Media imperialism

Last updated

Media imperialism (sometimes referred to as cultural imperialism) is an area in the international political economy of communications research tradition that focuses on how "all Empires, in territorial or nonterritorial forms, rely upon communications technologies and mass media industries to expand and shore up their economic, geopolitical, and cultural influence." [1] In the main, most media imperialism research examines how the unequal relations of economic, military and cultural power between an imperialist country and those on the receiving end of its influence tend to be expressed and perpetuated by mass media and cultural industries.

Contents

In the 1970s, research on media imperialism was mainly concerned with the expansion of US-based news and entertainment corporations, business models, and products into postcolonial countries as related to the problems of communication and media sovereignty, national identity formation and democracy. In the 21st century, research on media imperialism probes the whole gamut of the media, for example, how an Empire's global economic, military and cultural expansion and legitimization is supported by "the news, telecommunications, film and TV, advertising and public relations, music, interactive games, and internet platforms and social media sites." [2]

For the past seventy years, media imperialism research has been undertaken by a wide range of international communication and media studies scholars, North and South. [3] Some of the key researchers in this area are: Oliver Boyd-Barrett, [2] [4] [5] Luis R. Beltrán and Elizabeth Fox, [6] Ariel Dorfman, [7] Thomas Guback, [8] Cees Hamelink, [9] Dal Yong Jin, [10] [11] Armand Mattelart, [12] [13] Robert W. McChesney, [14] Tom McPhail, [15] Toby Miller and Richard Maxwell, [16] Tanner Mirrlees, [1] [2] [17] [18] David Morley, [19] Graham Murdock, [20] Kaarle Nordenstreng, [21] Herbert I. Schiller, [22] [23] [24] [25] Dallas Smythe, [26] Colin Sparks, [27] [28] Daya Thussu, [29] [30] and Jeremy Tunstall. [31] [32]

History of the concept

The concept of media imperialism emerged in the 1970s when political leaders, media producers, and some citizens in postcolonial countries began to criticize the ownership and control Western and American media conglomerates wielded over much of the global communication and media system. Representatives of postcolonial countries proposed a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO) at UNESCO to contest and counter-balance the enduring and enlarging global communication and media powers of old and new imperial countries (e.g., the United Kingdom and United States). Supported by the MacBride report, "Many Voices, One World", countries such as India, Indonesia, and Egypt argued that the large Western and American media corporations should have limited access to the fledgling communication and media systems of postcolonial countries. They argued that national cultural and communication sovereignty was integral to their broader national sovereignty and economic and social development projects. The assumption was that Western and American media corporations (and their products) would undermine or subvert the national development process of postcolonial countries by institutionalizing inappropriate media models, business practices and content. In response to the postcolonial countries' protest against media imperialism and proposal for a NWICO, the United States and United Kingdom left UNESCO.

Key Theorists and Definitions

Herbert I. Schiller

In Mass Communication and American Empire, Herbert I. Schiller emphasized the significance of the mass media and cultural industries to American imperialism, arguing that "each new electronic development widens the perimeter of American influence," and declaring that "American power, expressed industrially, militarily and culturally has become the most potent force on earth and communications have become a decisive element in the extension of United States world power."

In his 1976 book Communication and Cultural Domination, Schiller conveyed the very first definition of cultural imperialism, describing it as:

the sum processes by which a society is brought into the modern [U.S.-centered] world system and how its dominating stratum is attracted, pressured, forced, and sometimes bribed into shaping social institutions to correspond to, or even promote, the values and structures of the dominating centres of the system. The public media are the foremost example of operating enterprises that are used in the penetrative process. For penetration on a significant scale the media themselves must be captured by the dominating/penetrating power. This occurs largely through the commercialization of broadcasting.

