Think tanks publish articles and studies, and sometimes draft legislation on particular matters of policy or society. This information is then used by governments, businesses, media organizations, social movements or other interest groups.[3][4] Think tanks range from those associated with highly academic or scholarly activities to those that are overtly ideological and pushing for particular policies, with a wide range among them in terms of the quality of their research. Later generations of think tanks have tended to be more ideologically oriented.[3]
Modern think tanks began as a phenomenon in the United Kingdom in the 19th and early 20th centuries, with most of the rest being established in other English-speaking countries.[3][5] Prior to 1945, they tended to focus on the economic issues associated with industrialization and urbanization. During the Cold War, many more American and other Western think tanks were established, which often guided government Cold War policy.[3][6][4] Since 1991, more think tanks have been established in non-Western parts of the world. More than half of all think tanks that exist today were established after 1980.[5] As of 2023, there are more than 11,000 think tanks around the world.[7]
History
According to historian Jacob Soll, while the term "think tank" is modern, with its origin "traced to the humanist academies and scholarly networks of the 16th and 17th centuries," Soll writes that, "in Europe, the origins of think tanks go back to the 800s when emperors and kings began arguing with the Catholic Church about taxes. A tradition of hiring teams of independent lawyers to advise monarchs about their financial and political prerogatives against the church spans from Charlemagne all the way to the 17th century, when the kings of France were still arguing about whether they had the right to appoint bishops and receive a cut of their income."
Soll cites as an early example the Académie des frères Dupuy, created in Paris around 1620 by the brothers Pierre and Jacques Dupuy and also known after 1635 as the cabinet des frères Dupuy.[8] The Club de l'Entresol, active in Paris between 1723 and 1731, was another prominent example of an early independent think tank focusing on public policy and current affairs, especially economics and foreign affairs.[9]
The oldest United States–based think tank, the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, was founded in Washington, D.C., in 1910 by philanthropist Andrew Carnegie. Carnegie charged trustees to use the fund to "hasten the abolition of international war, the foulest blot upon our civilization."[10] The Brookings Institution was founded shortly thereafter in 1916 by Robert S. Brookings and was conceived as a bipartisan "research center modeled on academic institutions and focused on addressing the questions of the federal government."[11]
After 1945, the number of policy institutes increased, with many small new ones forming to express various issues and policy agendas. Until the 1940s, most think tanks were known only by the name of the institution. During the Second World War, think tanks were often referred to as "brain boxes".[13]
Before the 1950s, the phrase "think tank" did not refer to organizations. From its first appearances in the 1890s up to the 1950s, the phrase was most commonly used in American English to colloquially refer to the braincase or especially in a pejorative context to the human brain itself when commenting on an individual's failings (in the sense that something was wrong with that person's "think tank").[14]:25 Around 1958, the first organization to be regularly described in published writings as "the Think Tank" (note the title case and the use of the definite article) was the Center for Advanced Study in the Behavioral Sciences.[14]:26 However, the Center does not count itself as and is not perceived to be a think tank in the contemporary sense.[14]:26 During the 1960s, the phrase "think tank" was attached more broadly to meetings of experts, electronic computers,[14]:27 and independent military planning organizations.[14]:26 The prototype and most prominent example of the third category was the RAND Corporation, which was founded in 1946 as an offshoot of Douglas Aircraft and became an independent corporation in 1948.[14]:70[15] In the 1970s, the phrase became more specifically defined in terms of RAND and others.[14]:28 During the 1980s and 1990s, the phrase evolved again to arrive at its broader contemporary meaning of an independent public policy research institute.[14]:28
For most of the 20th century, such institutes were found primarily in the United States, along with much smaller numbers in Canada, the United Kingdom, and Western Europe. Although think tanks had also existed in Japan for some time, they generally lacked independence, having close associations with government ministries or corporations. There has been a veritable proliferation of "think tanks" around the world that began during the 1980s as a result of globalization, the end of the Cold War, and the emergence of transnational problems. Two-thirds of all the think tanks that exist today were established after 1970 and more than half were established since 1980.[5]
The effect of globalisation on the proliferation of think tanks is most evident in regions such as Africa, Eastern Europe, Central Asia, and parts of Southeast Asia, where there was a concerted effort by other countries to assist in the creation of independent public policy research organizations. A survey performed by the Foreign Policy Research Institute'sThink Tanks and Civil Societies Program underscores the significance of this effort and documents the fact that most of the think tanks in these regions have been established since 1992.
