Maia | |
---|---|
Pila | |
Saki | |
Region | Madang Province, Papua New Guinea |
Native speakers | 4,400 (2000 census) [1] |
Trans–New Guinea?
| |
Language codes | |
ISO 639-3 | sks |
Glottolog | maia1254 |
Maia is a Papuan language spoken in the Madang Province of Papua New Guinea, and is a member of the Trans-New Guinea language family. [2] [3] It has a language endangerment status of 6a, which means that it is a vigorous and sustainable language spoken by all generations. According to a 2000 census, there are approximately 4,500 living speakers of the language, who are split between twenty-two villages in the Almani district of the Bogia sub-district. [4]
There are variations in the Maia spoken between villages, but they can be generally categorized into two primary dialects. Of these two dialects, the Main Dialect accounts for approximately three-fourths of speakers and the Southern Dialect accounts for the remaining one-fourth. Variations of the Main Dialect tend to be predictable with only minor variations in pronunciation. The information presented in this article is based on the Wagedav dialect, a sub-dialect of the Main Dialect spoken in the Wagedav village. [3]
Other names for the language are Banar, Pila, Saki, Suaro, Turutap, and Yakiba.
The phonemic inventory of Maia is fairly small, as is typical of languages from Papua New Guinea.
In some cases, vowels and consonants are modified or deleted across morphemes in a word. These morphophonemic rules are detailed in this section.
The following table details these consonant phonemes and allophones for each, if any. [3] : 10
Bilabial | Dental | Alveolar | Palatal | Velar | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
Plosives: Voiceless Voiced | p [p, pʰ, p̚ ] b [b, p] | t̪ [t̪, t̪ʰ, t̪̚ ] d̪ [d̪, t̪ ] | k [k, kʰ, k̚ ] g [g, ɣ, k] | ||
Nasal | m | n̪ | (ŋ) | ||
Flap | ɾ [r, ɾ, ɾ̻ ] | ||||
Fricative | β [β, ɸ] | s̪ [s̪, ɕʷ ] | |||
Approximant | j | ||||
Lateral Approximant | l |
The voiced labiovelar approximant /w/ is the sole multi-place consonant in Maia.
Maia contains the five basic vowel phonemes in the chart below: [3]
Front | Central | Back | |
---|---|---|---|
Close | i | u | |
Mid | ɛ | ɔ | |
Open | a |
Possible syllable structures in Maia are illustrated in the chart below. Onsets in Maia can end with a vowel, while codas can end in either a vowel or consonant. [3]
Template | Example | Phonetic | Translation |
---|---|---|---|
V onset | enara (p. 12) | /ɔ.n̪a.ɾa/ | there |
CV onset | waraba (p. 26) | /wa.ɾa.βa/ | edge |
CCV onset | muira (p. 15) | /mwi.ɾa/ | boy |
CVC | yag (p. 23) | /jag/ | water |
CV coda | muata (p. 19) | /mwa.t̪a/ | custom |
CVC coda | inavat (p. 19) | /in.a.βat/ | always |
There are two instantiations of this rule. The first instance applies to adjacent vowels in a verb: when two vowels are adjacent to each other at the junction of two morphemes within a verb, the first vowel is deleted. For example, 'he is eating' is not 'nimɛ - a', as the 'ɛ' is deleted to give 'nima' (p. 11). [3]
The second instance is more general: when there are two identical vowels adjacent to each other at the junction of two morphemes within any word, one is deleted. For example, 'he worked' is not 'malip-a-a' , as one 'a' is deleted to give 'malipa' (p. 11). [3]
In words with two verb suffixes, the vowel in the final suffix is repeated in the penultimate suffix. For example, 'I heard' is not 'damɛ - mi' but is instead 'damimi' (p. 12). [3]
The consonant deletion rule applies to a few select clitics: -gat, -di, -no, -waka. When these clitics are appended to the end of another word that ends in a consonant, the initial consonant of the clitic is deleted. For example, 'always' is not 'inaβ - gat' but is 'inaβat' (p. 12). [3]
Maia is a synthetic fusional language, in which word-building is accomplished primarily through clitics and derivational affixes.
