Major parties are expected to contest, however, the Awami League, the winner of previous four elections, is currently suspended and is highly expected to not participate in the election.[2] The election witnessed a significant increase of the number of female candidates, particularly from the National Citizen Party (NCP) and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP).[3]
The main opposition party, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, demanded that the government hand over power to a neutral caretaker government before the January 2024 elections.[8] This was rejected by Hasina, who vowed that "Bangladesh will never allow an unelected government again".[9] Hasina's resistance to a caretaker government arose following the 2006–2008 political crisis, during which a caretaker government assumed military-backed control of the country and arrested a number of political leaders, including Hasina and the former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia.[10] Khaleda Zia was sentenced to prison for five years on 8 February 2018, for her involvement in the Zia Orphanage corruption case.[11] The sentence was then modified to 10 years.[12] Zia's successor as chair of the party, her son Tarique Rahman, was also found guilty of criminal conspiracy and multiple counts of murder for a grenade attack in 2004 that injured Hasina and killed 24 people.[13] He was sentenced to life in prison. As such, he was barred from running for office.[14]
A petition demanding a ban on the Awami League & its associates of the Grand Alliance filed by the student agitators[21] had been turned down by the Appellate Division.[22] On 9 April 2025, The NCP, Jamaat-e-Islami & other Islamist organisations like the Hefazat-e-Islam Bangladesh staged a 2025 Shahbag protest in front of the Jamuna State Guest House, the residence of the Chief Adviser, demanding a ban on the Awami League.[23] On the following day, the interim government banned Awami League and all of its activities in cyberspace and elsewhere, under the Anti-Terrorism Act, 2009. The ban would last until the International Crimes Tribunal completes the trial of the party and its leaders.[24][25] On 17 November 2025, the International Crimes Tribunal ruled that Hasina and her co-defendants were guilty of war crimes and sentenced her along with former home minister Asaduzzaman Khan Kamal to death.[26]
A writ petition was filed on 3 December 2025 at the Supreme Court of Bangladesh by advocate Yarul Islam, the leader of the Bangladesh Congress, that challenged the legality of the appointment of the secretary of the Election Commission, the returning officers and the assistant returning officers from the executive branch, which the petitioner claimed to contradict the constitution, and requested the issuance of a rule on the formation of an "Electoral Service Commission" to appoint these officials. Notably, the writ also sought a stay order on the preparation and organization of the upcoming election.[27]
Electoral system
The 350 members of the Jatiya Sangsad consist of 300 directly elected seats using first-past-the-post voting (FPTP) in single-member constituencies, and an additional 50 seats reserved for women. The reserved seats are elected proportionally by the elected members. Each parliament sits for a five-year term.[28]
The interim government introduced reforms before the election, including reintroduction of "no vote" for the single candidate constituencies.[29] It would be the first general election in Bangladesh where expatriates can vote.[30]
Voters
According to the final voter list published by the Election Commission of Bangladesh, 127,695,183 people are eligible to vote in the election, 64,814,907 among whom are male, 62,879,042 are female, and 1,234 are third gender voters. The growth rate of the male voters was 2.29%, and the female voters was 4.16%.[31]
Campaign
Major campaign issues
Unemployment
Unemployment has been a major problem for the Bangladeshi economy, especially affecting the youth. According to a Bangladesh Bureau of Statistics report, Bangladesh's overall youth unemployment rate stood at 4.48% in 2024, which was 4.15% in 2023.[32][33] In 2024, 87% of the unemployeds were educated, and 21% of them were graduates, showing the lack of job growth needed to accommodate the increasing workforce.[34] A 2024 study found that 55% of the Bangladeshi youth wished to leave the country due to the rising unemployment rate.[35] Unemployment was one of the core factor behind the July Revolution of 2024.[36]
In the electoral campaign, the BNP promised to create 1 crore new employment.[37]
Corruption
Corruption remains a major issue in the country. Bangladesh ranked 151st out of 180 countries in the Transparency International's Corruption Perception Index in 2024, slipping from 149 in 2023.[38] The issue of corruption took a central stage in election campaigns, with parties like Jamaat-e-Islami regularly spoke against corruption.[39]
A Shushashoner Jonno Nagorik opinion poll conducted on 1,373 person between May and July 2025 found that 71% people in the country support PR in the proposed upper house of the Jatiya Sangsad.[51]
