004. This was followed by a grenade attack on Hasina during a public meeting on 21 August 2004, resulting in the death of 22 party supporters, including party women's secretary Ivy Rahman, though Hasina lived. Finally, the party's electoral secretary, ex finance minister, and veteran diplomat Shah M S Kibria, a member of parliament from Habiganj, was killed in a grenade attack in Sylhet later that year.
In June 2005, the Awami League won an important victory when the AL nominated incumbent mayor A.B.M. Mohiuddin Chowdhury won the important mayoral election in Chittagong, by a huge margin, against BNP nominee State Minister of Aviation Mir Mohammad Nasiruddin. This election was seen as a showdown between the Awami League and the BNP. However, the killing of party leaders continued. In December 2005, the AL supported Mayor of Sylhet narrowly escaped the third attempt on his life as a grenade thrown at him failed to explode.[41]
In September 2006, several of the party's top leaders, including Saber Hossain Chowdhury MP and Asaduzzaman Nur MP, were hospitalised after being critically injured by police beatings while they demonstrated in support of electoral-law reforms. Starting in late October 2006, the Awami League led alliance carried out a series of nationwide demonstrations and blockades centring on the selection of the leader of the interim caretaker administration to oversee the 2007 elections. Although an election was scheduled to take place on 22 January 2007 that the Awami League decided to boycott, the country's military intervened on 11 January 2007 and installed an interim government composed of retired bureaucrats and military officers.
Throughout 2007 and 2008, the military backed government tried to root out corruption and remove Sheikh Hasina and Khaleda Zia of the AL and BNP respectively.[42] While these efforts largely failed, they succeeded in producing a credible voter list that was used on 29 December 2008 national election.
The Awami League won the national election held on 29 December 2008 as part of a larger electoral alliance that also included the Jatiya Party led by former military ruler Lieutenant General Hussain Muhammad Ershad as well as some leftist parties. According to the Official Results,[43] Bangladesh Awami League won 230 out of 300 constituencies, and together with its allies, had a total of 262 parliamentary seats.[44] The Awami League and its allies received 57% of the total votes cast. The AL alone got 48%, compared to 36% of the other major alliance led by the BNP which by itself got 33% of the votes. Sheikh Hasina, as party head, became the new prime minister. Her term of office began in January 2009.[45] The second Hasina cabinet had several new faces, including three women in prominent positions: Dr Dipu Moni (Foreign Minister), Matia Chowdhury (Agriculture Minister) and Sahara Khatun (Home Minister). Younger MPs with a link to assassinated members of the 1972–1975 AL government were Sayed Ashraful Islam, son of Syed Nazrul Islam, Sheikh Fazle Noor Taposh, son of Sheikh Fazlul Huq Moni, and Sohel Taj, son of Tajuddin Ahmad.
Second Hasina Government (2009—2024)
Sayed Ashraful Islam, General Secretary of the Awami League, speaking at the 5th Bangladesh Agro Tech Fair in Dhaka on 28 May 2015
Since 2009, the Awami League government faced several major political challenges, including BDR (Bangladesh Rifles) mutiny,[46] power crisis,[47] unrest in garments industry[48] and stock market fluctuations.[49] Judicial achievements for the party included restoring original 1972 constitution, returning secularism to the constitution,[50] beginning of war crimes trials,[51] and guilty verdict in 1975 assassination trial.[52] According to the Nielsen 2-year survey, 50% felt the country was moving in the right direction, and 36% gave the government a favourable rating.[53]
In the 2014 election the Awami League led alliance won a second term of which 154 Members (out of 300) of Parliament were selected where there were no election . Only 5% voter attended in the polling station and cast their votes. The opposition and one of the most popular parties (BNP) boycotted the election for removing the caretaker government (neutral government) system from the constitution after completion of 5 years tenure.[54][55] With 21 people dead due to the violence during election, along with further human rights abuses and an absence of opposition, this was one of the controversial general elections in Bangladesh's history.[56] This election was further tainted by arrests where dozens of opposition leaders and members were taken into custody.