Maia does not have case markings, but does have agreement between nouns and their adjectives and between verbs and their objects. [3]
Clitics are an especially common means of word-building in Maia. Some clitics can be combined sequentially to produce a cumulative meaning, as in the case of combining the contrast marker clitic =(d)i and the topic marker =(n)o to indicate a topic that is in contrast with something else. The upper limit on the number of clitics that can be combined appears to be three. [3]
The following table summarizes the clitics in the Maia language. Consonants in parentheses are typically included only if the word to which the clitic is appended ends in a vowel.
Clitic | Function | Examples |
---|---|---|
=(w)aka |
|
|
=(g)at |
|
|
=yag | Collective marker | 'bisibis' ('descendants'); 'bisibisyag' ('descendants' (collectively)) |
=mate | Manner marker to indicate similarity | 'wageva onomate' means 'like the cockatoo': 'wageva' means 'cockatoo', 'ono' indicates a reference to a third person singular object. So, 'onomate' means 'like the [insert object]' |
=ga | Specific locative marker to indicate a location, position, time frame, origin, or recipient. This can be both in the literal or abstract sense. In all of these cases, it refers to a defined object. | Literal example: ya water u-parar=ga 3S-on.top.of=LOC1 'on top of the water' Abstract example: no-nor 2S-INTP viol curse lovavan very.good ono D1 u-podav=ga 3S-under=LOC1 'under your blessing' |
=ra |
| 'muanigo' means 'today', and 'muanigora' means 'sometime today'. anuv time igur=ga five=LOC1 kuvik=ra other.side=LOC2 duwa=ga one=LOC1 'on the sixth day' (lit. 'on the five plus one day') |
=(n)o | Topic marker to indicate referential information. This clitic frequently marks the subject of the clause. | Yo-nor 1S=INTP awn dog winim=o name=TP Dasti Dasti 'My dog's name is Dasti.' |
=(d)i | Contrast marker to indicate a shift or contrast in the clause. | No=no 2S=TP ta DIR kenai=di left=CT av-inek+an-ini go-DES.SG+say-IR.2S di=no DS=TP yo=no 1S=TP wabona=di right=CT avio... go-IR.1S 'If you want to go to the left, I'll go the right.' |
=git | Contrafactual marker to indicate what did not or could not happen. | Ma-ne=mate=waka, E-do=MN=LIM wi-nor 3P-INTP nada child maia PL bu AD1 badaka all u-dogo=waka 3S-straight-LIM lovavan very.good onor=aka INTS=LIM katu enough/able ilika-mo=git. come.up-RL.1S/3P=CFT. 'In view of that, all of their children too could have come up really good and straight (but they didn't).' |
=ma | Emphatic marker used to emphasize a prominent person or situation in a clause. | =ma can be appended to the end of a person's name to signal importance, as in the name Abram: 'Abramma' |
=na | Attention marker used to signal to the audience that the next statement will be important. It can be used to indicate the turning point of a story, for example. It is placed at the end of the statement preceding the important one. | Avia-sa go-SEQ wae=ra garden=LOC2 ilika-mi come.up-RL.1P bada SS imara-sa=na meet-SEQ=ATN sae garden nam tree buas+u-simi cut+3S-give.RL.1P 'We went and arrived in the garden, then we met (and) we cut garden trees for him.' (The cutting of the garden trees is a critical point in the story.) |
Affixes in Maia are predominantly derivational suffixes.