For Schiller, cultural imperialism refers to the American Empire’s "coercive and persuasive agencies, and their capacity to promote and universalize an American ‘way of life’ in other countries without any reciprocation of influence." According to Schiller, cultural imperialism "pressured, forced and bribed" societies to integrate with the U.S.’s expansive capitalist model but also incorporated them with attraction and persuasion by winning "the mutual consent, even solicitation of the indigenous rulers." In some ways, Schiller's early definition of cultural imperialism is akin to Joseph Nye's more recent idea of soft power in international relations. [33]

The historical contexts, iterations, complexities, and politics of Schiller's foundational and substantive theorization of cultural imperialism in international communication and media studies are discussed in detail by political economy of communication researchers Richard Maxwell, [34] Vincent Mosco, [35] Graham Murdock, [20] and Tanner Mirrlees. [36]

Oliver Boyd-Barrett

In 1977, Oliver Boyd-Barrett described media imperialism as the unequal and asymmetrical power relationship between different countries and their media systems. Boyd-Barrett defined media imperialism as "a process whereby the ownership, structure, distribution or content of the media in any one country are singly or together subject to substantial pressure from the media interests of any other country or countries without proportionate reciprocation of influence by the country so affected." [5] Boyd-Barrett emphasized how the corporations that owned the mass media in imperial countries such as the United States (but not exclusively the United States) were also exerting ownership over the mass media in smaller countries while shaping their media business "models", production standards, and formats. [37] From the late 1970s to the 2020s, Boyd-Barrett authored and edited numerous books and volumes on continuity and change in media imperialism. [2] [38] [39]

Tom McPhail

In 1987, Tom McPhail defined cultural imperialism as "electronic colonialism", [40] or, "the dependency relationship established by the importation of communication hardware, foreign-produced software, along with engineers, technicians, and related information protocols, that establish a set of foreign norms, values, and expectations which, in varying degrees, may alter the domestic cultures and socialization processes." [41]

Paul Siu-Nam

In 1988, Paul Siu-Nam Lee observed that "communication imperialism can be defined as the process in which the ownership and control over the hardware and software of mass media as well as other major forms of communication in one country are singly or together subjugated to the domination of another country with deleterious effects on the indigenous values, norms and culture."

John Downing and Annabelle Sreberny-Mohammadi

In 1995, John Downing and Annabelle Sreberny-Mohammadi said: "Imperialism is the conquest and control of one country by a more powerful one. Cultural imperialism signifies the dimensions of the process that go beyond economic exploitation or military force. In the history of colonialism, (i.e., the form of imperialism in which the government of the colony is run directly by foreigners), the educational and media systems of many Third World countries have been set up as replicas of those in Britain, France, or the United States and carry their values. Western advertising has made further inroads, as have architectural and fashion styles. Subtly but powerfully, the message has often been insinuated that Western cultures are superior to the cultures of the Third World."

Needless to say, all these international communication and media studies researchers agree that cultural imperialism is undertaken by the world system's dominant imperial countries with and through the available and new means of communications and mass media, and often to the detriment of the countries on the receiving end of this process.

Tanner Mirrlees

In 2016, Tanner Mirrlees redefined media imperialism in a historical study of how the US national security State partners with US-based yet globalizing media corporations to spread media and cultural goods intended to organize trans-national consent to American foreign policy. [42] Building upon the political economy of communications scholarship of Herbert I. Schiller, Mirrlees argues that although the US government and media corporations pursue different interests on the world stage (the former, national security, and the latter, profit), they often collaborate to support the co-production and global distribution-exhibition of Empire-extolling media and popular cultural goods. Mirrlees focuses on four dimensions of media imperialism: [1] 1. a structural alliance and symbiotic relationship between the US nation-state (pursuing its geopolitical interests in world affairs) and US-headquartered media and cultural industries (pursuing their economic interests in world markets); 2. the US nation-state's geopolitical support for the trans-national economic dominance of the US-based media and cultural industries; 3. the US media and cultural industries' support for the US nation-state's international propaganda, "soft power" and public diplomacy campaigns in other countries; and, 4. American media and cultural products whose messages and imagery is intentionally or inadvertently functional to the glorification and legitimization of the US Empire. Although Mirrlees' study focuses on the specificity of American media imperialism and the role of the media and cultural industries to US economic, military and cultural-ideological power, the four dimensions of media imperialism it identifies may be evident in the practices of other old and new imperialist powers.

Dal Yong Jin

In 2015, Dal Yong Jin extended the concept of media imperialism to encompass the growing global power of US-based Internet and social media platform corporations such as Google, Apple, Facebook. Jin argues that a handful of corporations based in "Western countries are the world’s dominant digital platform owners and operators and a large number of non-Western countries are digital platform users." [43] In the book Digital Platforms, Imperialism and Political Culture, Jin conceptualizes "platform imperialism" as "an asymmetrical relationship of interdependence between the West, primarily the US, and many developing countries". [44] This asymmetrical platform relationship between the United States and the rest is "characterized in part by unequal technological exchanges and therefore capital flows" and reflects the "technological and symbolic domination of US-based platforms that have greatly influenced the majority of people and countries."