21st century
As of 2014[update], there were more than 11,000 of these institutions worldwide.[16][17] Many of the more established think tanks, created during the Cold War, are focused on international affairs, security studies, and foreign policy.[5]
Types
Think tanks vary by ideological perspectives, sources of funding, topical emphasis and prospective consumers.[18] Funding may also represent who or what the institution wants to influence; in the United States, for example, "Some donors want to influence votes in Congress or shape public opinion, others want to position themselves or the experts they fund for future government jobs, while others want to push specific areas of research or education."[18]
McGann distinguishes think tanks based on independence, source of funding and affiliation, grouping think tanks into autonomous and independent, quasi-independent, government affiliated, quasi-governmental, university affiliated, political-party affiliated or corporate.[19]
Think tanks may attempt to broadly inform the public by holding conferences to discuss issues which they may broadcast; encouraging scholars to give public lectures, testifying before committees of governmental bodies; publishing and widely distributing books, magazines, newsletters or journals; creating mailing lists to distribute new publications; and engaging in social media.[23]:90
Think tanks may privately influence policy by having their members accept bureaucratic positions, having members serve on political advisory boards, inviting policy-makers to events, allowing individuals to work at the think tank; employing former policy-makers; or preparing studies for policy makers.[23]:95
Governmental theory
The role of think tanks has been conceptualized through the lens of social theory. Plehwe argues that think tanks function knowledge actors within a network of relationships with other knowledge actors. Such relationships including citing academics in publications or employing them on advisory boards, as well as relationships with media, political groups and corporate funders. They argue that these links allow for the construction of a discourse coalition with a common aim, citing the example of deregulation of trucking, airlines, and telecommunications in the 1970s.[24]:369 Plejwe argues that this deregulation represented a discourse coalition between the Ford Motor Company, FedEx, neo-liberal economists, the Brookings Institution and the American Enterprise Institute.[24]:372
Elite theory considers how an "elite" influence the actions of think tanks and potentially bypass the political process, analysing the social background and values of those who work in think tanks. Pautz criticizes this viewpoint because there is in practice a variety of viewpoints in think tanks and argues it dismisses the influence that ideas can have.[25]:424
Advocacy
In some cases, corporate interests,[26] military interests[1] and political groups have found it useful to create policy institutes, advocacy organizations, and think tanks. For example, The Advancement of Sound Science Coalition was formed in the mid-1990s to dispute research finding an association between second-hand smoke and cancer.[27] Military contractors may spend a portion of their tender on funding pro-war think tanks.[1] According to an internal memorandum from Philip Morris Companies referring to the United States Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), "The credibility of the EPA is defeatable, but not on the basis of ETS [environmental tobacco smoke] alone,... It must be part of a larger mosaic that concentrates all the EPA's enemies against it at one time."[28]
According to the progressive media watchdog Fairness & Accuracy in Reporting, both left-wing and right-wing policy institutes are often quoted and rarely identified as such. The result is that think tank "experts" are sometimes depicted as neutral sources without any ideological predispositions when, in fact, they represent a particular perspective.[29][30] In the United States, think tank publications on education are subjected to expert review by the National Education Policy Center's "Think Twice" think tank review project.[31]
A 2014 New York Times report asserted that foreign governments buy influence at many United States think tanks. According to the article: "More than a dozen prominent Washington research groups have received tens of millions of dollars from foreign governments in recent years while pushing United States government officials to adopt policies that often reflect the donors' priorities."[32]
Ghana's first president, Kwame Nkrumah, set up various state-supported think tanks in the 1960s. By the 1990s, a variety of policy research centers sprang up in Africa set up by academics who sought to influence public policy in Ghana.
AMAQUEN,[33] founded in 2003, is a think tank in the field of education through its publications (rapports),[34][35] international scientific journal The Journal ofQuality in Education,[36] and international events (CIMQUSEF).[37]
In China a number of think tanks are sponsored by governmental agencies such as Development Research Center of the State Council, but still retain sufficient non-official status to be able to propose and debate ideas more freely. In January 2012, the first non-official think tank in mainland China, South Non-Governmental Think-Tank, was established in the Guangdong province.[38] In 2009 the China Center for International Economic Exchanges was founded.
Hong Kong
In Hong Kong, early think tanks established in the late 1980s and early 1990s focused on political development, including the first direct Legislative Council members election in 1991 and the political framework of "One Country, Two Systems", manifested in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. After the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997, more think tanks were established by various groups of intellectuals and professionals. They have various missions and objectives including promoting civic education; undertaking research on economic, social and political policies; and promoting "public understanding of and participation in the political, economic, and social development of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region".
In Mumbai, Strategic Foresight Group is a global think tank that works on issues such as Water Diplomacy, Peace and Conflict and Foresight (futures studies). Think tanks with a development focus include those like the National Centre for Cold-chain Development ('NCCD'), which serve to bring an inclusive policy change by supporting the Planning Commission and related government bodies with industry-specific inputs – in this case, set up at the behest of the government to direct cold chain development. Some think tanks have a fixed set of focus areas and they work towards finding out policy solutions to social problems in the respective areas.
Initiatives such as National e-Governance Plan (to automate administrative processes)[43] and National Knowledge Network (NKN) (for data and resource sharing amongst education and research institutions), if implemented properly, should help improve the quality of work done by think tanks.[44]
Over 50 think tanks have emerged in Iraq, particularly in the Kurdistan Region. Iraq's leading think tank is the Middle East Research Institute (MERI),[45] based in Erbil. MERI is an independent non-governmental policy research organization, established in 2014 and publishes in English, Kurdish, and Arabic. It was listed in the global ranking by the United States's Lauder Institute of the University of Pennsylvania as 46th in the Middle East.[46]
Israel
There are many think tank teams in Israel, including:[47]
In South Korea, think tanks are prolific and influential and are a government go-to. Think tanks are prolific in the Korean landscape. Many policy research organisations in Korea focus on economoy and most research is done in public think tanks. There is a strong emphasis on the knowledge-based economy and, according to one respondent, think tank research is generally considered high quality. [48]
Japan has over 100 think tanks, most of which cover not only policy research but also economy, technology and so on. Some are government related, but most of the think tanks are sponsored by the private sector.[citation needed]
Institute of World Economics and Politics (IWEP) at the Foundation of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan was created in 2003. IWEP activities aimed at research problems of the world economy, international relations, geopolitics, security, integration and Eurasia, as well as the study of the First President of the Republic of Kazakhstan and its contribution to the establishment and strengthening of Kazakhstan as an independent state, the development of international cooperation and the promotion of peace and stability.[49][50]
The Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the RK (KazISS) was established by the Decree of the President of RK on 16 June 1993. Since its foundation the main mission of the Kazakhstan Institute for Strategic Studies under the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, as a national think tank, is to maintain analytical and research support for the President of Kazakhstan.[51]
Malaysia
Most Malaysian think tanks are related either to the government or a political party. Historically they focused on defense, politics and policy. However, in recent years, think tanks that focus on international trade, economics, and social sciences have also been founded.
