Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami বাংলাদেশ জামায়াতে ইসলামী | |
|---|---|
| | |
| Abbreviation |
|
| Ameer | Shafiqur Rahman |
| Secretary-General | Mia Golam Parwar |
| Spokesperson | Mohammed Motiur Rahman Akanda |
| Founder | Abul A'la Maududi [1] |
| Founded |
|
| Split from | Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan [3] |
| Headquarters | 505, Elephant Road, Mogbazar, Dhaka |
| Newspaper |
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| Student wing |
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| Trade union | Bangladesh Sramik Kalyan Federation (de facto) [4] |
| Ideology | |
| Political position | Right-wing |
| National affiliation | Like-minded 11 Parties Former:
|
| Colors | Light green |
| House of the Nation | Parliament dissolved |
| Mayors | 0 / 1 [a] |
| Councillors | Post dissolved |
| District councils | Post dissolved |
| Subdistrict councils | Post dissolved |
| Union councils | Post dissolved |
| Municipalities | Post dissolved |
| Election symbol | |
| Party flag | |
| | |
| Website | |
| jamaat-e-islami.org | |
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami [b] is an Islamist political party in Bangladesh. It is the largest Islamist political party among the political parties in Bangladesh. [c] It emerged from the East Pakistani wing of the Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan in 1979. At present, it is one of the two major political parties in the country, alongside the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). [10]
The origin of the party lies in the Jamaat-e-Islami movement founded by Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi in 1941 in British India. Its predecessor, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan, opposed the independence of Bangladesh and the dismemberment of Pakistan. [d]
Following the independence of Bangladesh, the party was banned along with all other religion-based parties in 1972 by the government. The ban was lifted in 1976, and its leaders were allowed to participate in political activities after 1979, and the current Bangladeshi faction of Jamaat-e-Islami was formed. [5] [2] It actively participated in the pro-democratic mass uprising against the government of Hussain Muhammad Ershad in 1990. Following the 2001 Bangladeshi general election, the party joined the coalition government led by the BNP and two of its leaders received ministerial positions in the government.
From 2010, the Awami League government began to prosecute Jamaat leaders for the war crimes committed during the 1971 war under the International Crimes Tribunal. By 2012, eight leaders from Jamaat were charged and three were convicted of war crimes. [18] In August 2013, the Bangladesh Supreme Court cancelled the registration of the party. [e] In early-August 2024, with the surge of the July Revolution, the party was again banned by the Awami League government. [23] [24] However, after the fall of the government, the decision was reversed by the newly-established interim government in late-August of that year, [25] [26] and in June 2025, the ban on the party was officially lifted and its registration was reinstated by the Appeliate Division of the Supreme Court. [27] [28]
Jamaat-e-Islami was founded in British India by Maulana Syed Abul A'la Maududi at Islamia Park, Lahore on 26 August 1941 as a movement to promote social and political Islam. Jamaat opposed the creation of a separate state of Pakistan for the Muslims of India. It also did not support the Muslim League, which was then the largest Muslim party in the 1946 elections. nor did it support "Composite Nationalism" (Muttahida Qaumiyat Aur Islam) of the Jamiat Ulama e-Hind. Maulana Abul Ala Maududi, the founder of Jamaat-e-Islami, actively worked to prevent the partition of India, arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah. [29] Maulana Maududi saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divide Muslims from one another. [30] He advocated for the whole of India to be reclaimed for Islam. [31]
After the creation of Pakistan, Jamaat-e-Islami divided into separate Indian and Pakistani national organisations. When East Pakistan became independent as Bangladesh, the East Pakistan wing of Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan became Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh. [32] [33]
Jamaat-e-Islami participated in the democratic movement in Pakistan during the Period of Martial Law declared by Ayub Khan. An all-party democratic alliance (DAC) was formed in 1965. Jamaat head of East Pakistan branch, Ghulam Azam was a member of the alliance, which also included Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhashani and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. [34] [35] [36]