Criticisms of Media Imperialism Theory

Critics of the media imperialism "theory" have been around since the early 1980s. [45] Often, critics of the media imperialism theory tend to reject or deny that media imperialism exists, or alternately, present a meta-critique of one or more of the statements and claims made by the scholars associated with the media imperialism theory. As summarized by Tanner Mirrlees in Global Entertainment Media: Between Cultural Imperialism and Cultural Globalization, [46] critics of media imperialism theory tend to make one or more of the following points when dismissing media imperialism theory or criticizing it to complicate or revise in some way: 1. The US is not an imperialist power, ergo media imperialism doesn't exist; 2. postcolonial countries such as China and India headquarter large and internationalizing media corporations; the idea that postcolonial countries are victims of a US-centered media imperialism is simplistic and irrelevant in the 21st century; 3. the media and cultural trade relationship between the US and other countries may not be balanced, but there is more than a one way flow of media and cultural goods from the US to the rest: while the US exports a lot of media to the world, it also imports media from the world, suggesting a two-way or multi-directional flow of media goods; 4. consumers around the world are not forced or coerced to watch, listen to and read US media and cultural products; they may select and choose these "foreign" goods instead of "domestic" or nationally made and available media; 5. the texts of US media and cultural products do not communicate a one-dimensional American imperialist ideology to the world; they offer a multiplicity of competing narratives of America, warts and all; 6. the local and national reception contexts for US media and cultural products are complex, as consumers make a wide variety of interpretations of US media and sometimes adapt them to their own local and national cultural environments; 7. political and business elites in countries purportedly afflicted by US media imperialism may weaponize the concept for political ends: the censorship of unwanted or subversive ideas to maintain national propaganda regimes, the protection of fledgling or established national media corporations from international competition, and the promotion of the growth of national media oligopolies, first at home, then abroad.

United States

Most research on media imperialism going back to the 1970s has focused on the significance of the United States and referred to it as the world's most significant media imperialist. [2] For instance, media corporations based in the United States exert media influence in other countries, especially those lacking strong media industries. [1] A major cultural influencer in other countries is television. [47] Specifically in relation to news and entertainment American TV has a strong presence in the international arena. American news networks like CNN often have large international staffs, and produce specialized regional programming for many nations.

Movies produced by major Hollywood studios and distributors have presence and popularity around the world. For example, Hollywood is a major producer of films, which tend to be high quality and are released internationally. [48] Hollywood relies on four capitalist strategies "to attract and integrate non-US film producers, exhibitors and audiences into its ambit: ownership, cross-border productions with subordinate service providers, content licensing deals with exhibitors, and blockbusters designed to travel the globe." [49] Hollywood's dominance is not total, as other countries have their own film industries: "Bollywood", for example, describes India's Hindi-language film industry, which is large and prosperous. [48]

Another form of mass media used for media imperialism is music. [48] Much of today's, and older, American music finds itself popular in other countries. However, in the "British Invasion" of the 1960s, British music became popular in the United States. Since then, there has not been such a large shift of imperialism.

Overall, American media imperialism can be seen as a positive and a negative. Negative views towards it stem from the negative connotation of the word 'imperialism'. [4] This word is associated with political imperialism, in which a large country creates an empire out of smaller ones. However, media imperialism can be seen as a positive when it is viewed as a way to create a consensus narrative. A consensus narrative is a result of "products that provide us with shared experiences". [48] By having similar experiences, it opens the gateway for communication and development of relationships. Yet, this can also become a problem when the cultural exchange is not balanced or reciprocated. American culture is being transmitted to other countries, but other cultures may not be[ weasel words ] received in return.

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cultural imperialism</span> Cultural aspects of imperialism

Cultural imperialism comprises the cultural dimensions of imperialism. The word "imperialism" describes practices in which a country engages culture to create and maintain unequal social and economic relationships among social groups. Cultural imperialism often uses wealth, media power and violence to implement the system of cultural hegemony that legitimizes imperialism.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Imperialism</span> Policy or ideology of extending a nations rule over foreign nations

Imperialism is the practice, theory or attitude of maintaining or extending power, particularly through expansionism, employing hard power, but also soft power, establishing or maintaining a hegemony and a more or less formal empire.

