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The economics of the Roman army concerns the costs of maintaining the Imperial Roman army and the infrastructure to support it, [1] as well as the economic development to which the presence of long-term military bases contributed. Supply contracts with the military generated trade with producers near the base, throughout the province, and across provincial borders. [2]
The size and growth of the Roman army of the Principate may be summarised as follows:
| Army corps | Tiberius 24 AD | Hadrian c. 130 AD | S. Severus 211 AD | Diocletian Start 284 AD | Diocletian Mid rule c. 300 |
| Legions | 125,000 [3] | 155,000 [4] | 182,000 [5] | ||
| Auxilia | 125,000 [6] | 218,000 [7] | 250,000 [8] | ||
| Praetorian Guard | ~~5,000 [9] | ~10,000 [10] | ~10,000 | ||
| Total Roman Army | 255,000 [11] | 383,000 [12] | 442,000 [13] | 350,000? [14] | 390,000 [15] |
Note: Figures are based on official (not actual) unit strengths and exclude Roman navy effectives and foederati.
The Roman navy contained probably 30,000–40,000 marines, sailors, and oarsmen, of which 15,000–20,000 in the Mediterranean fleets at Misenum and Ravenna (contrary to popular belief, Roman warships of this period were not rowed by the forced labor of convicts or slaves, but by volunteer professional oarsmen) [16] and perhaps the same again in the classis Britannica (English Channel fleet) and the fluvial flotillas on the Rhine and Danube.
Substantial numbers of irregular tribal troops (foederati) were in the paid service of the empire during the whole period: the number is unknown, but there were at least 5,500 in Britain alone around 175 AD (surrendered Sarmatian cavalry posted there by Marcus Aurelius [ citation needed ]). If this figure is multiplied by 10 to represent other frontier provinces, it is possible that there may have been 50,000–60,000 such irregulars at any given time.
At its peak under emperor Septimius Severus (r. 193–211 AD) therefore, the standing Roman military establishment may have comprised over half a million effectives.
This was a very significant burden on the Roman economy, which was pre-industrial: at least 80% of its inhabitants worked in agriculture. [17] A very high percentage of all the revenue from taxes and rents raised by the imperial government were spent on the military: about 80% of the imperial budget in c. 150. [18] Other sources suggest less, but not less than 60%. Military spending constituted, by one estimate, about 2.5% of the empire's GDP, [19] which seems a tolerable burden if compared to the US, today's global superpower, which spent 3.8% of its GDP on defense in 2006 (18% of the federal budget). [20] But the comparison is misleading. Due to modern technology, a modern economy is far more productive per capita than the Roman economy: on one estimate, the average American in 1998 was at least 73 times more economically productive, in comparable terms (i.e. in international dollars), than a Roman in the 1st century AD. [21] Another factor to consider is that half the population was 25 or less (compare modern societies 35–40) meaning that larger portion of the population were too young and not taxpayers. Another factor is that many items of production were not taxed such as those for domestic use, clothing, buildings. Therefore, taxes (and compulsory services) to support the Roman military would have taken a much greater share of surplus per capita production i.e. surplus to the subsistence needs of producers, almost all agricultural. For the average peasant, the taxes and services he was obliged to provide to the military would have represented a significant share of his disposable surplus if situated within reasonable distance of the units. Compulsory services performed by the richer members of society helped to supply military needs (and maintain the infrastructures of cities and the empire, in effect a tax that was paid for in money or labor).