Amid this crackdown of opposition, in 2018, another election was held where BNP and all major opposition parties took part. That election was marred by allegations of widespread electoral fraud, harassment of political opposition and imprisonment of opposition activists. The opposition alleged the complicity of law enforcement forces in compromising the integrity of the electoral process. [57]
On 7 January 2024, the twelfth National Parliamentary elections were held which were boycotted by BNP and major opposition parties. Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) condemned this process as one-sided and farcical.[58]The election saw Awami League again clinching a landslide victory, winning 224 out of 300 directly elected seats. The 62 elected members who contested the election as independents largely aligned with AL [59]
On 5 June 2024, The High Court of Bangladesh reinstated the controversial Job Quota System, sparking countrywide students protests. On 4 July 2024, The Appellate Division refused to rescind the verdict. As a result, protests intensified. Then the Appellate Division imposed a stay on the ruling but protesters continued to carry on their movement unless the government agreed to their demands of taking a firm step for reforming the quota system. Prime Minister Hasina ignited controversy by her statement - "If the grandchildren and great grandchildren of the freedom fighters are deprived of quotas, will Razakars' (Collaborators of the Pakistani military during the Liberation War)grandchildren and great grandchildren get them?" The protesters were further galvanized at this comment. Bangladesh Students' League, aided by the Police and other agencies, violently cracked down on the protesters. In spite of that crackdown, the protests could not be quelled. The government imposed internet shutdown as well as curfews to forcefully stop the momentum of the movement. Eventually, the protests morphed into a movement aimed at ensuring the resignation of Sheikh Hasina. On 5 August 2024, millions of protesters defied curfew orders and marched towards Ganobhaban. Consequently, Hasina resigned and left Bangladesh for India.[60] This ended 15 years of continuous awami rule in Bangladesh.
Post-government (2024—present)
In the immediate aftermath of the fall of the AL government, many of its leaders went into hiding. The properties and residences of many AL leaders were looted, vandalized and set on fire.[61] Many ministers and influential politicians from AL have been arrested and taken into remand.[62]Many of them were prohibited from leaving Bangladesh.[63] The bank accounts of many AL leaders and their families have also been frozen. [64][65]
The student wing of Bangladesh Awami League has been officially banned by the Government of Bangladesh from all types of political and organizational activities and declared as a terrorist organization on 23 Oct 2024.[66][67]
Ideology and policies
This section needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(September 2024)
The National Emblem of Bangladesh; The four stars above the water lilly represent the four fundamental principles of Awami League that were enshrined in the first constitution of Bangladesh in 1972: nationalism, socialism, secularism, and democracy
The ideology of Awami League has been evolved through political and socio-economic landscape of the country since its creation. The Party President Sheikh Hasina claimed that her party's ideology has been blended with pragmatism.[94] Party's constitution states four fundamental principles in guiding its philosophy and policies: democracy, socialism, secularism and nationalism.[95] The origins of these principles can be traced to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman's political thought.[96][97][98]
Awami League has been committed to secularism for a long time.[99] The party has promoted a strong secular image and depicted itself as a defender of secularism against Islamism. Most of the party leaders support the restoration of the original constitution of 1972 by removing Islam as the state religion.[81][80][100] Since Islam has been made as the state religion of Bangladesh, Awami League has been trying to defended secularism in light of Islam.[101] Being a pragmatist party, Awami League often compromises with the Islamist political parties in social issues, which has been criticized.[102] The party's tolerance of the Islamic practices, retaining of Islam as the state religion, silence during the attacks on secularists in Bangladesh,[103] has been questioned.
Sheikh Hasina supported calls to remove the Statue of Justice in Bangladesh Supreme Court. Many criticized these calls, saying Sheikh Hasina was bowing down to the pressure of Islamist political hard-liners.[104]
According to a report by Al Jazeera, a significant number of Hindus think that they weren't safe under Awami League rule as many anti-Hindu violences occurred and the rulling party members were involved in the harassment of Hindus.[105] According to Sreeradha Datta, professor and Bangladesh expert at Jindal School of International Affairs in New Delhi, India, noted about Awami League's secularism:[105]
"While violence against Hindus did occur during the Awami League's 15-year rule, the party's secular stance generally gave minority groups a sense of security and safety, [...] In contrast, during previous non-Awami League governments, like the BNP-Jamaat alliance, attacks on minorities notably increased. This continues to influence the current perceptions."