Neocolonialism is the continuation or reimposition of imperialist rule by a state over another nominally independent state. Neocolonialism takes the form of economic imperialism, globalization, cultural imperialism and conditional aid to influence or control a developing country instead of the previous colonial methods of direct military control or indirect political control (hegemony).

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American imperialism</span> Expansion of American political, economic, media, and cultural influence

American imperialism refers to the expansion of American political, economic, cultural, media and military influence beyond the boundaries of the United States. Depending on the commentator, it may include imperialism through outright military conquest; gunboat diplomacy; unequal treaties; subsidization of preferred factions; regime change; or economic penetration through private companies, potentially followed by diplomatic or forceful intervention when those interests are threatened.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Herbert Schiller</span>

Herbert Irving Schiller was an American media critic, sociologist, author, and scholar. He earned his PhD in 1960 from New York University.

Operation Mockingbird is an alleged large-scale program of the United States Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) that began in the early years of the Cold War and attempted to manipulate domestic American news media organizations for propaganda purposes. According to author Deborah Davis, Operation Mockingbird recruited leading American journalists into a propaganda network and influenced the operations of front groups. CIA support of front groups was exposed when an April 1967 Ramparts article reported that the National Student Association received funding from the CIA. In 1975, Church Committee Congressional investigations revealed Agency connections with journalists and civic groups.

The New World Information and Communication Order is a term coined in a debate over media representations of the developing world in UNESCO in the late 1970s early 1980s. The NWICO movement was part of a broader effort to formally tackle global economic inequality that was viewed as a legacy of imperialism upon the global south. The term was widely used by the MacBride Commission, a UNESCO panel chaired by Nobel Peace Prize laureate Seán MacBride, which was charged with creation of a set of recommendations to make global media representation more equitable. The MacBride Commission produced a report titled "Many Voices, One World", which outlined the main philosophical points of the New World Information Communication Order.

Transnational feminism refers to both a contemporary feminist paradigm and the corresponding activist movement. Both the theories and activist practices are concerned with how globalization and capitalism affect people across nations, races, genders, classes, and sexualities. This movement asks to critique the ideologies of traditional white, classist, western models of feminist practices from an intersectional approach and how these connect with labor, theoretical applications, and analytical practice on a geopolitical scale.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Armand Mattelart</span>

Armand Mattelart is a Belgian sociologist, known as a leftist French scholar. His work deals with media, culture and communication, specially in their historical and international dimensions.

Postcolonialism is the critical academic study of the cultural, political and economic legacy of colonialism and imperialism, focusing on the impact of human control and exploitation of colonized people and their lands. More specifically, it is a critical theory analysis of the history, culture, literature, and discourse of imperial power.

<i>How to Read Donald Duck</i> 1972 book by Ariel Dorfman & Armand Mattelart

How to Read Donald Duck is a 1971 book-length essay by Ariel Dorfman and Armand Mattelart that critiques Disney comics from a Marxist point of view as capitalist propaganda for American corporate and cultural imperialism. It was first published in Chile in 1971, became a bestseller throughout Latin America and is still considered a seminal work in cultural studies. It was reissued in August 2018 to a general audience in the United States, with a new introduction by Dorfman, by OR Books.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">News</span> Communication of selected information on current events

News is information about current events. This may be provided through many different media: word of mouth, printing, postal systems, broadcasting, electronic communication, or through the testimony of observers and witnesses to events. News is sometimes called "hard news" to differentiate it from soft media.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Postcolonial international relations</span> Critical theory approach to international relations

Postcolonial international relations is a branch of scholarship that approaches the study of international relations (IR) using the critical lens of postcolonialism. This critique of IR theory suggests that mainstream IR scholarship does not adequately address the impacts of colonialism and imperialism on current day world politics. Despite using the language of post-, scholars of Postcolonial IR argue that the legacies of colonialism are ongoing, and that critiquing International Relations with this lens allows scholars to contextualize global events. By bridging postcolonialism and International Relations, scholars point to the process of globalization as a crucial point in both fields, due to the increases in global interactions and integration. Postcolonial IR focuses on the re-narrativization of global politics to create a balanced transnational understanding of colonial histories, and attempts to tie non-Western sources of thought into political praxis.