During the late 1960s, Jamaat‑e‑Islami strongly resisted the rising socialist programs promoted by leaders such as Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in West Pakistan and Maulana Bhashani in East Pakistan. The party actively campaigned against these agendas, and it organized a large coalition of Islamic scholars and clerics, over a hundred ulema, who issued statements denouncing the Pakistan Peoples Party's socialism as "atheistic" and "anti‑Islam". [37] [38]
As the Six-Point Movement gained momentum in East Pakistan from 1966 onwards, Jamaat-e-Islami adopted a firm stance against it. The Six-Point Movement, put forth by the Awami League, demanded for extensive autonomy for East Pakistan and was viewed by Bengali nationalists as a charter for self-rule. Jamaat-e-Islami's pan-Islamist ideology emphasized the unity of Pakistan based on Islamic principles. The party viewed the Six-Point Movement as a divisive, secessionist agenda that threatened the solidarity of the Muslim nation and the integrity of Pakistan. [39]
In the 1970 general election, Jamaat‑e‑Islami invested significant effort and resources by putting forward 151 candidates but managed to secure only four seats in the National Assembly and another four in the provincial assemblies. [40]
In 1971, Jamaat-e-Islami Pakistan opposed the independence of Bangladesh and the dismemberment of Pakistan. Ghulam Azam, who was the then head of Jamaat-e-Islami East Pakistan, delivered several speeches after 25 March 1971, excerpts of which were regularly published in the party's mouthpiece, The Daily Sangram . On 30 June in Lahore, while speaking to journalists, Azam stated that his party was making every effort to suppress what he described as the activities of "miscreants" in East Pakistan, and that many Jamaat workers had been killed by these elements as a result of their efforts. [41]
Jamaat-e-Islami played a key role in organizing pro‑Pakistan collaborationist bodies. On 4 April 1971, twelve pro‑Pakistan leaders, including Nurul Amin, Ghulam Azam (head of Jamaat‑e‑Islami East Pakistan), and Syed Khwaja Khairuddin, met General Tikka Khan of the Pakistan Army and assured him of their cooperation in suppressing the independence movement. Following a series of meetings, they announced the formation of the East Pakistan Central Peace Committee, which initially included 140 members, among them 96 Jamaat‑e‑Islami members who began training at an Ansar camp on Khanjahan Ali Road in Khulna. [42] [43] The Peace Committee was also alleged to have been involved in recruiting Razakar paramilitaries to assist the Pakistan Army. [44]
On 12 October 1971, Yahya Khan declared that elections would take place between 25 November and 9 December. Jamaat‑e‑Islami East Pakistan decided that the party would participate in the local elections. According to a government declaration issued on 2 November, 53 candidates were to be elected without contest, and Jamaat‑e‑Islami secured 14 of these uncontested seats. [45] [46]
On 2 December 1971, according to a report in The Daily Ittefaq, Ghulam Azam held a one‑hour and ten‑minute meeting with President Yahya Khan in Rawalpindi. After the meeting, Azam addressed a press conference where he urged the public to give their full support to the armed forces in dealing with the ongoing crisis. He again described the Mukti Bahini as an enemy force and stated that the Razakars were sufficient to confront them, further calling for an increase in the number of Razakars. [47]
Jamaat was banned after the independence of Bangladesh in December 1971, and its top leaders fled to West Pakistan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the first president of Bangladesh, also cancelled the citizenship of Ghulam Azam, the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami who moved to Pakistan, the Middle East and the UK. [48] Azam first fled to Pakistan and organized "East Pakistan Recovery Week". As information about his participation in the killing of civilians came to light "a strong groundswell of resentment against" East Pakistan JI leadership developed and Azam and Maulana Abdur Rahim were sent to Saudi Arabia. In Saudi Arabia, Azam and some of his followers successfully appealed for donations to "defend Islam" in Bangladesh, asserting that the Hindu minority there were "killing Muslims and burning their homes." [49]