Previously the party advocated for a socialist economy with democratic socialism. Inspiring from Soviet and Indian economic models, Awami League under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman implemented an economic system based on strict protectionism, state intervention and economic regulation under a planned economy and limited market activities, which was characterized as "neither capitalist nor socialist" in nature.[106] During the 1980s, AL began to reposition itself towards more centre-left. Many ideologues strongly objected of this policy shift in the party. Nevertheless, in 1992, AL formally took a liberal economic approach.[88] Since 2010s, AL government has been very pro-market "which focused on boosting exports, attracting foreign investment, improving infrastructure, diversifying the economy, and enhancing the business environment."[107]
Sheikh Hasina's views on socialism has changed over times. In 1991, she noted that socialism was a failed system.[108] However, in 2024, she said that "fulfilling the people's basic needs" had been her "version of 'socialism'".[88]
Social position
The party has taken a sightly conservative position on social issues and promotion of Islam, including the establishment of Islamic Foundation Bangladesh, declaration of public holidays in the Islamic festivals and, more recently, the construction of 360 Model Mosques across the country.[109] The party's position on the LGBT rights is also conservative, the AL-lead Parliament refused to overturn Section 377, in 2009 and 2013.[110] It was reported in 2017 that the party in government has been cracking down on the LGBT community. This has included the arrests of those accused of being homosexual.[103]
In 2011, Awami League government passed the 15th amendment to the Constitution of Bangladesh wherein Article 18A was added which endeavours to protect and improve environment.[116] Awami League under Sheikh Hasina also promised to protect the country's environment in its manifesto for the 2024 election. Her government also adopted the Bangladesh Delta Plan 2100, an "adaptation-based technical and economic master plan, which has considered the effects of water resources management, land use, environment, and climate change, and its interaction on the development results".[117] Sheikh Hasina's government has been praised for combating natural calamities, greening her country and promoting international consciousness regarding climate change.[118]
Foreign policy
During the premiership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman between 1972 and 1975, Rahman's personal influence in the country's foreign policy was instrumental.[119]:92 Rahman himself wanted to make his country as the Switzerland of Asia.[119]:92 His government was successful in obtaining recognition from the major countries of the world before 15 August 1975, although the People's Republic of China and Saudi Arabia recognized Bangladesh just after 15 August.[119]:92
Awami League is often described as pro-India. "Bangladesh has enjoyed a good relationship with India under PM Sheikh Hasina".[120] After Awami League formed government under Hasina in 1996, her government adopted an India-oriented foreign policy.[119]:97 This continued since 2009, when she secured power for the second time. In 2015, Hasina signed a historic land exchange agreement with Indian PMNarendra Modi which resolved the decade-long India–Bangladesh enclaves problem.
Awami League continued good relationship with China. "Hasina has adroitly balanced ties with both India and China".[121]
Sheikh Hasina government allowed Rohingyas to take refuge in Bangladesh, for which she received credit and praise in home and abroad.[122]
Awami League continues to support Palestinian cause. In 1972, Awami League government officially rejected the Israeli recognition of Bangladesh.[123] In 2014, Sheikh Hasina said, "We have been continuing our support to the Palestinians and occupation of their land by the Israelis is never acceptable".[124]
The Constitution of the Bangladesh Awami League (Bengali: বাংলাদেশ আওয়ামী লীগ এর গঠনতন্ত্র, romanized:Bānlādēśa ā'ōẏāmī līgēra gaṭhanatantra) has 24 Articles and includes contents of General Program, Membership, Organization System, Central Organizations, Name, Aims and Objectives, Fundamental Principles, Commitments. In accordance with the changing situation and tasks, revisions were made in some of the articles at the National Conference.[125]
National Conference
The National Conference NC (Bengali: জাতীয় সম্মেলন, romanized:Jātīẏa sam'mēlana) is the party's highest body, and, since the 1st National Conference in 1949, has been convened every three years (sometimes on an irregular basis). According to the party's constitution, the National Conference may be postponed on except "under extraordinary circumstances." The party constitution gives the NC following responsibilities:
electing the President
electing the general secretary
examining the report of the outgoing Central Working Committee
discussing and enacting party policies
revising the party's constitution
In practice, the party councillors and delegates rarely discuss issues at length at the National Conference. Most substantive discussion takes place before the Conference, in the preparation period, among a group of top party leaders. In between National Conferences, the Central Working Committee is the highest decision-making institution.
