List of war apology statements issued by Japan

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This is a list of war apology statements issued by Japan regarding war crimes committed by the Empire of Japan during World War II. The statements were made at and after the end of World War II in Asia, from the 1950s to present day. Controversies remain to this day with some about the nature of the war crimes of the past and the appropriate person to make the apology.

Contents

Background

At the end of the Pacific Theater of World War II, the Imperial Japanese government accepted the terms of the Potsdam Declaration. In 1945, the unconditional surrender of the Empire of Japan was formally confirmed aboard the Allied battleship, USS Missouri (BB-63). Once the formal documents were signed, General Douglas MacArthur, representing the Allies, was named the Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers in Japan. [1]

Emperor Hirohito let it be known to General MacArthur that he was prepared to apologize formally to General MacArthur for Japan's actions during World War II—including an apology for the December 7, 1941, attack on Pearl Harbor. [2]

Apology rebuffed

In one version of the formal apology, Emperor Hirohito, the Japanese monarch, is reported to have said to General MacArthur: "I come before you to offer myself to the judgment of the powers you represent, as one to bear sole responsibility for every political and military decision made and action taken by my people in the conduct of the war." [3]

In a second version of the formal apology, Patrick Lennox Tierney claims that he was an eyewitness when the Emperor came to the Allied Supreme Commander's headquarters to present this apology. Tierney was in his office on the fifth floor of the Dai-Ichi Insurance Building in Tokyo. This was the same floor where MacArthur's suite was situated. [2] Tierney reported that when the emperor arrived, MacArthur refused to admit him or acknowledge him, and the pivotal moment passed.

Many years later, Tierney made an effort to explain his understanding of the significance of what he claimed he had personally witnessed: "Apology is a very important thing in Japan. ... It was the rudest, crudest, most uncalled for thing I have ever witnessed in my life." [2] Whether true or not—issues which might have been addressed were allowed to remain open, and unanticipated consequences have unfolded across the decades since then. [4] [5]

Some in Japan have asserted that what is being demanded is that the Japanese Prime Minister or even the Emperor himself perform dogeza , in which an individual kneels and bows his head to the ground—a high form of apology in East Asian societies that Japan appears unwilling to do. [6] Some point to an act by West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, who knelt at a monument to the Jewish victims of the Warsaw Ghetto, in 1970, as an example of a powerful and effective act of apology and reconciliation similar to dogeza. [7]

History

1950s

1960s

1970s

1980s

1990s

2000s

2010s

2020s

Comments clarifying past apologies

Controversy

Demands for an apology and compensation have been a recurring topic in Korean, Taiwanese, and Chinese politics. Western nations are also demanding long-overdue actions from the Japanese government, most notably through the United States House of Representatives House Resolution 121 voted in 2007. Criticisms regarding the degree and formality of apology, issued as a statement or delivered person-to-person to the country addressed, and the perception by some that some apologies are later retracted or contradicted by statements or actions of Japan, among others.

In October 2006, Prime Minister Shinzō Abe's apology was followed on the same day by a group of 80 Japanese lawmakers' visit to the Yasukuni Shrine which enshrines more than 1,000 convicted war criminals. [61] Two years after the apology, Shinzo Abe also denied that the Imperial Japanese military had forced comfort women into sexual slavery during World War II. [62] He also cast doubt on Murayama apology by saying, "The Abe Cabinet is not necessarily keeping to it" and by questioning the definition used in the apology by saying, "There is no definitive answer either in academia or in the international community on what constitutes aggression. Things that happen between countries appear different depending on which side you're looking from." [63]

As of 2010, 24% of South Koreans still believe that Japan has never apologized for its colonial rule, while another 58% believe Japan has not apologized sufficiently. [64]

Some in the Japanese government have expressed exasperation at what level of apology is enough. During an impending visit in 1990 to Japan by South Korean president Roh Tae Woo Japanese cabinet secretary Ozawa Ichiro reportedly said, "it is because we have reflected on the past that we cooperate with [South] Korea economically. Is it really necessary to grovel on our hands and knees and prostrate ourselves any more than we already have?" [65]

In 2013, some right-wing nationalists of Japan accused South Korea of hypocrisy, because in their view Japan had apologized and provided compensation for the sexual slavery it perpetrated during World War II yet South Korea has yet to address the Lai Đại Hàn, reported "sexual slavery" South Korea perpetrated during the Vietnam War. [66] However, South Korea government claimed South Korea–Vietnam relations have "improved" since 1992, this is due to several "apologetic" statements from past South Korea presidents as well as the creation "Pieta statue" from South Korean NGOs. Although none of these measurements have shown any recognition from the Vietnamese side that the issue is over. [67] [68]

