According to reports in 2013 and 2014 by The Daily Star and New Age, courts in Rajshahi and Chittagong found no conclusive evidence linking the central leadership of Shibir to arms recovery incidents or communal violence.[6][7]
Human rights organizations, including Odhikar, have also reported concerns about politically motivated arrests and extrajudicial actions targeting student activists, particularly from opposition-affiliated organizations such as Shibir.[8]
History
Before the independence of Bangladesh in 1971, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami was known as Islami Chhatra Sangha. After independence, Article 38 of the 1972 Constitution of Bangladesh prohibited the misuse of religion for political purposes. Since the politics of Jamaat-e-Islami and its student organization were fundamentally based on religion, their organizational presence effectively disappeared in post-independence Bangladesh.[9]
Their stated mission is "to seek the pleasure of Allah (SWT) by moulding entire human life in accordance with the code, bestowed by Allah (SWT) and exemplified by His Messenger".[11][4]
Shibir took part in 2025 DUCSU elections along with their Alliance called "United Students' Alliance" and won in over 14 high ranks, including Vice President and GS for the first time in Bangladesh's history after 1971.[17]Shadik Kayem and Shibir-backed SM Farhad won in VP and GS votings.[18] This was eventually the first time any Islamist organization winning DUCSU election.[19][20]
Funding
Shibir members, who are students of educational institutions and establishments are expected to donate monthly in the name of Baitul Maal (party fund).[21][22] There are also several publications of Islami Chhatra Shibir that are sold in educational institutions.[22]
Leadership
List of Central Presidents and Secretaries General[23]
Islami Chhatra Shibir, the student wing of Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, formally established on February 6, 1977, has its ideological and organizational origins in its predecessor organization, Islami Chhatra Sangha, which was active in East Pakistan before independence.[24] During the 1971 Liberation War, Islami Chhatra Sangha, under the influence of Jamaat-e-Islami, opposed Bengali independence and took a stance in favor of protecting a united Pakistan based on religious and anti-secular arguments.[25] Its members campaigned against the Mukti Bahini and allied with the Pakistani military, contributing to efforts to prevent the independence of Bangladesh.[26]
Members of Islami Chhatra Sangha are accused of involvement in various wartime atrocities, including murder, rape, and collaboration with the Pakistani army to target Bengali nationalists, intellectuals, and civilians. For example, Abdul Quader Molla, who was serving as the organization's president at Dhaka University in 1971, was convicted by the International Crimes Tribunal of Bangladesh for the killing of 344 civilians in Dhaka's Mirpur between April and December 1971 and organizing other crimes against humanity.[26] It is known that this group formed auxiliary forces like Al-Badr and Al-Shams, which assisted in the identification and elimination of pro-independence individuals, resulting in documented genocide and forced disappearances.[27] These activities established Islami Chhatra Sangha as one of the principal collaborators in the Pakistani army's suppression campaign, which resulted in the estimated deaths of 3 million Bengalis and widespread displacement.[28]
After independence, the Bangladesh government led by Sheikh Mujibur Rahman banned Jamaat-e-Islami and its affiliate organizations (including the remnants of Islami Chhatra Sangha) for their role in opposing independence and aiding in the suppression.[29] Jamaat-e-Islami has been challenging this portrayal, claiming the convictions are politically motivated; although the tribunal's evidence was based on eyewitness testimony, official documents, and forensic analysis of mass graves.[30] The continuity between Sangha and Shibir is evident through their shared leadership structure and ideological commitment, with Shibir inheriting the legacy of reorganized anti-secessionist activism in the post-1971 context.[24]
Allegations of militant association and armed activities
Islami Chhatra Shibir (ICS) has been accused by security analysts and government sources of maintaining active links with various Islamist militant groups, including Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI) and Jama'at-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), and of assisting in member recruitment, indoctrination, and logistical supply for jihadi activities.[31] These relationships are reported to extend to Pakistan's Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and networks linked to terrorist organizations in Afghanistan and South Asia. ICS is also accused of assisting in the establishment of secret training camps and weapons stockpiles within Bangladesh, sending young cadres to Pakistan and Afghanistan for militant training during the Taliban era, and also having connections to Osama bin Laden's network.[31]