Obaidul Quader, General Secretary of AL since 23 October 2016
The Central Working Committee (Bengali: কেন্দ্রীয় কার্যনির্বাহী সংসদ, romanized:Kēndrīẏa kāryanirbāhī sansada) of the Awami League is a political body that comprises the top leaders of the Party. It is currently composed of 81 full members and 29 alternate members. Members are elected once every three years by the National Conference of the Bangladesh Awami League.[126][127] The Central Working Committee is made up of the following:
The *Presidium of the Awami League* is the topmost decision-making body of the Awami League, and in turn, as Awami League has been the sole ruling party of Bangladesh since 2009, unofficially one of the highest and most important decision-making bodies of the country itself.
Almost 38 Advisory Council (Bengali: উপদেষ্টা পরিষদ, romanized:Upadēṣṭā pariṣada) members working as party's think-tank and are not Part of the Central Working Committee The Awami League Advisory Council is the highest governing of Bangladesh Awami League.[127]
Centre for Research and Information
The Centre for Research and InformationCRI is the think-tank and research cell of the Awami League. The foundation offers political education, conducts scientific fact-finding research for political projects, grants scholarships to gifted individuals, researches the history of Awami League, and supports and encourages youth, international understanding, and development-policy co-operation.[129][130][131][132][133]
Activities
Let's Talk
Policy Café
CRI Junction
Young Bangla and CRI: The Young Bangla Programme comprises the several schemes, acting as a flexible space for the youth, thousands of individuals and youth-led organizations, supporting them with resources and capacity enhancement trainings.[134][135]
Awami League has been described as authoritarian by various national and international observers.[11][12][13][141][142] In 2011, the AL-led government abolished the neutral non-partisan caretaker government system through passage of the 15th amendment of the constitution with its majority in Parliament,[143] despite the protests of opposition parties, including the BNP.[144] Since the 2014, the freedom of the press in Bangladesh has declined dramatically. Awami League government targeted and detained many leading newspapers, television channels and pro-opposition journalists.[145] According to Ali Riaz, "Awami League has established total control over state machinery and politics" since 2018.[141] In a 2021 report Human Rights Watch said that in government the party has "doubled down on an authoritarian crackdown on free speech, arresting critics, and censoring media."[146] This followed a prior violent crackdown on those that criticised the party in 2018.[147] The general elections of 2014 and 2018 was criticized by the United States and the European Union for irregularities.[148][149]
Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, dissoluted armed wing of Awami League, formed under the supervision of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and active from 1972 to 1975, became involved in numerous charges of political killings, shooting by death squads, and rape. Human Rights Watch states that institutionalized violence committed by the Jatiya Rakkhi Bahini, established the culture of impunity and widespread prevalence of abuses by security forces in independent Bangladesh.[150]
Promotion of "political nationalism"
Awami League has been accused for promoting "political nationalism", a form of radical nationalism. This form of nationalism emphasizes on "exclusion based on political identity" over other factors, although it is "more inclined to accept religious diversity, cultural differences, and racial diversity within a state, but cannot accept political differences in ideology or party support". The party always styles itself as the "proliberation force" and positions itself as the "sole custodian" of the spirit of Liberation War, while diminishing the opposition's contributions to the Liberation War; which has been described as an attempt to delegitimize the opposition in the context of electoral politics. Critiques argue that this type of self-proclaimed interpretation of Bangladesh Liberation War results in an illiberal socio-political landscape in the country that marginalizes the opposition.[142]
The history of Bangladesh dates back over four millennia to the Chalcolithic period. The region's early history was characterized by a succession of Hindu and Buddhist kingdoms and empires that fought for control over the Bengal region. Islam arrived in the 8th century and gradually became dominant from the early 13th century with the conquests led by Bakhtiyar Khalji and the activities of Sunni missionaries like Shah Jalal. Muslim rulers promoted the spread of Islam by building mosques across the region. From the 14th century onward, Bengal was ruled by the Bengal Sultanate, founded by Fakhruddin Mubarak Shah, who established an individual currency. The Bengal Sultanate expanded under rulers like Shamsuddin Ilyas Shah, leading to economic prosperity and military dominance, with Bengal being referred to by Europeans as the richest country to trade with. The region later became a part of the Mughal Empire, and according to historian C. A. Bayly, it was probably the empire's wealthiest province.