Eight parties led by Jamaat-e-Islami organized mass demonstrations in Dhaka in support of PR on 11 November 2025.[52] It's leaders also warned general election not to take place before a referendum on July Charter.[53]
Safety of Hindus
A large number of Hindus voted for the Awami League in the previous general elections. Due to absence of the party in the 2026 election, parties like the BNP and the Jamaat-e-Islami actively conducted programmes to attract the Hindu voters.[54][55] The BBC Bangla reported that the BNP maintains a stronghold amongst the Hindu voters,[55] and the party promised to create special tribunal and security cell to prevent communal violence against the religious minorities.[37]
Party campaigns
Bangladesh Nationalist Party
The BNP's primary candidates selection started in late-September 2025.[56] The party sources reported that the candidates in approximately 200 seats were finalized by mid-October. However, the party was facing difficulties to determine candidates for 60–70 seats in due to internal conflicts and multiple strong candidates.[57]
In the second phrase, the BNP declared candidacy list for 36 seats, including seats of many leaders of the allied parties. This created dissatisfaction among the allied parties, which even led to the conclusion of BLP's 18-year-long alignment with the party. According to the Daily Ittefaq, the number of seats reserved for the allied parties have shrunken to only 13, the parties now include the Ganosanhati Andolan, the BJP, the Jatiya Party (Zafar), the NDM, the GOP, the Nagorik Oikya(bn), the Bangladesh Liberal Democratic Party (BLDP), the Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Rab), the LDP, and the JUIB.[61] On the other hand, the BLDP merged with the BNP on 9 December 2025.[62]
BBC Bangla reported that the BNP's electoral campaign would revolve around the personality of Tarique Rahman, who had been in exile since 2009. However, experts think that it may create challenges for the BNP due to Tarique's controversial legacy involving the Hawa Bhaban and corruption.[63] The Prothom Alo reported that the BNP's electoral manifesto will be based on the party's promulgated 31-points, July Charter, and concurrent political catalogue. Key points will include reorganization of electoral rule, restoration of democracy, freedom of judiciary, administrative decentralization, security of human rights and strengthening the anti-corruption structure.[37] The party's recent rhetoric provided a "liberal mantle" and preservation of the legacy of the Liberation War.[64]
For the first time, since the 1991 general election, the BNP has decided to participate the elections on its own, without being in formal/informal alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami. The BNP general secretary Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir confirmed the conclusion of its alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami in August 2025.[65] Political analyst Faisal Mahmud suggested that the split maybe driven by the BNP's attempt to "appropriate the moral vocabulary of secular nationalism" in order to occupy the "void" left by the AL. According to him, the split can reshape Bangladesh's future political landscape "dramatically".[64]
Jamaat-e-Islami also tried to unify these parties into an electoral alliance,[67] however, later it was decided to form an electoral compromise. Prothom Alo reported that they were also tying to contanct with NCP, AB Party and GOP.[68]
Prothom Alo also reported that approximately 80% candidates of the Jamaat-e-Islami's primary nomination list are new, who have no pior experience of contesting a general election. The party sources say that it's an attempt to bring young leadership to the forefront.[67]
According to the political analyst Saleh Uddin Ahmad, Jamaat-e-Islami has succeeded creating an image of a relatively corruption free and a modest party, which may give them a strategic upper hand in the election. Despite this, he also pointed out that Jamaat-e-Islami's religious ideology and historical legacy may work as a hindrance for the party's electoral campaign.[69]
Analysing an October–November youth survey by the Bangladesh Youth Leadership Center (BYCL), which showed that a surprisingly large number of Awami League voters switched to the Jamaat-e-Islami, the British journalist David Bergman provided two possible reasons for this shift, first, due to the punitive stance of the BNP towards the AL at the local level, Jamaat-e-Islami is came to be viewed as the "lesser of two evils" by those AL supporters; and secondly, Jamaat-e-Islami's victory may be sought to a group of AL supporters as a "vindication", that the AL's claim to have been the "only true barrier preventing Bangladesh from sliding toward a religious state" was valid.[70]
National Citizen Party
External videos
National Citizen Party's campaign song "Jitbe Ebar Shapla Koli" (lit.'Will win this time, the water lily bud')