At the end of 2015, in response to the joint announcement by Japanese Foreign Minister Fumio Kishida and South Korean Foreign Minister Yun Byung-se to "finally and irreversibly" resolve the "comfort women" issue, some of the 46 remaining survivors expressed their discontent over the agreement. "It seems neither government cares about the victims. I don't count what they have agreed today. What we want is not monetary compensation but a legal one. We don’t want money. Those who commit crimes must take official, legal responsibility. I will fight until the day I die," said survivor Lee Yong-soo. However, survivor Yu Hee-Nam said, "I know the government has made efforts to resolve the issue within this year, so I’ll follow their decision." But she also said the agreement was not satisfactory. "Money is not the issue. We've lived without human rights." [69]

Forms of apology

Washington Coalition for Comfort Women Issues also rebuffed the use of the word owabi (お詫び) rather than shazai (謝罪) in Japanese apologies. The coalition said that the expression "in most cases means a sense of apology slightly weightier than 'Excuse me' [in English]". [70]

In a paper published by Jeffrey Mok and Mitsuhiro Tokunaga, this is attributed to a mistranslation and misunderstanding of the word owabi. "The use of owabi was clearly appropriate in its formality and degree of imposition. Both the authoritative dictionaries from Beijing Waiguoyu Xuexiao Japanese-Chinese Dictionary and Iwanami Japanese-Chinese Dictionary categorized owabi as a formal and weighty apologetic word. It was also commonly used as an official and formal way of apology and carried the same degree of regret as other formal forms of apologetic words such as shazai, shinsha and chinsha (陳謝). It was also noted that shazai use was limited to print and was rare. Both owabi and chinsha were commonly used as an official and formal apologetic expressions and neither was considered weaker than the other." [71]

The Japanese government and Prime Ministers have used the expression "kokoro kara no owabi" (心からのお詫び) that most closely translates in English to "from our heart, most sincere apologies" about this issue. [72] [73] [74] [75] [76]

See also

Notes

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The Asian Women's Fund, also abbreviated to アジア女性基金 in Japanese, was a fund set up by the Japanese government in 1994 to distribute monetary compensation to comfort women in South Korea, the Philippines, Taiwan, the Netherlands, and Indonesia. Approximately ¥600 million was donated by the people of Japan and a total of ¥4.8 billion was provided by the Government of Japan. Each survivor was provided with a signed apology from the prime minister, stating "As Prime Minister of Japan, I thus extend anew my most sincere apologies and remorse to all the women who underwent immeasurable and painful experiences and suffered incurable physical and psychological wounds as comfort women." The fund was dissolved on March 31, 2007.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Mutsuko Miki</span> Japanese activist (1917–2012)

Mutsuko Miki was a Japanese activist who advocated on behalf of pacifism, official compensation for comfort women, and improved Japan–North Korea relations. She was the widow of former Japanese Prime Minister Takeo Miki. Miki served as the wife of the Prime Minister of Japan, or First Lady, during her husband's two-year tenure from 1974 to 1976.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Kono Statement</span> 1993 statement about Japans WWII past

The Kono Statement refers to a statement released by Chief Cabinet Secretary Yōhei Kōno on August 4, 1993, after the conclusion of the government study that found that the Japanese Imperial Army had forced women, known as comfort women, to work in military-run brothels during World War II. The Japanese government had initially denied that the women had been coerced until this point. In the Kono Statement, the Japanese government acknowledged that:

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Murayama Cabinet</span> Cabinet of Japan (1994–1995)

The Murayama Cabinet governed Japan under the leadership of Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama from 1994 until a 1995 Cabinet Reshuffle. Murayama was elected prime minister by the National Diet on 29 June 1994 after the threat of a no-confidence vote had brought down the previous minority Hata Cabinet. Murayama's and his cabinet's formal investiture by the Emperor took place one day later.

The 1998 state visit by Jiang Zemin to Japan was a response to an invitation extended by the Government of Japan to Jiang Zemin of the People's Republic of China for an official visit to Japan as a State Guest from 25 to 30 November 1998. It was also Jiang's second visit to Japan after succeeding General Secretary in 1989, following an earlier visit in April 1992. The goal of this state visit was to create a joint document with a forward-looking character that would set the path for Sino-Japanese relations in the 21st century. The visit was significant because it was the first visit to Japan ever made by the head of state of China. Both governments treated the Japan-China Joint Declaration On Building a Partnership of Friendship and Cooperation for Peace and Development—issued by the two governments on the occasion of visit—as a third important bilateral document, following the 1972 Joint Communiqué and the 1978 Treaty of Peace and Friendship. The two sides repeatedly have stressed that all problems should be handled in line with these three documents. China's expectations for this trip was high because in the previous month, South Korean President Kim Dae-Jung made his state visit to Japan which was considered successful. Despite high expectations, the state visit was considered a failure because Jiang Zemin and Prime Minister of Japan Keizō Obuchi were unable to reach conclusive agreements on matters concerning history, Taiwan, and Japan's permanent membership in the UN Security Council. As a result, the Japanese public and media had a negative view towards Jiang, which ultimately hardened Japan's attitude towards China.

References

https://apjjf.org/-Alexis-Dudden/2368/article.html