Politics of Bangladesh takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the Prime Minister of Bangladesh is the head of government and of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the government and parliament. The Constitution of Bangladesh was written in 1972 and has undergone seventeen amendments.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, also known by the honorific Bangabandhu, was a Bangladeshi politician, revolutionary, statesman, activist and diarist, who was the founding leader of Bangladesh. As the leader of Bangladesh, he had held continuous positions either as Bangladesh's president or as its prime minister from April 1971 until his assassination in August 1975. His nationalist ideology, socio-political theories, and political doctrines are collectively known as Mujibism.
Ziaur RahmanBU HJ HOR was a Bangladeshi military officer, freedom fighter and politician who served as the sixth President of Bangladesh from 1977 until his assassination in 1981. One of the leading figures of country's Liberation War, he broadcast the Bangladeshi declaration of independence on 27 March 1971 from Chittagong. He was the founder of Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). He previously served as the third chief of army staff from 1975 to 1978 with a minor break.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party is a major political party in Bangladesh. Founded on 1 September 1978 by Bangladeshi president Ziaur Rahman with a view of uniting people with a nationalist ideology, BNP later became one of the two dominant parties in Bangladesh, along with its archrival Awami League. Initially a big tent centrist party, it later moved towards more right-wing politics.
The prime minister of Bangladesh, officially prime minister of the People's Republic of Bangladesh, is the chief executive of the government of Bangladesh. The prime minister and the cabinet are collectively accountable for their policies and actions to the Parliament, to their political party and ultimately to the electorate. The prime minister is ceremonially appointed by the president of Bangladesh.
Sheikh Hasina is a Bangladeshi politician who served as the tenth prime minister of Bangladesh from June 1996 to July 2001 and again from January 2009 to August 2024. She is the daughter of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of Bangladesh. She served in the position of prime minister for over 20 years, making her the longest-serving prime minister in history of Bangladesh. Thus, she became the world's longest-serving female head of government. Her authoritarian regime ended in self-imposed exile following an uprising in 2024.
Khondaker Mostaq Ahmad was a Bangladeshi politician. He was the Minister of Commerce in the third Mujib Rahman ministry under Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and assumed the presidency of Bangladesh after the Assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman on August 15, 1975. He praised the assassins as "sons of the sun" and put cabinet ministers loyal to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in jail. He was himself deposed by another coup, less than three months later on November 3, 1975.
Tajuddin Ahmad was a Bangladeshi politician. He led the 1st Government of Bangladesh as its prime minister during the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, and is regarded as one of the most instrumental figures in the birth of Bangladesh. He is one of the founding leaders of Bangladesh.
Shah Azizur Rahman was a Bangladeshi politician who served as the prime minister of Bangladesh. However, he was the subject of considerable controversy for his collaboration with the Pakistan Army against the struggle for the independence of Bangladesh.
Kamal Hossain, better known as Dr. Kamal, is a founding leader, lawyer and politician of Bangladesh. He is known as the "Father of the Bangladeshi Constitution" and regarded as an icon of secular democracy in the Indian subcontinent. Hossain currently heads his own law firm in Dhaka. He retired from political activities and from the post of president of Gano Forum in October 2023.
Mahfuz Anam is a leading Bangladeshi journalist and public intellectual. He is the editor and publisher of The Daily Star, which is the largest English newspaper in the country. Anam is one of the most influential journalists in Bangladesh. He was elected chairman of the Asia News Network in 2007, 2022 and 2023. He is also the founder of the Newspapers Owners Association of Bangladesh.
Ataur Rahman Khan was a Bangladeshi lawyer, politician and writer, who served as the chief minister of East Pakistan from 1 September 1956 – March 1958, and as the prime minister of Bangladesh from 30 March 1984 to 1 January 1985.
The history of Bangladesh (1971–present) refers to the period after the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan.
The 7th March Speech of Bangabandhu, or the 7/3 Speech, was a public speech given by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the founding leader of Bangladesh on 7 March 1971 at the Ramna Race Course in Dhaka to a gathering of over one million (1,000,000) people. It was delivered during a period of escalating tensions between East Pakistan and the powerful political and military establishment of West Pakistan. In the speech, Bangabandhu informally declared the independence of Bangladesh, proclaiming: "The struggle this time, is a struggle for our liberty. The struggle this time, is a struggle for our independence." He announced a civil disobedience movement in the province, calling for "every house to turn into a fortress".