Pakistan's think tanks mainly revolve around social policy, internal politics, foreign security issues, and regional geo-politics. Most of these are centered on the capital, Islamabad. One such think tank is the Sustainable Development Policy Institute (SDPI), which focuses on policy advocacy and research particularly in the area of environment and social development.
Another policy research institute based in Islamabad is the Institute of Social and Policy Sciences (I-SAPS) which works in the fields of education, health, disaster risk reduction, governance, conflict and stabilization. Since 2007 - 2008, I-SAPS has been analyzing public expenditure of federal and provincial governments.[52]
Philippines
Think tanks in the Philippines could be generally categorized in terms of their linkages with the national government. Several were set up by the Philippine government for the specific purpose of providing research input into the policy-making process.[53]
LIRNEasia is a think tank working across the Asia-Pacific on regulatory and policy issues. Their main focus is the ICT sector, although they do work in other sectors, such as agriculture and health, which can benefit from ICT.
Verité Research is an interdisciplinary think tank in Colombo.
Singapore
There are several think tanks in Singapore that advise the government on various policies and as well as private ones for corporations within the region. Many of them are hosted within the local public educational institutions.
The UAE has been a center for political oriented think tanks which concentrate on both regional and global policy. Notable think tank have emerged in the global debate on terrorism, education & economical policies in the MENA region. Think tanks include:
CED[57] – Center for Economic Development (Центр Содействия Экономическому Развитию) is a think tank whose major tasks are: analytic support in economic reforming and development in Uzbekistan; improving knowledge and skills of the subjects of economic development; assistance in productive dialogue between the government, civil society and private sectors on the economic development matters.
Key projects: Preparation of the National human development report for Uzbekistan, Sociological "portrait" of the Uzbek businessman, Preparation of an analytical report on export procedures optimization in Uzbekistan, various industry and marketing researches in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan.
In addition to specific independent think tanks, the largest political parties have their own think tank organizations. This is mainly due to support granted by state for such activity. Examples of such think tanks are the Green Think Tank Visio[fi][66] and Suomen Perusta.[67] The corporate world has focused their efforts to central representative organization Confederation of Finnish Industries, which acts as think tank in addition to negotiating salaries with workers unions. Furthermore, there is the Finnish Business and Policy Forum (Elinkeinoelämän valtuuskunta, EVA). Agricultural and regional interests, associated with The Central Union of Agricultural Producers and Forest Owners (Maa- ja metsätaloustuottajain Keskusliitto, MTK) and the Centre Party, are researched by Pellervo Economic Research (Pellervon taloustutkimus, PTT). The Central Organisation of Finnish Trade Unions (Suomen Ammattiliittojen Keskusjärjestö, SAK) and the Social Democratic Party are associated with the Labour Institute for Economic Research (Palkansaajien tutkimuslaitos, PT). Each of these organizations often release forecasts concerning the national economy.
France
The French Institute of International Relations (IFRI) was founded in 1979 and is the third oldest think tank of western Europe, after Chatham House (UK, 1920) and the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (Sweden, 1960). The primary goals of IFRI are to develop applied research in the field of public policy related to international issues, and foster interactive and constructive dialogue between researchers, professionals, and opinion leaders. France also hosts the European Union Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), a Paris-based agency of the European Union and think tank researching security issues of relevance for the EU. There are also a number of pro-business think tanks, notably the Paris-based Fondation Concorde.[68] The foundation focuses on increasing the competitiveness of French SME's and aims to revive entrepreneurship in France.
On the left, the main think tanks in France are the Fondation Jean-Jaurès, which is organizationally linked to the French Socialist Party, and Terra Nova. Terra Nova is an independent left-leaning think tank, although it is nevertheless considered to be close to the Socialists. It works on producing reports and analyses of current public policy issues from a progressive point of view, and contributing to the intellectual renewal of social democracy.
The only French Think Tank mentioned in the "think tanks to watch" list of the 2014 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report[69]GenerationLibre[fr] is a French think tank created by Gaspard Koenig in 2013, independent from all political parties, which aims at promoting freedoms in France, in terms of fundamental rights, economics and societal issues. GenerationLibre is described as being able to connect to the right on pro business freedom and regulations issues but also to the left on issues such as basic income, gay marriage and the legalization of marijuana.
The Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) is an independent research institute in Dublin, Ireland. Its research focuses on Ireland's economic and social development to inform policy-making and societal understanding.