The study of global communication is an interdisciplinary thing focusing on global communication, or the ways that people connect, share, relate and mobilize across places of, political, economic, social and cultural divides. Global communication implies a transfer of knowledge and ideas from powerful guys to peripheries and the imposition of a new thing by means of the "soft power" of global news and entertainment.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Cultural globalization</span> Transmission of ideas, meanings and values around the world

Cultural globalisation refers to the transmission of ideas, meanings and values around the world in such a way as to extend and intensify social relations. This process is marked by the common consumption of cultures that have been diffused by the Internet, popular culture media, and international travel. This has added to processes of commodity exchange and colonization which have a longer history of carrying cultural meaning around the globe. The circulation of cultures enables individuals to partake in extended social relations that cross national and regional borders. The creation and expansion of such social relations is not merely observed on a material level. Cultural globalization involves the formation of shared norms and knowledge with which people associate their individual and collective cultural identities. It brings increasing interconnectedness among different populations and cultures. The idea of cultural globalization emerged in the late 1980s, but was diffused widely by Western academics throughout the 1990s and early 2000s. For some researchers, the idea of cultural globalization is reaction to the claims made by critics of cultural imperialism in the 1970s and 1980s.

Mediated cross-border communication is a scholarly field in communication studies and refers to any mediated form of communication in the course of which nation state or cultural borders are crossed or even get transgressed and undermined.

International communication is the communication practice that occurs across international borders. The need for international communication was due to the increasing effects and influences of globalization. As a field of study, international communication is a branch of communication studies, concerned with the scope of "government-to-government", "business-to-business", and "people-to-people" interactions at a global level. Currently, international communication is being taught at colleges worldwide. Due to the increasingly globalized market, employees who possess the ability to effectively communicate across cultures are in high demand. International communication "encompasses political, economic, social, cultural and military concerns".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Anti-imperialism</span> Political stance in opposition to interventionist or expansionist policies

Anti-imperialism in political science and international relations is a term used in a variety of contexts, usually by nationalist movements who want to secede from a larger polity or as a specific theory opposed to capitalism in Leninist discourse, derived from Vladimir Lenin's work Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. Less common usage refers to opponents of an interventionist foreign policy.

The Political Economy of Communications is a particular branch in Communication studies or media studies which studies the power relations that shape the communication of information from the mass media to its public. PEC analyzes the power relations between the mass media system, information and communications technologies (ICTs) and the wider socioeconomic structure in which these operate, with a focus on understanding the historical and current state of technological developments. PEC has proliferated in the 2000s with the modernization of technology. The advancement of media has created conversation about the effects of colonialism and PEC.

Imperial feminism, also known as imperialist feminism, colonial feminism or intersectional imperialism refers to instances where, critics argue, feminist rhetoric is used to justify empire-building or imperialism. The term has come into greater usage in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries, with one scholar declaring it as something which "privileges inequality through gender bending that masquerades as gendered equality... Imperial feminism privileges empire building through war." The related term intersectional imperialism has applied to the foreign policy of Western nations which are perceived as engaging in, or supporting, imperialistic policies while at the same time promoting inclusive and progressive rhetoric at home.