There is also a great disparity between the costs of the 4th-century army and its 2nd-century counterpart. The much lower remuneration for 4th-century soldiers is reflected in total army costs. Duncan-Jones estimates the total annual cost of the military in c. 150 AD at c. 670 million sesterces. [22] This is 167.5 million denarii. This translates into 1.67 million aurei or 168,000 pounds of gold for an army of 387,000 all costs. This compares with Elton's estimate of 31,625 lbs. of gold for 300,000 soldiers, 47,438 lbs of gold for 450,000 and 63.250 lbs. for 600,000 base pay only. His figure is doubled when other costs are factored in. [23] Even if the establishment was the 600,000 as estimated by A. H. M. Jones, the cost would still be only about a third that for the 2nd-century army. Such a disparity is difficult to explain. Either the imperial government was collecting far less tax than in the 2nd century (an unlikely possibility, given the numerous complaints about the weight of the tax burden) or the extra costs are not readily evident. These additional costs may still have been "defense-related": e.g. fortifications, granaries, armories, clothing factories, irregular foederati forces, or payments to tribal chiefs to buy peace and allegiance. The latter had a long history: such payments are recorded in Julio-Claudian times. Elton points out that his estimates are for very base pay, 9 solidi for cavalrymen and 5 for foot soldiers, allowing 10% additional expenses for officers' salaries and do not include non-quantifiable military costs such as fortifications, ships, artillery, wagons, tackle, armor, uniforms, pension payments, allowances for families, periodic donatives. Accession and 5-year donatives increased pay 25–30% and was made in gold and silver. By comparison tax officials calculated the annual cost of a soldier at 36 solidi covering pay, provisions, and equipment. [24] This was worth 500 silver denarii of the first century A.D. Even if inflated to boost gold income to pay mercenaries as replacements for Roman recruits it suggests a wide range of hidden costs. Harl points out p. 224, that the value of 100,000 war horses 12.5 million denarii or 12,500 pounds of gold. The number was 3 to 4 times this in the 4th century because of the vast expansion of the cavalry. The value of the horses (not the annual take-in which was much much less) was between 1.5–4 million solidi (20,800 and 55,000 pounds of gold or 21 million and 55 million denarii). [25]
By comparison, the payroll for the 330,000 soldiers in 6 AD is 68 million silver denarii (1000 per lb. of gold) but the total cost with retirement benefits and equipment and supplies was 124 million denarii – or 206 and 375 denarii respectively per soldier averaged or 131,250 lbs. of gold. The figures given mid-second century are 387,000 soldiers and 98 million denarii and total costs 181 million and is 253 and 432 denarii per soldier. The figures for AD 230 230 million denarii in pay and 438 total costs at 525 and 1,100 denarii respectively per soldier however with debased denarii with half the silver content of early 2nd century coins. [26] By comparison Elton estimates the pay expenses of the Roman Army of 600,000 from 350–400 AD at 63,250 lbs. gold (63,250 million denarii) and total cost at 125,000 lbs. of gold (125,000 million denarii) which is only 105 denarii and 210 respectively. [27] At the time the Empire had a sound gold coin, the solidus, tariffed at 72 to the pound from 309. The mid-fourth century figures are virtually the same as the Augustan figures of 6 A.D. for 330,000 in 350. The discrepancy may be the result of lower pay scales, greater quantity for equipment needs as seen in the establishment of over 100 imperial armories and clothing mills, cost-cutting measures, the expenses associated with frequent troop movements and costs other than payrolls, animals and other easily quantifiable expenses.
The denarius was the standard Roman silver coin from its introduction in the Second Punic War c. 211 BC to the reign of Gordian III, when it was gradually replaced by the antoninianus. It continued to be minted in very small quantities, likely for ceremonial purposes, until and through the Tetrarchy (293–313).
The Roman legion, the largest military unit of the Roman army, was composed of Roman citizens serving as legionaries. During the Roman Republic the manipular legion comprised 4,200 infantry and 300 cavalry. After the Marian reforms in 107 BC the legions were formed of 5,200 men and were restructured around 10 cohorts, the first cohort being double strength. This structure persisted throughout the Principate and middle Empire, before further changes in the fourth century resulted in new formations of around 1,000 men.
Glycerius was Roman emperor of the West from 473 to 474. He served as comes domesticorum during the reign of Olybrius, until Olybrius died in November 472. After a four-month interregnum, Glycerius was proclaimed as emperor in March 473 by Gundobad, the magister militum and power behind the throne. Very few of the events of his reign are known other than that an attempted invasion of Italy by the Visigoths was repelled by local commanders, diverting them to Gaul. Glycerius also prevented an invasion by the Ostrogoths through diplomacy, including a gift of 2,000 solidi.
The Crisis of the Third Century, also known as the Military Anarchy or the Imperial Crisis (235–285), was a period in Roman history during which the Roman Empire had nearly collapsed under the combined pressure of repeated foreign invasions, civil wars and economic disintegration. At the height of the crisis, the Roman state had split into three distinct and competing polities.
Foederati were peoples and cities bound by a treaty, known as foedus, with Rome. During the Roman Republic, the term identified the socii, but during the Roman Empire, it was used to describe foreign states, client kingdoms or barbarian tribes to which the empire provided benefits in exchange for military assistance. The term was also used, especially under the empire, for groups of barbarian mercenaries of various sizes who were typically allowed to settle within the empire.
The Praetorian Guard was an elite unit of the Imperial Roman army that served as personal bodyguards and intelligence agents for the Roman emperors.
The equites constituted the second of the property-based classes of ancient Rome, ranking below the senatorial class. A member of the equestrian order was known as an eques.