Then-President Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was assassinated in August 1975 by a group of officers of Bangladesh Army. post-Mujibur governments were immediately recognized by both Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, and Jamaat-e-Islami resumed political activities in Bangladesh. Ziaur Rahman also allowed Azam to return to Bangladesh as the leader of Jamaat-e-Islami. [48]
After the end of Ershad's regime in 1990, mass protests began against Ghulam Azam and Jamaat-e-Islami, The protests were headed by Jahanara Imam, an author who lost her elder son, Shafi Imam Rumi, in the Bangladesh War of Independence. Azam's citizenship was challenged in a case that went to the Bangladesh Supreme Court, as he only held a Pakistani passport. Absent prosecution of Azam for war crimes, the Supreme Court ruled that he had to be allowed to have a Bangladeshi passport and the freedom to resume his political activities. [50]
Bangladesh Police arrested Jamaat-e-Islami chief and former Industry Minister Motiur Rahman Nizami from his home in Dhaka in a graft case on 19 May 2008 and was charged with war crimes in 2009. He was hanged to death on 11 May 2016. [51] Earlier, two former Cabinet Ministers of the immediate past BNP-Jamaat led coalition government, Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan and Shamsul Islam were sent to Dhaka Central Jail, after they surrendered before the court. [52] [53]
As a result, in the parliamentary elections of December 2008, Jamaat-e-Islami garnered fewer than 5 seats out of the total 300 that constitute the national parliament. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party was concerned as Jamaat-e-Islami had been their primary political partner in the Four-Party Alliance. [54]
On 27 January 2009, the Bangladesh Supreme Court issued a ruling after 25 people from different Islamic organisations, including Bangladesh Tarikat Federation's Secretary General Syed Rezaul Haque Chandpuri, Jaker Party's Secretary General Munshi Abdul Latif and Sammilita Islami Jote's President Maulana Ziaul Hasan, filed a joint petition. Jamaat-e-Islami chief Motiur Rahman Nizami, Secretary General Ali Ahsan Mujaheed and the Election Commission Secretary were given six weeks time to reply, but they did not. The ruling asked to explain "why the Jamaat's registration should not be declared illegal". As a verdict of the ruling, High Court cancelled the registration of the Jamaat-e-Islami on 1 August 2013, [55] [56] ruling that the party is unfit to contest national polls because its charter puts God above democratic process. [f]
On 5 August 2013, the Supreme Court rejected Jamaat's plea against the High Court. The chamber judge of the Appellate Division Justice AHM Shamsuddin Choudhury Manik while rejecting the Jamaat's petition seeking stay on the High Court verdict, said that the Jamaat could move a regular appeal before the Appellate Division against the verdict after getting its full text. [58]
In February 2013, following the verdict by the International Crimes Tribunal (ICT) and the announcement of death sentence of Delwar Hossain Sayidee (a leader of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, [12] during the Bangladesh independence war of 1971 [59] ), supporters of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir were involved in anti-Hindu violence; law enforcement killed 44 protesters and wounded 250. [g] More than 50 temples were damaged, and more than 1,500 houses and business establishments of Hindus were torched in Gaibandha, Chittagong, Rangpur, Sylhet, Chapainawabganj, Bogra and in many other districts of the country, [h] By March 2013, more than 87 people had been killed by law enforcement agencies. [66] Jamaat-e-Islami supporters called for the fall of the Awami League regime. Jamaat-e-Islami supporters have been accused of murdering opponent political party activists and instigating religious riots by spreading fraudulent news. [i]
As a result of Jamaat-e-Islami and Shibir's support for the Bangladesh student quota protests, [69] Hasina's regime decided to fully ban the party on 1 August 2024. [j] However, it was reversed on 28 August 2024 and the ban on Jamaat—Shibir and its affiliated organisations was officially lifted. [73] On 1 June 2025, Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami regained registration after a order by the Appellate Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court. [27] [28]
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Jamaat-e-Islami leaders and publications claim the party to be Islamic democrat. It's incumbent leader, Shafiqur Rahman, described his party to be a "modern, liberal democratic party, whose ideal is Islam". [74] [75] According to a JI publication titled An Introduction to Bangladesh Jamaate Islami, the party aims to turn Bangladesh into an "Islamic welfare state". [76] It also runs charities that provide religious, social, food, and medical services at the local level, which helped the party build a strong network at the grassroots. [77]