References

  1. 1 2 3 4 Mirrlees, Tanner (May 14, 2019). Mass Media and Imperialism. The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism. pp. 1–17. doi:10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_122-1. ISBN   978-3-319-91206-6. S2CID   239083505 . Retrieved June 10, 2022.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: url-status (link)
  2. 1 2 3 4 5 Boyd-Barrett, Oliver; Mirrlees, Tanner (2020). Media Imperialism: Continuity and Change (1st ed.). New York: Rowman & Littlefield. p. 2. ISBN   978-1-5381-2155-9.
  3. ↑ Gómez García, Rodrigo; Birkinbine, Ben (2018-06-27), "Cultural Imperialism Theories", Communication, Oxford University Press, doi: 10.1093/obo/9780199756841-0209 , ISBN   978-0-19-975684-1 , retrieved 2022-06-12
  4. 1 2 Oliver, Boyd-Barrett (2014-12-19). Media imperialism. London. ISBN   9781446268704. OCLC   899205069.
  5. 1 2 Boyd-Barrett, Oliver (1977). Media imperialism: Towards an international framework for the analysis of media systems. Mass Communication and Society. London: Edward Arnold. ISBN   978-0-7131-5939-4.
  6. ↑ Beltrán, Luis Ramiro (1980). Comunicación dominada : Estados Unidos en los medios de América Latina. Elizabeth Fox (1a ed.). México, D.F.: Instituto Latinoamericano de Estudios Transnacionales. ISBN   968-429-209-0. OCLC   7666987.
  7. ↑ Dorfman, Ariel (1975). How to read Donald Duck : imperialist ideology in the Disney comic. Armand Mattelart. New York: International General. ISBN   0-88477-003-6. OCLC   1948361.
  8. ↑ Guback, Thomas H. (1982). Transnational communication and cultural industries. Tapio Varis, José G. Cantor. Paris, France: UNESCO. ISBN   92-3-101882-5. OCLC   9429113.
  9. ↑ Hamelink, Cees J. (1983). Cultural autonomy in global communications : planning national information policy. New York: Longman. ISBN   0-582-28358-2. OCLC   8284005.
  10. ↑ Jin, Dal Yong (2007). "Reinterpretation of cultural imperialism: emerging domestic market vs continuing US dominance". Media, Culture & Society. 29 (5): 753–771. doi:10.1177/0163443707080535. S2CID   220923787.
  11. ↑ Jin, Dal Yong (2015). Digital Platforms, Imperialism and Political Culture (1st ed.). New York: Routledge. ISBN   978-1-138-09753-7.
  12. ↑ Mattelart, Armand. (1976). "Cultural imperialism in the multinationals' age". Instant Research on Peace and Violence. 6 (4): 160–174. JSTOR   40724813.
  13. ↑ Mattelart, Armand (1979). Multinational corporations and the control of culture: The ideological apparatuses of imperialism (1st ed.). Brighton: Harvester.
  14. ↑ McChesney, Robert (2001). Global Media: The New Missionaries of Global Capitalism (1st ed.). London: Bloomsbury. ISBN   978-0-8264-5819-3.
  15. ↑ McPhail, Thomas (2008). "eColonialism Theory: Hegemony and the Role of American Media". The Global Studies Journal. 1 (2): 45–54. doi:10.18848/1835-4432/CGP/v01i02/40822. ISSN   1835-4432.
  16. ↑ Global Hollywood 2. Toby Miller. London: BFI Publishing. 2005. ISBN   1-84457-039-8. OCLC   60319186.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  17. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2013). Global Entertainment Media: Between Cultural Imperialism and Cultural Globalization (1st ed.). New York: Routledge. ISBN   9780415519823.
  18. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2016). Hearts and Mines: The US Empire's Culture Industry (1st ed.). Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press. ISBN   9780774830157.
  19. ↑ Media and cultural theory. James Curran, David Morley. London: Routledge. 2006. ISBN   978-0-203-50961-6. OCLC   191796922.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  20. 1 2 Murdock, Graham (2006-07-01). "Notes from the Number One Country". International Journal of Cultural Policy. 12 (2): 209–227. doi:10.1080/10286630600813727. ISSN   1028-6632. S2CID   142100032.
  21. ↑ Nordenstreng, Kaarle (1974). Television traffic--a one-way street? A survey and analysis of the international flow of television programme material. Tapio Varis. [Paris]: Unesco. ISBN   92-3-101135-9. OCLC   980651.
  22. ↑ Schiller, Herbert I. (1971). Mass communications and American empire. Boston [Mass.]: Beacon Books. ISBN   0-8070-6175-1. OCLC   152575045.
  23. ↑ Schiller, Herbert I. (1976). Communication and cultural domination. White Plains, N.Y.: International Arts and Sciences Press. ISBN   0-87332-079-4. OCLC   2615596.
  24. ↑ Schiller, Herbert I. (1992). Mass communications and American empire (2nd ed., updated ed.). Boulder: Westview Press. ISBN   0-8133-1439-9. OCLC   25874095.