The solidus or nomisma was a highly pure gold coin issued in the Later Roman Empire and Byzantine Empire. The early 4th century saw the solidus introduced in mintage as a successor to the aureus, which was permanently replaced thereafter by the new coin, whose weight of about 4.5 grams remained relatively constant for seven centuries.
The study of the economies of the ancient city-state of Rome and its empire during the Republican and Imperial periods remains highly speculative. There are no surviving records of business and government accounts, such as detailed reports of tax revenues, and few literary sources regarding economic activity. Instead, the study of this ancient economy is today mainly based on the surviving archeological and literary evidence that allow researchers to form conjectures based on comparisons with other more recent pre-industrial economies.
The limitanei, meaning respectively "the soldiers in frontier districts" or "the soldiers on the riverbank", were an important part of the late Roman and early Byzantine army after the reorganizations of the late 3rd and early 4th centuries. The limitanei, unlike the Comitatenses, palatīni, and Scholae, garrisoned fortifications along the borders of the Roman Empire and were not normally expected to fight far from their fortifications.
The military of ancient Rome was one of largest pre-modern professional standing armies that ever existed. At its height, protecting over 7,000 kilometers of border and consisting of over 400,000 legionaries and auxiliaries, the army was the most important institution in the Roman world. According to the Roman historian Livy, the military was a key element in the rise of Rome over "above seven hundred years" from a small settlement in Latium to the capital of an empire governing a wide region around the shores of the Mediterranean, or, as the Romans themselves said, mare nostrum, "our sea". Livy asserts:
The auxilia were introduced as non-citizen troops attached to the citizen legions by Augustus after his reorganisation of the Imperial Roman army from 27 BC. By the 2nd century, the Auxilia contained the same number of infantry as the legions and, in addition, provided almost all of the Roman army's cavalry and more specialised troops. The auxilia thus represented three-fifths of Rome's regular land forces at that time. Like their legionary counterparts, auxiliary recruits were mostly volunteers, not conscripts.
The structural history of the Roman military concerns the major transformations in the organization and constitution of ancient Rome's armed forces, "the most effective and long-lived military institution known to history." At the highest level of structure, the forces were split into the Roman army and the Roman navy, although these two branches were less distinct than in many modern national defense forces. Within the top levels of both army and navy, structural changes occurred as a result of both positive military reform and organic structural evolution. These changes can be divided into four distinct phases.
The Byzantine economy was among the most robust economies in the Mediterranean for many centuries. Constantinople was a prime hub in a trading network that at various times extended across nearly all of Eurasia and North Africa. Some scholars argue that, up until the arrival of the Arabs in the 7th century, the Eastern Roman Empire had the most powerful economy in the world. The Arab conquests, however, would represent a substantial reversal of fortunes contributing to a period of decline and stagnation. Constantine V's reforms marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204. From the 10th century until the end of the 12th, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of luxury, and the travelers were impressed by the wealth accumulated in the capital. All this changed with the arrival of the Fourth Crusade, which was an economic catastrophe. The Palaiologoi tried to revive the economy, but the late Byzantine state would not gain full control of either the foreign or domestic economic forces.
In modern scholarship, the "late" period of the Roman army begins with the accession of the Emperor Diocletian in AD 284, and ends in 480 with the death of Julius Nepos, being roughly coterminous with the Dominate. During the period 395–476, the army of the Roman Empire's western half progressively disintegrated, while its counterpart in the East, known as the East Roman army remained largely intact in size and structure until the reign of Justinian I.
The Eastern Roman army refers to the army of the eastern section of the Roman Empire, from the empire's definitive split in 395 AD to the army's reorganization by themes after the permanent loss of Syria, Palestine and Egypt to the Arabs in the 7th century during the Byzantine-Arab Wars. The East Roman army was the continuation of the Late Roman army of the 4th century, until it gradually transformed into what is now called the Byzantine army from the 7th century onwards.
The Imperial Roman army was the military land force of the Roman Empire from 27 BC to 476 AD, and the final incarnation in the long history of the Roman army. This period is sometimes split into the Principate and the Dominate (284–476) periods.
By the size of the Roman army is meant the changes in the number of its contingents: legions, auxiliaries, Praetorian cohorts, Urban cohorts, vigiles, and naval forces over the course of twelve centuries – from 753 BC to AD 476.
Pay in the Roman army was defined by the annual stipendium received by a Roman soldier, of whatever rank he was, from the Republican era until the Later Roman Empire. It constituted the main part of the Roman soldier's income, who from the end of the Republic began to receive, in addition to the spoils of war, prize money called donativa. The latter grew to such an extent in the following centuries that by the 4th century, the ancient stipendium constituted only 10–15% of the Roman legionary's entire income.