The nominalizing suffix -arav can be used to create nouns from verb roots. For example, 'wadib' means 'to argue', but 'wadib-arav' means 'the arguing' (p. 40). [3]
The verbalizing suffix -(n)a can be used to create verbs from nouns and adjectives, as in the case of the word for white, 'waia' (p. 45): [3]
waia-g-a
white-VR2-RL.3S
‘is/became clean’
There are four classes of derived causative verb suffixes, which may be affixed to the end of a preexisting verb root to emphasize a causal relationship. These suffixes are -tate, -te, -rate, and -de. For example, 'ebe' ('wake up') is the progenitor of 'ebetate' ('to wake up (somebody)') (p. 46). [3]
The only class of non-derivational affixes in Maia are possessor prefixes. These prefixes are appended in front of an adjective to indicate the possessor of the noun, as summarized in the table below. The distinction between singularity and plurality is established with a difference in stress patterns. [3]
Person Prefix | Usage |
---|---|
i- | 1st person singular |
ni- | 2nd person singular |
u- | 3rd person singular |
' i- | 1st person plural |
' ni- | 2nd person plural |
' wi- | 3rd person plural |
These prefixes indicate that an adjective "belongs" to the object being described. In the following example, the prefix u-indicates that the quality of being short belongs to the tree (p. 59). [3]
nanam
tree
u-kabu
3S-short
'short tree'
These prefixes are also frequently, but not always, appended to verbs to indicate the recipient of an action. Transitive verbs with objects require the presence of such a prefix, while intransitive verbs are more variable. The following example illustrates this (p. 43): [3]
Muado
Man
ono-na-di
D1-ATN-CT
wi-nor
3P-INTP
muata
custom
u-mias-a.
3S-follow-RL.3S
'That man followed their custom.'
There are a few words in Maia in which two existing nouns are combined to give rise to a new word. This includes compounds such as 'muado nanum': separately, 'muado' means 'man' and 'nanum' means 'woman', but compounding together gives rise to the new meaning of 'people' (p. 41). Similarly, 'kakape' ('bee') and 'yag' ('water') together are the compound word 'kakapeyag' ('honey') (p. 42). [3]
Full or partial reduplication of nouns in Maia can indicate plurality, a diminutive form of the original word or alternatively, the derived adverb form of the word. The Maia word 'kuvik' ('side') can be repeated as 'kuvik kuvik' to mean 'each side' (p. 41). The word for 'house' is 'dawa' and the word for small house is 'dawadawa' (p. 41). Lastly, an example of the third case is 'riwaro' ('nothing') partially reduplicated into 'ririwaro' to mean 'aimlessly' (p. 41). [3]
Full or partial reduplication of verb roots indicates an augmentation of the action or indicates a repeated action. Typically reduplication occurs in two different forms: either repetition of only the first syllable or repetition of the entire root. For example, 'gubue' means 'to fold' while 'gugubue' means 'to fold repeatedly', and 'ipua' means 'to peel' while 'ipuaipua' means 'to peel repeatedly' (p. 49). [3]
Reduplication or partial reduplication of adjectives can serve three different purposes: to indicate augmentation, plurality, or diminishment. An example of reduplication used to express augmentation, repeating the Maia word for 'good' ('lov') changes the meaning to 'very good' ('lovlov'). Reduplication can also indicate plurality, as in the example of 'nanam kani' ('big tree') and 'nanam kanikani' ('big trees'), or 'maia' ('thing') and 'maiamaia' ('things'). Lastly, reduplication can signal the diminutive form of a word, as in the case of 'isav' ('hot') and 'isisav' ('warm'). [3]
Numeral quantifiers utilize a special case of reduplication. Complete reduplication of a number indicates something in succession ('iner' alone means 'two', but 'ineriner' means 'two by two'), while partial reduplication of a number acts as a multiplier ('ininer' means 'double'). [3]
Stress patterns are used to differentiate between 1st and 2nd person singular and plural inalienably possessed nouns. (Maia has some nouns that are inalienably possessed, which include body parts, kinship terms, and position nouns.) For example, ‘my skin’ is /i’ dia/, but ‘our skin’ is /’idia/ (p. 13). [3]
In transitive clauses, the verb must agree in both person and number with the object. In the following example, the verb for 'divide' must include the third-person-singular marker 'a' to indicate that it applies to a singular object in the third person (the pig): [3]
Di
DS
yo-nor
1S-INTP
i-banam
1S-uncle
wat
pig
ono
D1
buase-sa
cut.SEQ
muaina-lav-a.
divide-DIST-RL.3S
'My uncle butchered the pig and divided it up.' (p. 48)
In intransitive clauses, the verb must agree in both person and number with the subject. The example below demonstrates that the verb for 'go' must be modified to indicate that it applies to a first-person plural subject: [3]
...