However, third-party and neutral sources identified the party's ideology more aligned with conservatism, [6] [78] Islamism, [6] and reformism. [79] Critics argue that the party espouses an "anti-liberal" philosophy. [77]
In recent times, the party has also allowed its female workers to publicly participate in political activities. Even Shafiqur Rahman supported and promised maintaining women's right to work outside and freedom of clothing if the party forms government. [80] He also supported the rights of religious minorities of the country, took initiative to protect the lives and the properties of minorities, visited Hindu temples, and called to nominate Hindu candidates from his party. [81] Though the party has espoused minority- and women-friendly rhetoric, critics downplay these shifts as "cosmetic" rather than ideological. [77] Shafi Md Mostofa claimed that the party is rebranding itself in the aftermath of the July Revolution by putting itself in the "Islamic left". [82]
According to a report from Prothom Alo , the Jamaat is reportedly initiating several inter-party reforms ahead of 2026 general election. These include formal apology for the party's opposition to the independence of Bangladesh and activities during 1971 Liberation War, allowing non-chartered members of the party to get candidacy in the general elections (which will also allow non-Muslims to get candidacy from the party) and tolerance to the intra-organizational coordination of Chhatra Shibir and Chhatri Sangstha, moving away from the traditional practice of gender segregation. [83]
A June 2025 conducted survey by the South Asian Network on Economic Modeling (SANEM) on the Bangladeshis aged between 15 and 35 found that the Jamaat's projected vote share was comparatively high among the young males, comparing with the young females of the country. The survey found that 22.21% males and 20.57% females intended to vote the party in 2026 general election. The survey also found that 21.45% youths overall in the country intended to vote the party. [84]
The Emir of the Jamaat (Bengali: আমীরে জামায়াত) is the title of the head of the party. Following is the chronological list of emirs since formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:
| No. | Name | From | To | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| East Pakistan | |||||||
| 01 | Abdur Rahim | 1956 | 1960 | ||||
| 02 | Ghulam Azam | 1960 | 1971 | ||||
| Bangladesh | |||||||
| Acting | Abbas Ali Khan | 1979 | 1992 | ||||
| 01 | Ghulam Azam | 1992 | 2000 | ||||
| 02 | Matiur Rahman Nizami | 2000 | 2016 | ||||
| 03 | Maqbul Ahmed | 2016 | 2019 | ||||
| 04 | Shafiqur Rahman | 2019 | Present | ||||
The Secretary General of Jamaat (Bengali: জামায়াতের সেক্রেটারি জেনারেল) is the chief administrative officer of the party. The following is the chronological list of Secretaries General since the formation of the East Pakistani wing of Jamaat-e-Islami:
| No. | Name | From | To | ||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| East Pakistan | |||||||
| 01 | Abdur Rahim | 1956 | 1960 | ||||
| 02 | Khurshid Ahmad | 1960 | 1971 | ||||
| Bangladesh | |||||||
| 01 | Abbas Ali Khan | 1979 | 1987 | ||||
| 02 | Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed | 1987 | 2000 | ||||
| 03 | Matiur Rahman Nizami | 2000 | 2001 | ||||
| 04 | Ali Ahsan Mohammad Mojaheed | 2001 | 2008 | ||||
| 05 | ATM Azharul Islam | 2008 | 2011 | ||||
| 06 | Shafiqur Rahman | 2011 | 2019 | ||||
| 07 | Mia Golam Porwar | 2019 | present | ||||
Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami has been the subject of extensive controversy since the country’s independence, largely due to its documented opposition to the 1971 Liberation War, convictions of its senior leaders for war crimes, allegations of violent extremism, repeated involvement in political violence, and sustained criticism from human rights groups, international observers, and the Bangladeshi public. [85]
Bangladeshi security agencies have repeatedly reported ideological ties between Jamaat, its student wing Islami Chhatra Shibir, and extremist organizations such as Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB) and Harkat-ul-Jihad al-Islami (HuJI-B). [86] Islami Chhatra Shibir has frequently been labeled one of the most violent student organizations in South Asia. [87]
Although Jamaat denies institutional ties, [88] extremism investigations have reported overlaps in recruitment patterns, ideological messaging, and activist networks.