While think tanks are not widespread in Latvia, as opposed to single-issue advocacy organizations, there are several noticeable institutions in the Latvian think tank landscape:
The oldest think tank in Latvia is the Latvian Institute of International Affairs.[70] LIIA is a non governmental and non partisan foundation, established in 1992, and their research and advocacy mainly focuses on Latvian foreign policy; Transatlantic relations; European Union policies, including its neighborhood policy and Eastern Partnership; and multilateral and bilateral relations with Russia.
Centre for Public policy PROVIDUS[71] is a non governmental and non partisan association, established in 2002. Providus focuses their work (both research and advocacy) on topics especially relevant in transition and post-transition environments and Latvia in particular: good governance; criminal justice policy; tolerance and inclusive public policy and European policy.
Several think tanks are established and operate under the auspices of Universities, such as:
Centre for European and transition studies[72] is a think tank working under the auspices of the University of Latvia, the largest public university in the country. CETS was established in 2000.
or Defense research centre[73] in 1992 under the auspices of the National Academy of Defense.
Lithuania
Vilnius Institute for Policy Analysis (VIPA) is an independent non-governmental, non-profit, non-partisan policy think tank in Lithuania whose mission is to stand for the principles of open society, liberal democracy, rule of law and human rights. VIPA acts via advocacy for strong and safe European Union, analyzing and advocating for anti-authoritarian, transparent, and open governance ideas in Central and Eastern Europe, is an opinion leader offering an alternative opinion to the public versus populism, radicalism, and authoritarian trends, reinforcing active citizens' participation in decision making, analyzing fake news, disinformation, and offering media literacy initiatives, putting forward solutions to improve the accountability, transparency, and openness of Lithuania's public sector, building a network of open society values oriented experts, civil activists and NGO's.[74]
Founded in 1970, the SEDES is one of the oldest Portuguese civic associations and think tanks. Contraditório think tank was founded in 2008. Contraditório is a non-profit, independent and non-partisan think tank.
GLOBSEC – Global think tank committed to enhancing security, prosperity and sustainability in Europe and throughout the world.
Central European Labour Studies Institute or CELSI (Stredoeurópsky inštitút pre výskum práce in Slovak) – Central-european think tank which specializes in broadly defined labor issues, labour markets, and labor policy.
Forum Minority Research Institute (Fórum Kisebbségkutató Intézet or Fórum Intézet in Hungarian and Fórum inštitút pre výskum menšín or Fórum inštitút in Slovak) – Think tank focusing on ethnic minorities living in Slovakia, especially Hungarians.
International think tanks with presence in Slovakia:
Institute of Public Affairs (Inštitút pre verejné otázky or IVO in Slovak) – Australian-based think tank focusing on public policy issues.
Open Society Foundations or OSF – US-based think tank with an aim of advancing justice, education, public health and independent media.
Martens Centre (via the Anton Tunega Foundation[75]) – Belgium-based think tank and political foundation of the European People's Party (EPP) which embodies a pan-European mindset and promotes Christian-democratic and liberal-conservative political values.
Spain
The Elcano Royal Institute was created in 2001 following the example of the Royal Institute of International Affairs (Chatham House) in the UK, although it is closely linked to (and receives funding from) the government in power.[76]
More independent but clearly to the left of the political spectrum are the Centro de Investigaciones de Relaciones Internacionales y Desarrollo (CIDOB) founded in 1973; and the Fundación para las Relaciones Internacionales y el Diálogo Exterior (FRIDE) established in 1999 by Diego Hidalgo and main driving force behind projects such as the Club de Madrid, a group of democratic former heads of state and government, the Foreign Policy Spanish Edition and DARA.[citation needed]
Former Prime Minister José Maria Aznar presides over the Fundación para el Analisis y los Estudios Sociales (FAES), a policy institute that is associated with the conservative Popular Party (PP). Also linked to the PP is the Grupo de Estudios Estratégicos (GEES), which is known for its defense- and security-related research and analysis. For its part, the Fundación Alternativas is independent but close to left-wing ideas. The Socialist Partido Socialista Obrero Español (PSOE) created Fundación Ideas in 2009 and dissolved it in January 2014. Also in 2009, the centrist Union, Progress and Democracy (UPyD) created Fundación Progreso y Democracia (FPyD).
Razumkov Centre, a non-governmental think tank founded in 1994. It carries out research of public policy in the following spheres: domestic policy; state administration; economic policy; energy; land relations; foreign policy; social policy; international and regional security; national security and defense.
In Britain, think tanks play a similar role to the United States, attempting to shape policy, and indeed there is some cooperation between British and American think tanks. For example, the London-based think tank Chatham House and the Council on Foreign Relations were both conceived at the Paris Peace Conference, 1919 and have remained sister organisations.