...
dumag
hunting
avia-mi.
go-RL.1P
we went hunting. (p. 43)
The non-derivational possessor affixes described above in this section also agree in person and number with the noun they describe.
The basic word order of Maia is SOV for transitive clauses, as illustrated by the transitive sentence example below: [3]
Ii-nor
1P-INTP
awun
dog
maia=di
PL=CT
wat
pig
kani
big
o-nor
3S-INTP
ono
D1
dibo-mo
chase-RL.1S/3P
Our dogs chased the/that very big pig. (p. 57)
The basic word order is SV for intransitive clauses: [3]
Aba
Place/time
kerek+an-a.
darkness+say-RL.3S
The place was/became dark. (p. 118)
For clauses that have both an indirect object and a direct object, the indirect object typically comes before the direct object. The following example, in which 'Kunia' is the indirect object and 'plate' is the direct object, illustrates this: [3]
Kunia
Kunia
una
plate
u-s-a.
3S-give-RL.3S
'He/she gave the plate to Kunia.' (p. 122)
The verb phrase in the example above illustrates that the verb + object phrase in Maia is head final, as the verb 'chase' comes after the object 'pig'. [3]
Ii-nor
1P-INTP
awun
dog
maia=di
PL=CT
wat
pig
kani
big
o-nor
3S-INTP
ono
D1
dibo-mo
chase-RL.1S/3P
Our dogs chased the/that very big pig. (p. 57)
The example above also demonstrates that the determiner+noun phrase is also head final, as the determiner 'ono' ('that') comes after its complement 'kani' ('pig'). [3]
The possessee+possessor phrase is also head final, as the possessee 'garden' comes after the possessor 'Mamudia': [3]
Mamudia
Mamudia
wae=ra
garden=LOC2
'Mamudia's garden' (p. 80)
An exception is the complementizer/subordinator+clause phrase, which is head-initial. In the example below, 'me maianane' translates to 'because'. This complementizer precedes the rest of the clause. [3]
No=no=ma
2S=TP=EM
um-ini,
die-IR.2S
me
NEG
maia+nane
what+say
no=no
2S=TP
nanum
woman
ovo
PROX
tav-ia.
get-RL.2S
‘You will die, because you took this woman.’ (p. 149)
Adverbs are placed before the verb in adverbial phrases: [3]
Me+da
NEG+AD2
rakrak
crossly
no-de-re.
2S-tell-IMP.PF.p
'Don't tell him/her crossly.' (p. 64)
Adjectives are placed immediately after the noun that they describe: [3]
Mela
Mela
yana.
long
Mela is tall. (p. 61)
Ubykh is an extinct Northwest Caucasian language once spoken by the Ubykh people, a subgroup of Circassians who originally inhabited the eastern coast of the Black Sea before being deported en masse to the Ottoman Empire in the Circassian genocide.
The Choctaw language, spoken by the Choctaw, an Indigenous people of the Southeastern Woodlands, US, is a member of the Muskogean language family. Chickasaw is a separate but closely related language to Choctaw.
The Dakota language, also referred to as Dakhóta, is a Siouan language spoken by the Dakota people of the Očhéthi Šakówiŋ, commonly known in English as the Sioux. Dakota is closely related to and mutually intelligible with the Lakota language. It is definitely endangered, with only around 290 fluent speakers left out of an ethnic population of almost 250,000.
The Wariʼ language is the sole remaining vibrant language of the Chapacuran language family of the Brazilian–Bolivian border region of the Amazon. It has about 2,700 speakers, also called Wariʼ, who live along tributaries of the Pacaas Novos river in Western Brazil. The word wariʼ means "we!" in the Wariʼ language and is the term given to the language and tribe by its speakers.
Sunwar, Sunuwar, or Koinch, is a Kiranti language of the Sino-Tibetan language family spoken in Nepal and India by the Sunuwar people. It was first comprehensively attested by the Himalayan Languages Project. It is also known as Kõits Lo, Kiranti-Kõits, Mukhiya.