Jamaat and Islami Chhatra Shibir have played central roles in violent street movements, including arson attacks, clashes with police, vandalism, and shutdowns of transportation networks. [89]
During the 2013–2014 unrest following war-crimes verdicts, Jamaat–Shibir activists were widely reported to have engaged in firebombing, destruction of public property, and violent attacks on security forces. [90]
Jamaat’s ideology promotes an Islamic state structure based on Sharia, opposing Bangladesh’s constitutional secularism. [91] Scholars argue that its ideological vision conflicts with the principles of the Constitution of Bangladesh, pluralism, and gender equality. [92]
The High Court decision barring Jamaat from elections found multiple clauses of the party charter unconstitutional. [93]
Following the execution and imprisonment of senior leaders convicted of involvement in the 1971 atrocities, Jamaat experienced internal fragmentation. [94]
Reformist factions proposed ideological moderation and democratic participation, while hardliners insisted on maintaining traditional Islamist aims. Multiple splinter groups emerged, some more radical, some abandoning formal politics. [95]
Jamaat historically maintained extensive networks of Islamic charities, schools, and social organizations, including madrasas and welfare foundations. [96] Critics argue these institutions were used to disseminate Islamist political ideology and build long-term party influence.
Investigations have found cases of irregular funding and ideological indoctrination within Jamaat-linked schools and NGOs. [97] The government subsequently shut down several Jamaat-affiliated organizations for violating NGO regulations and spreading extremist ideas. [98]
Activists from Jamaat and particularly Islami Chhatra Shibir have been implicated in violent attacks, hacking assaults, extortion, and intimidation of rival student groups and journalists. [99]
Reports by Human Rights Watch document repeated incidents in which Jamaat–Shibir supporters engaged in election-period violence, intimidation, and attacks on minority communities during political unrest. [100]
Jamaat’s wartime role and ideological positions have attracted global criticism. Pakistan and Turkey condemned executions of Jamaat leaders, while India supported the war-crimes trials. [101] Western governments expressed due-process concerns but acknowledged the severity of the crimes associated with Jamaat leadership. [102]
Public perception of Jamaat declined sharply after the rise of the Shahbag movement in 2013, in which millions demanded a ban on the party and harsher punishment for convicted war criminals. [103]
Jamaat is widely viewed by Bangladeshi youth as an anti-liberation force with diminishing relevance in national politics. [104] While pockets of support remain in some rural and conservative communities, Jamaat’s overall influence continues to decline. [105]
Bangladesh Islami Chhatrashibir functions as the de facto student wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami, with numerous former leaders advancing to hold prominent leadership roles within the party. [106] The organisation has significant presence at many colleges and universities of Bangladesh, including the Chittagong College, Government Bangla College, Dhaka College, Government Titumir College, University of Chittagong, University of Dhaka, Rajshahi University, Islamic University, Begum Rokeya University, Carmichael College etc. It is also influential in Madrasahs. It is the successor of East Pakistan Islami Chatra Sangha, the East Pakistani wing of Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba. [k] It is a member of the International Islamic Federation of Student organizations and the World Assembly of Muslim Youth. [113] [114]