The NCP published their "Manifesto of New Bangladesh" on 3 August 2025 at Central Shaheed Minar, Dhaka. Although not a formal electoral manifesto, it outlined their party policies & agenda if they form government. The manifesto promises a new constitution, state recognition of the July Revolution and massacre, minimization of the role of black money in politics, introduction of "whistleblower protection law" and "Village Parliament", dissolution of the RAB, introduction of universal healthcare, increased state funding on STEM education, artificial intelligence and biotechnology research, increase of women reserved seats in the Jatiya Sangsad to 100, recognition of houseworks in the GDP, establishment of a "Permanent Labor Commission", green technology, strong foreign & defence policy and bilateral solutions to the issues like deaths along the Bangladesh–India border, water sharing of transboundary rivers and Rohingya refugee crisis.[71]
The NCP's campaign is heavily concentrated on constituent assembly election and new constitution, which was decided in a party meeting on 13–14 August. Their unofficial slogans include "This time people, want constituent assembly election" and "Solution to Bangladesh, a new constitution".[72]
Although Jamaat-e-Islami and NCP were seen close and supportive on the issues related to constitutional and electoral reforms, both parties have shown difference and distance on electoral activities. NCP was seen as uninterested to go into any electoral alliance with the Jamaat-e-Islami and other Islamist parties. According to BBC Bangla, the leftist politicians of NCP were pressuring the party leadership for this.[73]
The NCP became the first party to issue nomination forms from 6 November 2025. Notably, they kept 80% discounts for labour-peasants and injured protesters of the July Revolution.[74] The party interviewed more than 1,000 nomination seekers among ordinary citizens nationwide over two days in November. It's leaders moved from booth to booth for suitable candidates.[75] According to the Daily Jugantor, approximately 60% candidates primarily nominated by the NCP were non-NCP members.[76] The party declared their primary candidacy list for 125 seats on 10 December 2025, including the seats of major leaders.[77]
AB Party chairman Mojibur Rahman Monju hinted a possible alliance consisting of the NCP, his party, the Gono Odhikar Parishad and the 6 member parties of the Ganatantra Manch alliance in October 2025.[78][79] The NCP, GOP, AB Party, Rastro Songskar Andolan, Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (Rab), and United People's Bangladesh expressed interest to join the alliance. However, the NCP's opposition to the inclusion of UP Bangladesh, a splinter faction of the party, and GOP's internal disputes hampered the formation of the alliance.[80]
On 7 December 2025, Democratic Reform Alliance (DRA) was established consisting the NCP, the AB Party, and the Rastro Songskar Andolan. The NCP leader Nahid Islam described it as "not only an electoral alliance – but also a political alliance".[81]
In a televised address to the nation, Yunus declared the general election would be held on any day of the first half of April 2026.[83] The BNP and Jatiya Party opposed holding elections in mid-2026, and demanded that the date be moved forward to December 2025, citing Kalbaisakhi storms and Ramadan.[84] Later on 5 August, Yunus said in a televised broadcast that he would write to the Election Commission to request the election be held in February 2026 before the Ramadan, which will begin as early as 17 February.[85][86]
Michael Kugelman, senior fellow with the Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada, expressed concerns of violent actions from the Awami League in reaction to the verdict of the Trial of Sheikh Hasina ahead of the general election.[90] Kugelman’s concerns were elaborated on by geopolitical analyst Bahauddin Foizee, who noted in The Diplomat that multiple layers of conflict were likely, including between the government and the Awami League, and between the Awami League and other political parties.[91][92][93][94][95]
Foizee pointed out that the BNP and Jamaat-e-Islami, both historically united in opposition to Hasina, are now vying for dominance in the post-Hasina political landscape, which could lead to violent confrontations between the two.[96][97][98][99][95] He also highlighted the danger of intra-party conflicts within the BNP and Jamaat, noting that such internal struggles, long embedded in Bangladesh’s political culture, could spill over into public unrest, further deepening instability.[100][101][102][103][95]
A BBC Bangla report found that artificial intelligence generated misinformation could impact the general election. Started by the Jamaat-e-Islami supporters, it quickly spread among the BNP and the NCP supporters, which shows fake campaign and voter base of the respective party. According to Dhaka University professor Saiful Alam Chowdhury, such "information disorder" risks post-election riots like Brazil in Bangladesh.[111]
↑It is a regional party that contests only the three Hill Tracts constituencies.