Allegations of direct armed activities primarily revolve around incidents of ICS members possessing and using firearms, bombs, and other weapons during campus clashes with rival student organizations like the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL) and the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal (JCD).[32] On 1 July 1996, at least 25 students were injured when ICS activists carried out an armed attack at Jahangirnagar University, and 48 people were arrested in connection with this incident. A similar incident occurred on 24 July 1996 at Sitakunda College, where ICS and BCL activists exchanged gunfire alongside detonating crackers, resulting in multiple injuries; and on 14 August 1996, ICS members threw bombs at a BCL rally at Chittagong University.[32]
There are allegations of former ICS members being involved in militant activities. For example, Abdur Rahim, a former ICS member who joined JMB in 2002 and participated in terrorist activities.[33] In August 2024, the Sheikh Hasina-led Bangladesh government, citing involvement in terrorist activities amid violent protests, temporarily banned ICS's parent organization Jamaat-e-Islami, along with its other affiliate organizations; although the interim administration later lifted this ban on Jamaat.[34] But ICS claims these allegations to be politically motivated.[31] In February 2014, US-based defence think tank IHS Jane's published a report titled "IHS Jane's 2013 Global Terrorism & Insurgency Attack Index", where Shibir ranked third in a list of most active non-state armed groups in 2013;[35] Shibir denied the claim.[36]
Allegations of violence and conflict
Islami Chhatra Shibir has been repeatedly accused by rival student organizations, government authorities, and human rights observers of engaging in violent clashes on university campuses where there is rivalry over political control. Central to these allegations is the use of crude weapons such as sticks, machetes, and petrol bombs by Shibir members during confrontations with groups like the Bangladesh Chhatra League (BCL), the student wing of the Awami League. International reports have noted that while both sides contribute to the cycle of violence in Bangladesh's polarized student politics, Shibir's Islamist ideology has been linked to specifically targeted attacks on secular or minority students.[37][38] The group was described by the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism as extremely militant and "linked to a number of larger terrorist organizations both in Bangladesh, and internationally".[39] Shibir activists and supporters were also accused of attacking BCL members and leaders by cutting their tendons.[40][41][42][43]
During the 2013 protests, following the war crimes conviction of Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayedee on February 28, Shibir supporters, alongside Jamaat supporters, carried out widespread arson, vandalism, and launched attacks on Hindu minorities. In several districts, including Noakhali and Jessore, more than 40 Hindu temples and hundreds of homes were damaged or looted. Dozens of people died nationwide in these incidents.[44][45]
More recently, on May 28, 2025, at Rajshahi University, Shibir-affiliated members of the "Anti-Shahbag Unity" group clashed with leftist activists. At least 10 people were injured in a clash involving chases and counter-chases with sticks across the campus.[46] According to Bangladeshi newspapers, extremist Shibir supporters attacked the organizers to disrupt an event. As per data from organizations monitoring conflict, Shibir was involved in dozens of such clashes annually.[47][38]
Others
According to a report by Kaler Kantho, on 20 September 1981, after the Jafar-Adar Panel, supported by the Bangladesh Chhatra League, won the Chittagong College Student Council election, a victory procession was organized. During this procession, Chhatra Shibir supporters launched a counter-procession and an injured individual was killed after being abducted.[48]
According to a report by Jugantor, on 31 May 1988, Jamil Akhtar Ratan, a left-wing activist and convener of Chhatra Moitree's Rajshahi Medical College unit, was publicly murdered by slitting his tendons. Allegations suggest that following this incident, Chhatra Shibir established exclusive control over educational institutions in the area.[49]
In February 2025, accusations were raised against Chhatra Shibir members for torturing a student overnight and attempting to sever the veins of his legs at the MC College dormitory in Sylhet over a Facebook status. The student was seriously injured in the attack and was then admitted to an hospital.[50][51][52][53] In this incident, the anti-discrimination student movement announced a protest program[54][55] and Sylhet Metropolitan Unit of Jamaat-e-Islami expressed regret over the involvement of Chhatra Shibir activists in the attack.[56] However, Chhatra Shibir denied the allegation and condemned its parent organisation Jamaat's statement.[57][58]
Crackdowns
Since 2010, Shibir has been targeted by repeated crackdowns.[59] The former Awami League—led regime insisted that it is necessary to maintain public order and stop attacks on police. Since 2010, raids on student residences were carried out at random and Shibir supporters found were detained. In 2010, Government agencies received orders to conduct operations necessary to identify Shibir elements in educational institutions all around Bangladesh and crack down on their influence.[60] Arbitrary arrests as police have made no efforts at the time of arrest to separate ordinary student members of the Chhatra Shibir from those suspected of involvement in the attacks and were denied Legal counsel.[61]