Kishore Kantho (Bengali : নতুন কিশোরকণ্ঠ, lit. 'New Teenage Voice') [115] is a monthly youth-oriented magazine published since 1984. [116] The magazine has been linked to Islami Chhatrashibir. [116]
Bangladesh Chasi Kalyan Samiti is a non-governmental organization and peasant wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. It was established in 1977 by Jamaat leader AKM Yusuf. [117] [118] It and other Jamaat-linked NGOs were under pressure due to crackdowns launched under the Awami League regime from 2018—2019 and 2024. [119] [120]
Bangladesh Islami Chhatri Sangstha functions as the female student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami, being established in 15 July 1978. [121]
Bangladesh Mosque Mission functions as the mosque wing of Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami. [122] It is also registered as a social welfare organisation and non-governmental organisation. [123]
Officially established on 25 November 1973, the organisation was registered with the Department of Social Services in 1976. [124]
It also manages three educational institutions, including: [123]
| Election year | Party leader | Votes | % of Percentage | Seats | +/– | Position | Government |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1986 | Ghulam Azam | 1,314,057 | 4.60% | 10 / 300 | Opposition | ||
| 1988 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | |||
| 1991 | 4,117,737 | 12.2% | 18 / 300 | Opposition | |||
| February 1996 | Boycotted | 0 / 300 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | |||
| June 1996 | 3,653,013 | 8.6 | 3 / 300 | Opposition | |||
| 2001 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 2,385,361 | 4.28 | 17 / 300 | Coalition government | ||
| 2008 | 3,186,384 | 4.6% | 2 / 300 | Opposition | |||
| 2014 | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | |||
| 2018 | Maqbul Ahmed | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| 2024 | Shafiqur Rahman | Did not contest | 0 / 300 | N/a | Extra-parliamentary | ||
| Year | Results |
|---|---|
| 1973 | Party banned because it was involved in the 1971 genocide. Though, they claim it was since they were an Islamist party and so was a threat to Secularism |
| 1979 | Party legalized under the name "Islamic Democratic League" Together with larger Muslim League won 20 seats. |
| 1986 | 10 seats. [5] |
| 1991 | 18 seats. [5] |
| 1996 | 3 seats. [5] |
| 2001 | 17 seats. (took part by forming alliance with 3 other parties.) [5] |
| 2008 | 2 seats. [129] (took part by forming alliance with 3 other parties.) |
| 2013 | The Bangladesh Supreme Court declared the registration of the Jamaat-e-Islami illegal, ruling that the party is unfit to contest national polls. [19] [20] [21] [22] |
| 2024 | Supreme Court lifted the registration ban. |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Dinajpur-6 | Azizur Rahman Chowdhury | 28.7% |
| 2 | Bogra-2 | Shahaduzzaman | 34.0% |
| 3 | Chapai Nawabganj-3 | Latifur Rahman | 35.3% |
| 4 | Naogaon-4 | Nasir Uddin | 49.8% |
| 5 | Natore-3 | Md. Abu Bakar | 36.0% |
| 6 | Pabna-1 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 36.9% |
| 7 | Pabna-5 | Abdus Sobhan | 47.3% |
| 8 | Chuadanga-2 | Habibur Rahman | 36.6% |
| 9 | Jessore-6 | Md. Shakhawat Hossain | 47.3% |
| 10 | Bagerhat-4 | Abdus Sattar Akon | 42.9% |
| 11 | Khulna-6 | Shah Md. Ruhul Quddus | 40.5% |