Tofail Ahmed is a Bangladeshi politician. He is a 7-term Jatiya Sangsad member representing the Bhola-1, Bhola-2 and Bakerganj-1 constituencies during 1973–2024. Previously he served as the Minister of Commerce and Minister of Industries of the Government of Bangladesh.
The Pakistan Awami League was a Pakistani political party founded by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy in February 1950. Pir of Manki Sharif and Khan Ghulam Mohammad Khan from the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP) joined it soon afterwards.
Tungipara Sheikh family of Tungipara is one of the two most prominent Bangladeshi political families, other being the Zia family. The family primarily consists of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Sheikh Hasina, Sheikh Rehana and their relatives. Their political involvement has traditionally revolved around the Bangladesh Awami League.
Bangabandhu Memorial Museum, also known as Bangabandhu Bhaban or Dhanmondi 32, located in Dhanmondi, Dhaka, Bangladesh, was the personal residence of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, who was also called Bangabandhu, the founding leader and president of Bangladesh. Mujib was assassinated with most members of his family in this residence. The museum was listed as a national heritage site in 2009 by RAJUK and was largely damaged in a mob violence in 2024.
The History of Awami League, one of the major political party in Bangladesh, dates back to 1949. It's the oldest existing political party in the country which played the leading role in achieving the independence of Bangladesh. It is also one of the two most dominant parties in the country, along with Bangladesh Nationalist Party.
↑ Uddin, Sufia M. (2006). Constructing Bangladesh: Religion, Ethnicity, and Language in an Islamic Nation. The University of North Carolina Press. pp.1–4. ISBN0-8078-3021-6.
↑ Shafqat, Sahar (2007). "Pakistan (1971)". In DeRouen, Karl Jr.; Heo, Uk (eds.). Civil Wars of the World: Major Conflicts Since World War II. Vol.II. ABC-CLIO. p.594. ISBN978-1-85109-919-1.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Hussain, Ahmede (31 July 2009). "Promises to Keep". The Daily Star. Star Weekend Magazine. Archived from the original on 12 May 2017. Retrieved 11 February 2016.
↑ Dhaka Medical College Hostel Prangone Chatro Shomabesher Upor Policer Guliborshon. Bishwabidyalayer Tinjon Chatroshoho Char Bekti Nihoto O Shotero Bekti Ahoto" (in Bengali). The Azad. 22 February 1952.
↑ Jahan, Rounaq (1 August 2014). "Political Parties in Bangladesh"(PDF). www.cmi.no. Archived(PDF) from the original on 8 March 2022. Retrieved 10 June 2022. The Awami League which led the struggle for national liberation, self-describes itself as the 'proliberation force' in Bangladesh politics committed to promoting secular and social democratic values associated with the nation's foundational principles: nationalism, democracy, secularism and socialism.
↑ Therborn, G., and Khondker, H. H. (eds) (2006). Index. In Asia and Europe in Globalization, Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill. Available From: Brilldoi:10.1163/9789047410812_016 [Accessed 06 June 2022]
↑ Khan, Zillur R. "Islam and Bengali Nationalism." Asian Survey, vol. 25, no. 8, 1985, pp. 834–51. JSTOR, doi:10.2307/2644113. Accessed 6 Jun. 2022.
↑ Ilias, Khondakar Mohammad (1972). Mujibbad (in Bengali). Samya.
↑ Lifschultz, Lawrence; Bird, Kai (1979). "Bangladesh: Anatomy of a Coup". Economic and Political Weekly. 14 (49): 1999–2014. ISSN0012-9976. JSTOR4368204.
↑ Pawar, Yogesh. Bangladesh Refuses to Abolish Criminalisation of Same-Sex Ties; in Denial about its 4.5 Million-Strong LGBT Community, Dhaka Shoots Down the United Nations Human Rights Commission Recommendations., 2013. Print
↑ Liton, Shakhawat; Hasan, Rashidul (1 July 2011). "Caretaker system abolished". The Daily Star. Archived from the original on 3 February 2016. Retrieved 7 January 2024.
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