  25. ↑ Schiller, Herbert I. (2000). Living in the number one country : reflections from a critic of American empire (A Seven Stories Press 1st ed.). New York: Seven Stories Press. ISBN   1-58322-028-3. OCLC   43311688.
  26. ↑ Smythe, Dallas Walker (1981). Dependency road : communications, capitalism, consciousness, and Canada. Norwood, N.J.: Ablex Pub. Corp. ISBN   0-89391-088-0. OCLC   8176628.
  27. ↑ Sparks, Colin (2007). Globalization, Development and the Mass Media. London. ISBN   978-1-4462-2889-0. OCLC   1062284137.
  28. ↑ Sparks, Colin (2012). "Media and cultural imperialism reconsidered". Chinese Journal of Communication. 5 (3): 281–299. doi:10.1080/17544750.2012.701417. S2CID   144259442.
  29. ↑ Electronic empires : global media and local resistance. Daya Kishan Thussu. London: Arnold. 1998. ISBN   0-340-71895-1. OCLC   39116555.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  30. ↑ Thussu, Daya Kishan (2019). International communication : continuity and change (3rd ed.). London. ISBN   978-1-78093-265-1. OCLC   1056202306.
  31. ↑ Tunstall, Jeremy (1977). The media are American : Anglo-American media in the world. London: Constable. ISBN   0-09-460260-3. OCLC   3143511.
  32. ↑ Tunstall, Jeremy (2008). The media were American : U.S. mass media in decline. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN   978-0-19-518146-3. OCLC   77520509.
  33. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2006). "American Soft Power or American Cultural Imperialism". The New Imperialists: Ideologists of Empire.
  34. ↑ Maxwell, Richard (2003). Herbert Schiller. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN   0-7425-1847-7. OCLC   52134906.
  35. ↑ Mosco, Vincent (2010-06-21), "Schiller, Herbert I.", in Donsbach, Wolfgang (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of Communication, Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, pp. wbiecs131, doi:10.1002/9781405186407.wbiecs131, ISBN   978-1-4051-8640-7 , retrieved 2022-06-12
  36. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2016-01-14). "U.S. Empire and Communications Today: Revisiting Herbert I. Schiller". The Political Economy of Communication. 3 (2). ISSN   2357-1705.
  37. ↑ Boyd-Barrett, Oliver (1977). "Media imperialism: towards an international framework for the analysis of media systems". Mass Communication and Society: 116–135.
  38. ↑ Boyd-Barrett, Oliver (2015). Media imperialism. London. ISBN   978-1-4462-6870-4. OCLC   899205069.
  39. ↑ Communications media, globalization and empire. Oliver Boyd-Barrett. New Barnet, Herts, United Kingdom. 2016. ISBN   978-0-86196-914-2. OCLC   646848271.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link)
  40. ↑ McPhail, Thomas L. (1987). Electronic colonialism : the future of international broadcasting and communication (Rev. 2nd ed.). Newbury Park, Calif. ISBN   0-8039-2731-2. OCLC   13395900.
  41. ↑ McPhail, Thomas L. (2020). Global communication : theories, stakeholders and trends. Steven Phipps (Fifth ed.). Hoboken, NJ. ISBN   978-1-119-52225-6. OCLC   1105748693.
  42. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2016). Hearts and mines : the US empire's culture industry. Vancouver. ISBN   978-0-7748-3014-0. OCLC   907657359.
  43. ↑ Jin, Dal Yong (2020). Facebook's Platform Imperialism: The Economics and Geopolitics of Social Media. Media Imperialism: Continuity and Change, edited by Oliver Boyd-Barrett and Tanner Mirrlees. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 187–198. ISBN   978-1538121559.
  44. ↑ Jin, Dal Yong (2015). Digital platforms, imperialism and political culture. New York, NY. ISBN   978-1-317-50905-9. OCLC   905600017.
  45. ↑ Tomlinson, John (2002). Cultural imperialism : a critical introduction. London: Continuum. ISBN   0-86187-746-2. OCLC   55717344.
  46. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2013). Global entertainment media : between cultural imperialism and cultural globalization. New York: Routledge. ISBN   978-0-415-51981-6. OCLC   756593675.
  47. ↑ Osama, El-Sherif (August 20, 2001). "Media imperialism in the global era". Middle East News Online. ProQuest   203075150.
  48. 1 2 3 4 Campbell, Richard (2015-11-13). Media essentials : a brief introduction. Martin, Christopher R.,, Fabos, Bettina,, Harmsen, Shawn. (Third ed.). Boston. ISBN   9781457693762. OCLC   914290275.
  49. ↑ Mirrlees, Tanner (2018). "Global Hollywood: An Entertainment Imperium, by Integration". Cineaction. 100 (1).
This page is based on this Wikipedia article
Text is available under the CC BY-SA 4.0 license; additional terms may apply.
Images, videos and audio are available under their respective licenses.