| 12 | Satkhira-1 | Ansar Ali | 39.5% |
| 13 | Satkhira-2 | Kazi Shamsur Rahman | 38.6% |
| 14 | Satkhira-3 | AM Riasat Ali Biswas | 33.1% |
| 15 | Satkhira-5 | Gazi Nazrul Islam | |
| 16 | Rajbari-2 | AKM Aszad | |
| 17 | Chittagong-14 | Shajahan Chowdhury | 46.2% |
| 18 | Cox's Bazar-1 | Enamul Haq Manju | 35.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Nilphamari-3 | Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury | 31.3% |
| 2 | Satkhira-2 | Kazi Shamsur Rahman | 31.9% |
| 3 | Pirojpur-1 | Delwar Hossain Sayeedi | 37.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Dinajpur-1 | Abdullah Al Kafi | 44.9% |
| 2 | Dinajpur-6 | Azizur Rahman Chowdhury | 39.8% |
| 3 | Nilphamari-3 | Mizanur Rahman Chowdhury | 38.0% |
| 4 | Gaibandha-1 | Abdul Aziz Mia | 40.9% |
| 5 | Pabna-1 | Motiur Rahman Nizami | 57.7% |
| 6 | Pabna-5 | Abdus Sobhan | 56.8% |
| 7 | Jessore-2 | Abu Sayeed Md. Shahadat Hussain | 52.3% |
| 8 | Narail-2 | Shahidul Islam | 48.2% (96.6% by election) |
| 9 | Bagerhat-4 | Abdus Sattar Akon | 48.1% |
| 10 | Khulna-5 | Mia Golam Porwar | 49.6% |
| 11 | Khulna-6 | Shah Md. Ruhul Quddus | 56.9% |
| 12 | Satkhira-2 | Abdul Khaleque Mondal | 60.0% |
| 13 | Satkhira-3 | AM Riasat Ali Biswas | 55.0% |
| 14 | Satkhira-5 | Gazi Nazrul Islam | 54.9% |
| 15 | Pirojpur-1 | Delwar Hossain Sayeedi | 57.2% |
| 16 | Sylhet-5 | Farid Uddin Chowdhury | 49.1% |
| 17 | Comilla-12 | Syed Abdullah Muhammad Taher | 66.0% |
| # | Constituency | Member | Vote Percentages |
|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Chittagong-14 | Shamsul Islam | 51.1% |
| 2 | Cox's Bazar-2 | A. H. M. Hamidur Rahman Azad | 53.9% |
Footnotes
[The BNP] seems also to have been hurt by its alliance with Islamist parties, the largest of which, Jamaat-e-Islami, was reduced from 17 seats to just two.
West [Pakistan]'s army had the support of many of East Pakistan's Islamist parties. They included Jamaat-e-Islami, still Bangladesh's largest Islamist party ... [R]einstating and enforcing that original constitution might amount to an outright ban on Jamaat, the standard bearer in Bangladesh for a conservative strain of Islam.
In the debate over whether Muslims should establish their own state, separate from a Hindu India, Maududi initially argued against such a creation and asserted that the establishment of a political Muslim state defined by borders violated the idea of the universal umma. Citizenship and national borders, which would characterize the new Muslim state, contradicted the notion that Muslims should not be separated by one another by these temporal boundaries. In this milieu, Maududi founded the organisation Jama'at-e Islami. ... The Jama'at for its first few years worked actively to prevent the partition, but once partition became inevitable, it established offices in both Pakistan and India.
Mawdudi (d. 1979) was opposed to the partition of India, preferring that Muslims reclaim all of India for Islam.
Nov 3 ... The Pakistani government announced yesterday that 53 of the National Assembly seats taken away from members of the outlawed Awami League in East Pakistan will be filled without contest ... The party getting the biggest bloc of seats from the 53 ... is the Jamaat-Islami ... to get 14 seats.
However, this does not rule out the possibility of a strategic instrumentalization of the Shibir victory by its more conservative parent organization, the Jamaat-e-Islami...
The 'reformists' — most prominently BJI — operate electorally and have tried to present themselves as more than an Islamist party...