Private sources fund about 20 to 30 "independent" Australian think tanks.[82] The best-known of these think tanks play a much more limited role in Australian public and business policy-making than do their equivalents in the United States. However, in the past decade[which?] the number of think tanks has increased substantially.[citation needed] Prominent Australian conservative think tanks include the Centre for Independent Studies, the Sydney Institute and the Institute of Public Affairs. Prominent leftist Australian think tanks include the McKell Institute, Per Capita, the Australia Institute, the Lowy Institute and the Centre for Policy Development. In recent years[when?] regionally-based independent and non-partisan think tanks have emerged.[citation needed]
Some think tanks, such as the Illawarra's i-eat-drink-think, engage in discussion, research and advocacy within a broader civics framework. Commercial think tanks like the Gartner Group, Access Economics, the Helmsman Institute, and others provide additional insight which complements not-for-profit organisations such as CEDA, the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, and the Australian Institute of Company Directors to provide more targeted policy in defence, program governance, corporate governance and similar.[citation needed]
CIDAC – The Center of Research for Development (Centro de Investigación para el Desarrollo, Asociación Civil) is a not-for-profit think tank that undertakes research and proposes viable policy options for Mexico's economic and democratic development. The organization seeks to promote open, pluralistic debate pursuing: the Rule of Law & Democracy, market economics, social development, and strengthening Mexico-United States relations.
CIDE – The Center of Research and Economics Teaching (Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas) is a think tank institute focussing on "public policies", "public choice", "democracy", and "economy".
COMEXI – The Mexican Council of International Affairs (Consejo Mexicano de Asuntos Internacionales).
In collaboration with the Douglas Aircraft Company, the Air Force set up the RAND Corporation in 1946 to develop weapons technology and strategic defense analysis.
The Hudson Institute is a conservative American think tank founded in 1961 by futurist, military strategist, and systems theorist Herman Kahn and his colleagues at the RAND Corporation. Recent members include Mike Pompeo, the former secretary of state under Donald Trump who joined in 2021.[91]
More recently, progressive and liberal think tanks have been established, most notably the Center for American Progress and the Center for Research on Educational Access and Leadership (CREAL). The organization has close ties to former United States President Barack Obama and other prominent Democrats.[92]
Think tanks help shape both foreign and domestic policy. They receive funding from private donors, and members of private organizations. By 2013, the largest 21 think tanks in the US spent more than US$1billion per year.[93] Think tanks may feel more free to propose and debate controversial ideas than people within government. The progressive media watchdog Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR) has identified the top 25 think tanks by media citations, noting that from 2006 to 2007 the number of citations declined 17%.[94] The FAIR report reveals the ideological breakdown of the citations: 37% conservative, 47% centrist, and 16% liberal. Their data show that the most-cited think tank was the Brookings Institution, followed by the Council on Foreign Relations, the American Enterprise Institute, The Heritage Foundation, and the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
This article needs to be updated. Please help update this article to reflect recent events or newly available information.(May 2023)
In 2016, in response to scrutiny about think tanks appearing to have a "conflict of interest" or lack transparency, executive vice president, Martin S. Indyk of Brookings Institution – the "most prestigious think tank in the world"[95] admitted that they had "decided to prohibit corporations or corporate-backed foundations from making anonymous contributions." In August 2016, The New York Times published a series on think tanks that blur the line. One of the cases the journalists cited was Brookings, where scholars paid by a seemingly independent think tank "push donors' agendas amplifying a culture of corporate influence in Washington." For example, in exchange for hundreds of thousands of dollars the Brookings Institution provided Lennar – one of the United States' largest home builders – with a significant advantage in pursuing a US$8billion revitalization project in Hunters Point, San Francisco. In 2014, Lennar's then-regional vice president in charge of the San Francisco revitalization, Kofi Bonner was named as a Brookings senior fellow – a position as 'trusted adviser' that carries some distinction. Bruce Katz, a Brookings vice president, also offered to help Lennar "engage with national media to develop stories that highlight Lennar's innovative approach."[95]
The government funds, wholly or in part, activities at approximately 30 Federally Funded Research and Development Centers (FFRDCs). FFRDCs, are unique independent nonprofit entities sponsored and funded by the United States government to meet specific long-term technical needs that cannot be met by any other single organization. FFRDCs typically assist government agencies with scientific research and analysis, systems development, and systems acquisition. They bring together the expertise and outlook of government, industry, and academia to solve complex technical problems. These FFRDCs include the RAND Corporation, the MITRE Corporation, the Institute for Defense Analyses, the Aerospace Corporation, the MIT Lincoln Laboratory, and other organizations supporting various departments within the United States Government.
Similar to the above quasi-governmental organizations are Federal Advisory Committees. These groups, sometimes referred to as commissions, are a form of think tank dedicated to advising the US Presidents or the Executive branch of government. They typically focus on a specific issue and as such, might be considered similar to special interest groups. However, unlike special interest groups these committees have come under some oversight regulation and are required to make formal records available to the public. As of 2002, about 1,000 of these advisory committees were described in the FACA searchable database.[96]
South American think tanks
Research done by Enrique Mendizabal[97] shows that South American think tanks play various roles depending on their origins, historical development and relations to other policy actors. In this study, Orazio Bellettini from Grupo FARO suggests that they:[98]
Seek political support for policies.
Legitimize policies – This has been clearer in Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru. New governments in Ecuador and Peru have approached policy institutes for support for already defined policies. In Bolivia, the government of Evo Morales has been working with Non-Government Organizations (NGOs) and other research institutes to do the same. However, in Chile, many think tanks during the 1990s seemed to endorse and maintain the legitimacy of policies implemented during the previous decade by the military dictatorship headed by Pinochet.