On 4 November 2018, police raided the Chittagong city headquarters of Chhatra Shibir and later filed case against 90 Chittagong Shibir men over recovery of explosives.[62] It was the biggest police crackdowns against Shibir in recent times. Although the organisation denied any link to the incident and protested strongly against the case.[63]
On 5 February 2012 approximately at 1:00a.m., Al Mukaddas (22), fourth-year student of the Department of Al Fiqah and Mohammad Waliullah (23), a master's candidate of Dawah and Islamic Studies Department of Islamic University, were allegedly arrested and disappeared by some people who identified themselves as Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) and Detective Branch (DB) of Bangladesh Police from Savar, Dhaka.[64][65][66] Both were later found to be members of Shibir,[67] and were allegedly detained by members of the RAB and the DB of the police on 4 February. They have not been heard from since and their whereabouts are unknown. The RAB has denied detaining the two men in a statement to a Bangladeshi newspaper. However, reports from several sources and a pattern of disappearances thought to have been conducted by RAB in recent months cast doubt on RAB's denial.[68][69][70]Amnesty International along with other rights organizations expressed their concern over this issue and called for urgent action.[71]
On 5 April 2013 at around 2:25a.m., RAB arrested Mohammad Anwarul Islam and Mosammat Nurjahan Begum of Angariapara village in Chapainawabganj from Rajpara Thana in Rajshahi District. Later, when family members contacted the RAB office, RAB notified that Anwarul had never been arrested by them. An allegation of enforced disappearance was brought against the members of RAB by Anwarul's family members. Upon inquiry, it was found that Anwarul was a last year master's student of Mathematics department of Rajshahi College. Moreover, he was the Office Secretary of Chhatra Shibir Branch in Rajshahi District.[72]
On 21 October 2024, family members of six Shibir leaders filed complaints against RAB and DB in the International Crimes Tribunal over allegations of enforced disappearances. The Shibir leaders mentioned in the complaint are Shah Md. Waliullah, Md. Mokaddes Ali, Hafez Zakir Hossain, Zainal Abedin, Rezwan Hossain, and Md. Kamruzzaman. Shibir's Deputy Secretary for Legal Affairs, Amanullah Al Jihadi, stated that on 6 August, family members went to the RAB headquarters seeking information on the missing leaders but have yet to receive any information.[73][74]
Post-uprising resurgence and 2025 electoral success
Following the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina on August 5, 2024, the interim government led by Muhammad Yunus lifted the ban on Bangladesh Jamaat-e-Islami and its student wing, Islami Chhatra Shibir, on August 28, 2024.[75] Despite being labeled a terrorist organization during the July-August 2024 uprising, Shibir members had provided direct and indirect support in various ways, including logistical assistance and participation in protests. This involvement, as well as the lifting of the restrictions, allowed Shibir to re-emerge on university campuses. They formed alliances with the uprising coordinators of the National Citizen Party and outmaneuvered rivals like Chhatra League, the student wing of the Awami League.[76]
As Islamist influence in student politics grew in 2025, Shibir-backed candidates achieved significant victories in university student union elections. On September 8, 2025, a Shibir-backed panel secured a decisive victory in the Dhaka University Central Students' Union election, capturing key posts despite low voter turnout and competition from divided secular groups.[77] Similarly, on September 12, 2025, Shibir-affiliates won the Jahangirnagar University Students' Union election.[78] By October 15, 2025, Shibir established dominance in the Chittagong University Central Students' Union election, winning 24 out of 26 posts, including the Vice-President and various hall union seats, through strategic organization against disorganized opponents like the Jatiyatabadi Chhatra Dal.[79] These successes reflected a broader trend of Islamist influence in the post-uprising academic sphere, and analysts credited Shibir's grassroots activities and the interim government's tolerance for this success.[80]
Shibir's victory in major institutions like Dhaka and Jahangirnagar Universities created a foundation for Jamaat-e-Islami's broader programs, including campaigning for Islamic constitutional reforms, raising concerns among secular observers about a right-wing political shift.[81] But Shibir leaders emphasized their role as protectors of student rights, denied militant intent, and portrayed these victories as an endorsement of their anti-corruption stance during the 2024 events.[82] Despite such claims, reports of underlying tensions with non-Islamist groups from the uprising continued, highlighting Shibir's opportunistic resurgence amidst Bangladesh's divided transitional politics.[83]
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