Pohnpeian is a Micronesian language spoken as the indigenous language of the island of Pohnpei in the Caroline Islands. Pohnpeian has approximately 30,000 (estimated) native speakers living in Pohnpei and its outlying atolls and islands with another 10,000-15,000 (estimated) living off island in parts of the US mainland, Hawaii and Guam. It is the second-most widely spoken native language of the Federated States of Micronesia the first being Chuukese.
Araki is a nearly extinct language spoken in the small island of Araki, south of Espiritu Santo Island in Vanuatu. Araki is gradually being replaced by Tangoa, a language from a neighbouring island.
Arbore is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken by the Arbore people in southern Ethiopia in a few settlements of Hamer woreda near Lake Chew Bahir.
Kokota is spoken on Santa Isabel Island, which is located in the Solomon Island chain in the Pacific Ocean. Santa Isabel is one of the larger islands in the chain, but it has a very low population density. Kokota is the main language of three villages: Goveo and Sisigā on the North coast, and Hurepelo on the South coast, though there are a few speakers who reside in the capital, Honiara, and elsewhere. The language is classified as a 6b (threatened) on the Graded Intergenerational Disruption Scale (GIDS). To contextualize '6b', the language is not in immediate danger of extinction since children in the villages are still taught Kokota and speak it at home despite English being the language of the school system. However, Kokota is threatened by another language, Cheke Holo, as speakers of this language move from the west of the island closer to the Kokota-speaking villages. Kokota is one of 37 languages in the Northwestern Solomon Group, and as with other Oceanic languages, it has limited morphological complexity.
Warndarrang (waɳʈaraŋ), also spelt Warndarang, Wanderang, Wandaran, and other variants is an extinct Aboriginal Australian language in the Arnhem family, formerly spoken by the Warndarrang people in southern Arnhem Land, along the Gulf of Carpentaria. The last speaker was Isaac Joshua, who died in 1974, while working with the linguist Jeffrey Heath.
Highland Oaxaca Chontal, or Chontal de la Sierra de Oaxaca, is one of the Chontal languages of Oaxaca, Mexico. It is sometimes called Tequistlatec, but is not the same as Tequistlatec proper, which is extinct.
Tommo So is a language spoken in the eastern part of Mali's Mopti Region. It is placed under the Dogon language family, a subfamily of the Niger-Congo language family.
The morphology of the Polish language is characterised by a fairly regular system of inflection as well as word formation. Certain regular or common alternations apply across the Polish morphological system, affecting word formation and inflection of various parts of speech. These are described below, mostly with reference to the orthographic rather than the phonological system for clarity.
Teiwa is a Papuan language spoken on the Pantar island in eastern Indonesia. The island is the second largest in the Alor archipelago, lying just west of the largest island Alor.
Mekéns (Mekem), or Amniapé, is a nearly extinct Tupian language of the state of Rondônia, in the Amazon region of Brazil.
Awara is one of the Finisterre languages of Papua New Guinea. It is part of a dialect chain with Wantoat, but in only 60–70% lexically similar. There are around 1900 Awara speakers that live on the southern slopes of the Finisterre Range, they live along the east and west sides of Leron River basin.
Puluwatese is a Micronesian language of the Federated States of Micronesia. It is spoken on Poluwat.
Hote (Ho’tei), also known as Malê, is an Oceanic language in Morobe Province, Papua New Guinea.
Nuaulu is a language indigenous to the island of Seram Island in Indonesia, and it is spoken by the Nuaulu people. The language is split into two dialects, a northern and a southern dialect, between which there a communication barrier. The dialect of Nuaulu referred to on this page is the southern dialect, as described in Bolton 1991.
Swahili is a Bantu language which is native to or mainly spoken in the East African region. It has a grammatical structure that is typical for Bantu languages, bearing all the hallmarks of this language family. These include agglutinativity, a rich array of noun classes, extensive inflection for person, tense, aspect and mood, and generally a subject–verb–object word order.