Spaces of debate – In this case think tanks serve as sounding boards for new policies. In Chile, during the Pinochet dictatorship, many left wing intellectuals and researchers found 'asylum' in think tanks. In Ecuador, think tanks are seen as spaces where politicians can test the soundness of their policies and government plans.
Financial channels for political parties or other interest groups – In Ecuador and Bolivia, German foundations have been able to provide funds to think tanks that work with certain political parties. This method has provided support to the system as a whole rather than individual CSOs.
Expert cadres of policy-makers and politicians – In Peru after the end of the Fujimori regime, and in Chile after the fall of Pinochet, think tank staff left to form part of the new governments. In the United States, the role of major think tanks is precisely that: host scholars for a few months or years and then lose them to government employ.
How a policy institute addresses these largely depends on how they work, their ideology vs. evidence credentials, and the context in which they operate including funding opportunities, the degree and type of competition they have and their staff.
This functional method addresses the inherit challenge of defining a think tank. As Simon James said in 1998, "Discussion of think tanks...has a tendency to get bogged down in the vexed question of defining what we mean by 'think tank'—an exercise that often degenerates into futile semantics."[99] It is better (as in the Network Functions Approach) to describe what the organisation should do. Then the shape of the organisation should follow to allow this to happen. The following framework (based on Stephen Yeo's description of think tanks' mode of work) is described in Enrique Mendizabal's blog "onthinktanks":
First, policy institutes may work in or base their funding on one or more of:[100]
Independent research: this would be work done with core or flexible funding that allows the researchers the liberty to choose their research questions and method. It may be long term and could emphasize 'big ideas' without direct policy relevance. However, it could emphasize a major policy problem that requires a thorough research and action investment.
Consultancy: this would be work done by commission with specific clients and addressing one or two major questions. Consultancies often respond to an existing agenda.
Influencing/advocacy: this would be work done by communications, capacity development, networking, campaigns, lobbying, etc. It is likely to be based on research based evidence emerging from independent research or consultancies.
Second, policy institutes may base their work or arguments on:
Ideology, values or interests
Applied, empirical or synthesis research
Theoretical or academic research
According to the National Institute for Research Advancement, a Japanese policy institute, think tanks are "one of the main policy actors in democratic societies ..., assuring a pluralistic, open and accountable process of policy analysis, research, decision-making and evaluation".[101] A study in early 2009 found a total of 5,465 think tanks worldwide. Of that number, 1,777 were based in the United States and approximately 350 in Washington, DC, alone.[102]
Argentina
As of 2009, Argentina is home to 122 think tanks, many specializing in public policy and economics issues. Argentina ranks fifth in the number of these institutions worldwide.[103]
Brazil
Working on public policies, Brazil hosts, for example, Instituto Liberdade, a University-based Center at Tecnopuc inside the Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio Grande do Sul, located in the South Region of the country, in the city of Porto Alegre. Instituto Liberdade is among the Top 40 think tanks in Latin America and the Caribbean, according to the 2009 Global Go To Think Tanks Index[104] a report from the University of Pennsylvania's Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program (TTCSP).
Fundação Getulio Vargas (Getulio Vargas Foundation (FGV)) is a Brazilian higher education institution. Its original goal was to train people for the country's public- and private-sector management. Today it hosts faculties (Law, Business, Economics, Social Sciences and Mathematics), libraries, and also research centers in Rio, São Paulo and Brasilia. It is considered by Foreign Policy magazine to be a top-five "policymaker think tank" worldwide.
The Igarapé Institute is a Brazilian think tank focusing on public, climate, and digital security.[105]
Transcontinental countries (Asia-Europe)
Armenia
According to a 2020 report, there are 32 think tanks or similar institutions in Armenia.[19]
According to research done by the University of Pennsylvania, there are a total of 12 think tanks in Azerbaijan.
The Center for Economic and Social Development, or CESD; in Azeri, Azerbaijan, İqtisadi və Sosial İnkişaf Mərkəzi (İSİM) is an Azeri think tank, non-profit organization, NGO based in Baku, Azerbaijan. The center was established in 2005. CESD focuses on policy advocacy and reform, and is involved with policy research and capacity building.
The Economic Research Center (ERC) is a policy-research oriented non-profit think tank established in 1999 with a mission to facilitate sustainable economic development and good governance in the new public management system of Azerbaijan. It seeks to do this by building favorable interactions between the public, private and civil society and working with different networks both in local (EITI NGO Coalition, National Budget Group, Public Coalition Against Poverty, etc.) and international levels (PWYP, IBP, ENTO, ALDA, PASOS, WTO NGO Network etc.).[citation needed]
The Center for Strategic Studies under the President of Azerbaijan is a governmental, non-profit think tank founded in 2007. It focuses on domestic and foreign policy.
Russia
According to the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Russia has 112 think tanks, while Russian think tanks claimed four of the top ten spots in 2011's "Top Thirty Think Tanks in Central and Eastern Europe".[107]
Notable Russian think tanks include:
Analytical Center for the Government of the Russian Federation
Turkish think tanks are relatively new.[citation needed] There are at least 20 think tanks in the country, both independent and supported by government. Many of them are sister organizations of political parties, universities or companies some are independent and others are supported by government. Most Turkish think tanks provide research and ideas, yet they play less important roles in policy making than American think tanks. Turksam, Tasam and the Journal of Turkish Weekly are the leading information sources.