↑The survey was conducted only on people beeen the ages of 18 to 35.
↑1.5% for "Other Islamic Parties", and 0.0% for "Other Leftist Parties".
↑The survey was conducted only on people between the ages of 15 to 35.
↑4.44% for "Other Islamist parties", and 0.55% for "Others".
↑NCP was not formed during the survey. Respondents were asked if they are going to support student led party.
↑In a separate question, 40% of the respondents said that they'll vote for a student-led platform if its launched, while 44% said they will not endorse it. Among the rest 9% were undecided and 8% did not give any answer.
↑3% for "other Islamic groups", 2% for "a new political party formed by politicians", and 4% for "others".
↑"Bangladesh's Pivotal Election and Referendum Has a Date. Will Unrest Follow?". The Diplomat. Retrieved 2025-12-17. As the country moves closer to the upcoming elections, tensions are growing on multiple fronts. There is the potential for clashes not only between the Awami League and law enforcement agencies, but also between the Awami League and other political parties, particularly the BNP, JI, and NCP.
↑"Bangladesh Politics Could Get Uglier". International Policy Digest. Retrieved 2025-12-17. Foizee underscores the danger of large-scale protests and street violence...confrontations could escalate not only between the Awami League and the state, but also between rival contenders who see the transitional moment as their best shot at power.
↑"Bangladesh Election: Foizee Warns of Unrest, Yet Hope Remains". South Asia Journal. In The Diplomat, geopolitical analyst Bahauddin Foizee highlights the deeply fractured nature of Bangladesh's political landscape. The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), ..., and the Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami (Jamaat), ..., are both positioning themselves as heirs to the post-Hasina order. Though united in their opposition to Hasina, the two parties are now competing with each other for electoral constituencies in the coming election.
↑"Bangladesh's Pivotal Election and Referendum Has a Date. Will Unrest Follow?". The Diplomat. Retrieved 2025-12-17. ...with Hasina's Awami League barred from participating in the election, the resulting political vacuum could lead to heightened confrontations between the BNP and JI, two parties with a long history of animosity toward the Awami League. Although in the past they often found common ground in their opposition to Hasina, these parties are now competing for power and influence. The rivalry between the BNP and JI could exacerbate political instability as they vie for dominance in the post-Hasina landscape. Moreover, internal divisions within the BNP and JI may further fuel unrest.
↑"Bangladesh Politics Could Get Uglier". International Policy Digest. Foizee's analysis also emphasizes ... both parties were historically opposed to Hasina; now they are trying to dominate the post-Hasina landscape, and to claim the mantle of democratic restoration without surrendering their own partisan ambitions.
↑"Expert Forecast on Bangladesh's Path to the 2026 Election". CounterCurrents. 2025-12-14. Retrieved 2025-12-17. Foizee's analysis, presented in the style of a risk intelligence report, emphasizes the high risk of large-scale protests and street violence. With Hasina's party banned, the political vacuum could escalate confrontations, particularly between the BNP and Jamaat, who are already locked in their own power struggle.
↑Kumari, Rupa. "Bangladesh Politics Could Get Uglier". International Policy Digest. Retrieved 2025-12-17. The problem, Foizee suggests, is not simply rivalry between parties, but rivalry within them. Internal divisions...inside both the BNP and Jamaat could further fuel unrest, as leaders fight for nominations, constituencies, and the authority to speak for the party as a whole...these intra-party contests can spill outward, transforming organizational disputes into public confrontations...
↑"Expert Forecast on Bangladesh's Path to the 2026 Election". CounterCurrents. 2025-12-14. Retrieved 2025-12-17. Foizee notes that such intra-party conflicts will exacerbate broader unrest and undermine efforts to present a united front within each party.
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