The oldest and most influential think tank in Turkey is ESAM (The Center for Economic and Social Research; Turkish: Ekonomik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Merkezi) which was established in 1969 and has headquarters in Ankara. There are also branch offices of ESAM in Istanbul, Bursa, Konya and elsewhere. ESAM has strong international relationships, especially with Muslim countries and societies. Ideologically it performs policies, produces ideas and manages projects in parallel to Milli Görüş and also influences political parties and international strategies. The founder and leader of Milli Görüş, Necmettin Erbakan, was very concerned with the activities and brainstorming events of ESAM. In The Republic of Turkey, two presidents, four prime ministers, various ministers, many members of the parliament, and numerous mayors and bureaucrats have been members of ESAM. Currently the General Chairman of ESAM is Recai Kutan (former minister for two different ministries, former main opposition party leader, and founder and General Chairman of the Saadet Party).[citation needed]
The Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation (TESEV) is another leading think tank. Established in 1994, TESEV is an independent non-governmental think tank, analyzing social, political and economic policy issues facing Turkey. TESEV has raised issues about Islam and democracy, combating corruption, state reform, and transparency and accountability. TESEV serve as a bridge between academic research and policy-making. Its core program areas are democratization, good governance, and foreign policy.[108]
Marcos Prado Troyjo is a Brazilian political economist, entrepreneur, social scientist, diplomat and writer. He is currently a Transformational Leadership Fellow at the University of Oxford’s Blavatnik School of Government and a Distinguished Fellow at INSEAD’s Hoffmann Global Institute for Business and Society.
Atlas Network, formerly known as Atlas Economic Research Foundation, is a non-governmental 501(c)(3) organization based in the United States that provides training, networking, and grants for libertarian, free-market, and conservative groups around the world.
Overseas Development Institute (ODI) is a global affairs think tank, founded in 1960. Its mission is "to inspire people to act on injustice and inequality through collaborative research and ideas that matter for people and the planet." It does this through "research, convening and influencing, to lead new thinking and future agendas to deliver transformational change." Its chair is Suma Chakrabarti.
Moscow State Institute of International Relations (MGIMO) is an institute of higher education located in Moscow, Russia. The institute is run by the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. MGIMO is considered one of the most prestigious and elite universities in Russia.
The Barcelona Centre for International Affairs (CIDOB) is a Spanish think tank headquartered in Barcelona, devoted to research in the field of international relations. It defines itself as an "independent institution" that studies specifically "global issues that affect governance at different levels, from international to local". Legally, CIDOB is a private foundation endowed with a board of trustees made up of the main public institutions and universities of Barcelona and Catalonia. Both the centre and the foundation are governed by statutes, a code of ethics, and a master plan. At present, CIDOB is the oldest think tank in Spain and one of the most influential in its area, at the European level.
The Committee for Economic Development of Australia (CEDA) is a bipartisan, non-profit organisation providing thought leadership and policy perspectives on the economic and social issues affecting Australia, established in 1960.
Turkish think tanks are relatively new, but such think tanks provide research and ideas, yet they play less important roles in policy-making when compared with American think tanks. Many of them are sister organizations of a political party or a company. There are very few university think tanks.
DCAF- ; Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance is an intergovernmental foundation-based think tank that provides research and project support to states and international actors in improving security sector governance and reform.
The Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies, also known as the Geneva Graduate Institute, is a public-private graduate-level university located in Geneva, Switzerland.
The European Policy Institutes Network (EPIN) is a network of 31 think tanks from most EU member states and beyond. Its main focus is on current EU and European political and policy debates. EPIN aims to contribute to the debate on the future of Europe through up to the minute, expert analysis and commentary and through providing easy access to understanding the different national debates. EPIN is coordinated by the Centre for European Policy Studies in Brussels, Belgium.
The Danish Institute for International Studies is a public sector research institute for independent research and analysis of international affairs, financed primarily by the Danish state. DIIS conducts and communicates multidisciplinary research on globalization, security, development, and foreign policy.
The Istituto Affari Internazionali (IAI) (Institute of International Affairs) is an Italian international relations think tank, and non-profit organisation founded in 1965 by Altiero Spinelli. It is ranked among the global top-20 think tanks in the "Foreign Policy and International Relations" category, according to the 2020 Global Go To Think Tank Index.
Fundação Getulio Vargas is a Brazilian higher education institution and think tank founded on December 20, 1944.
The International Centre for Policy Studies (ICPS) is an independent NGO, founded in 1994 which aims to promote public policy concepts and practice and apply them to influential policy research that affects both the public and private sectors in Ukraine.
Libertad y Desarrollo, abbreviated to LyD, is a Chilean think tank focused on liberal, free market economic studies. Founded in 1990, the think tank defines itself as a "center for studies and private research, independent of any political, religious, business, or governmental organization, that is dedicated to the analysis of public affairs promoting the values and principles of a free society". The think tank is the Chilean representative of RELIAL, the Liberal Network of Latin America. The center is divided into 7 programs: Economic Program, Social Program, Society and Politics Program, Legislative Program, Environmental Program, and the Justice Program. The group's goal is to respond to these various issues with a liberal, free market perspective and to make public policy recommendations specific to Chile for legislators, but not to participate in government directly. Economists Hernan Büchi, Luis Larraín, Cristián Larroulet are affiliated with the think tank.
James G. McGann (1955–2021) was an American academic who was a Senior Lecturer in International Studies, Founder and Director of the Think Tanks and Civil Societies Program at the Lauder Institute at the University of Pennsylvania and a senior fellow at the Foreign Policy Research Institute, both in Philadelphia.
The Wilfried Martens Centre for European Studies, also known as the Martens Centre and previously as the Centre for European Studies, is a think tank and European political foundation affiliated to the European People's Party (EPP). The Martens Centre links together a large network of political foundations across the European Union, which all hold centre-right positions and seek to advance those points of view in Europe and beyond. The president of the Martens Centre is former Slovak prime minister Mikuláš Dzurinda.
Dr. Ebtesam Al-Ketbi is a political scientist who founded and presides over The Emirates Policy Center think tank.
↑ "2017 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report". Think Tanks and Civil Societies Programs Univ. of Pennsylvania. Lauder Institute, University of Pennsylvania. 31 January 2018. Archived from the original on 30 March 2019. Retrieved 10 March 2018.
↑ McGann, James G. (2017). "2016 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report". TTCSP Global Go to Think Tank Index Reports. University of Pennsylvania. Archived from the original on 30 October 2019. Retrieved 19 July 2022.
↑ "Activities". Åland Islands Peace Institute - Ålands fredsinstitut. Archived from the original on 25 March 2013. Retrieved 22 February 2018.
↑ "Demos Helsinki". onthinktanks.org. On Think Tanks. Archived from the original on 4 September 2021. Retrieved 4 September 2021.
↑ Standish, Reid (18 January 2018). "Inside a European Center to Combat Russia's Hybrid Warfare". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 18 January 2018. Retrieved 22 January 2018. Located in an unassuming office building filled with boardrooms, lecture halls, and projectors in the Finnish capital, a new entity under the joint auspices of the European Union and NATO was founded with a herculean mission. [...] In this vein, the hybrid center is more of an in-house think tank than a task force dedicated to debunking propaganda or tracking hackers in cyberspace.
↑ "Introduction". FIIA – The Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Archived from the original on 22 February 2018. Retrieved 22 February 2018. The Finnish Institute of International Affairs is a research institute whose mission is to produce high quality, topical information on international relations and the EU.
↑ McGann, James (2017). "2016 Global Go To Think Tank Index Report". TTCSP Global Go to Think Tank Index Reports. TTCSP Global Go To Think Tank Index Reports. 12. (12). University of Pennsylvania. Archived from the original on 6 June 2017. Retrieved 22 February 2018.
↑ The Global Go To Think Tanks Report 2011(PDF) (Report). University of Pennsylvania. 18 January 2012. Archived from the original(PDF) on 24 March 2012. Retrieved 19 February 2018– via Foreign Policy Research Institute.
↑ Rojansky, Matthew; Shapiro, Jeremy (28 May 2021). "Why Everyone Hates Think Tanks". Foreign Policy. Archived from the original on 28 September 2022. Retrieved 28 September 2022.
Further reading
Abelson, Donald E. Do Think Tanks Matter? Assessing the Impact of Public Policy Institutes. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2002.
Arin, Kubilay Yado: Think Tanks, the Brain Trusts of US Foreign Policy. Wiesbaden: VS Springer 2013.
Boucher, Stephen, et al., Europe and its think tanks; a promise to be fulfilled. An analysis of think tanks specialised in European policy issues in the enlarged European Union, Studies and Research No 35, October, Paris, Notre Europe, 2004 PDF
Cockett, Richard, Thinking the unthinkable: think tanks and the economic counter revolution; 1931–1983, London: Fontana, 1995.
Cotton, James (2016). "Chatham House and Africa c1920–1960: The Limitations of the Curtis Vision". South African Historical Journal. 68 (2): 147–162. doi:10.1080/02582473.2016.1182206. S2CID164140516.
Patrick Dixon. Futurewise – Six Faces of Global Change – issues covered by Think Tanks and methodology for reviewing trends, impact on policy 2003): Profile Books
Kelstrup, Jesper Dahl (2016): The Politics of Think Tanks in Europe. Abingdon & New York: Routledge.
Lakoff, George. Moral Politics: What Conservatives Know That Liberals Don't. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996.
Ladi, Stella. Globalisation, Policy Transfer And Policy Research Institutes, Edward Elgar, 2005.
Ranquet, Robert. Think Tanks and the National Security Strategy Formulation Process: A Comparison of Current American and French Patterns, 1997. PDF
Roberts, Priscilla (2015). "A century of international affairs think tanks in historical perspective". International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis. 70 (4): 535–555. doi:10.1177/0020702015590591. hdl:10722/210910. S2CID155138921.
Smith, James. A. The Idea Brokers: Think Tanks and the Rise of the New Policy Elite, New York: The Free Press, 1991.
Stone, Diane, and Andrew Denham, eds. Think Tank Traditions: Policy Research and the Politics of Ideas. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004.
Struyk, Raymond J. Managing Think Tanks: Practical Guidance for Maturing Organizations, Budapest, Local Government and Public Service Reform Initiative Washington DC., Urban Institute 2002
UNDP – United Nations Development Program. Thinking the Unthinkable, Bratislava, UNDP Regional Bureau for Europe and the Commonwealth of Independent States, 2003
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