Politics of resentment

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The politics of resentment, sometimes called grievance politics, is a form of politics which is based on resentment of some other group of people. [17]

Contents

Types

Male

Male grievance culture is a common feature in mass shooters, according to a study which examined their motivations in the intersection of white entitlement, middle-class instability, and heterosexual masculinity. The study's author, Leigh Paterson, wrote that such murderers may be highly motivated by "white male grievance culture". [18] [19]

Female

White

Columnist Michael Gerson argues that in American politics, the Republican Party has been "swiftly repositioned as an instrument of white grievance." [20] [ non-primary source needed ]

Reaction to demographic change

Demographic change in the United States propelled by immigration has led to an increasing proportion of people with diverse backgrounds, and a decreasing proportion of whites. By 1998, places like Hawaii, Houston, and New York City had no majority race. This trend increased in the 21st century, with several more cities where whites were once the majority, but no longer are. Highly visible advances of certain minorities, such as the first Black president and the first Hispanic Supreme Court justice, also took place in this period.

In some states, state legislators moved to restrict immigration by law. In the field of education, some white elected officials have moved to restrict diversity programs, or the availability of courses in ethnic studies or the impact of race in America, while others have worked at tightening election regulations in order to make it more difficult for members of ethnic minorities to vote, leading to opposing protests, sometimes clashing, between mostly white groups favoring restrictions on immigration and minorities, and by minority groups seeking to hold on to their rights. [21]

This came to a head during Donald Trump's 2016 presidential election campaign. [21] :2

Black

Nationalist

Sociologist Bart Bonikowski argues that ethno-nationalist populism is often based on stirring up resentment against "elites, immigrants, and ethnic, racial and religious minorities". [22]

Religious

Sexuality and gender

Grievance culture

Jason Manning and Bradley Campbell draw on the work of sociologist Donald Black on conflict and on cross-cultural studies of conflict and morality to argue that the contemporary culture wars resemble tactics described by scholars in which an aggrieved party or group seeks the support of third parties. They argue that grievance-based conflicts have led to large-scale moral change in which an emergent victimhood culture is clashing with and replacing older honor and dignity cultures. [23] Political commentator E. J. Dionne has written that culture war is an electoral technique to exploit differences and grievances, remarking that the real cultural division is "between those who want to have a culture war and those who don't." [24]

Alternatively, authors such as Helen Pluckrose, Peter Bhoggoshian and James Lindsay have argued that the politics of resentment largely originate from the political left, with the contemporary conservative response being a reaction to it.[ citation needed ]

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Ethnic conflict</span> Conflict between ethnic groups

An ethnic conflict is a conflict between two or more ethnic groups. While the source of the conflict may be political, social, economic or religious, the individuals in conflict must expressly fight for their ethnic group's position within society. This criterion differentiates ethnic conflict from other forms of struggle.

Right-wing politics is the range of political ideologies that view certain social orders and hierarchies as inevitable, natural, normal, or desirable, typically supporting this position based on natural law, economics, authority, property, religion, biology, or tradition. Hierarchy and inequality may be seen as natural results of traditional social differences or competition in market economies.

Racial discrimination is any discrimination against any individual on the basis of their race, ancestry, ethnic or national origin, and/or skin color and hair texture. Individuals can discriminate by refusing to do business with, socialize with, or share resources with people of a certain group. Governments can discriminate explicitly in law, for example through policies of racial segregation, disparate enforcement of laws, or disproportionate allocation of resources. Some jurisdictions have anti-discrimination laws which prohibit the government or individuals from being discriminated based on race in various circumstances. Some institutions and laws use affirmative action to attempt to overcome or compensate for the effects of racial discrimination. In some cases, this is simply enhanced recruitment of members of underrepresented groups; in other cases, there are firm racial quotas. Opponents of strong remedies like quotas characterize them as reverse discrimination, where members of a dominant or majority group are discriminated against.

Populism is a range of political stances that emphasize the idea of the common people and often position this group in opposition to a perceived elite group. It is frequently associated with anti-establishment and anti-political sentiment. The term developed in the late 19th century and has been applied to various politicians, parties and movements since that time, often as a pejorative. Within political science and other social sciences, several different definitions of populism have been employed, with some scholars proposing that the term be rejected altogether.

Identity politics is politics based on a particular identity, such as ethnicity, race, nationality, religion, denomination, gender, sexual orientation, social background, caste, and social class. The term encompasses various often-populist political phenomena and rhetoric, such as governmental migration policies that regulate mobility and opportunity based on identities, left-wing agendas involving intersectional politics or class reductionism, and right-wing nationalist agendas of exclusion of national or ethnic "others."

The term "minority group" has different usages, depending on the context. According to its common usage, the term minority group can simply be understood in terms of demographic sizes within a population: i.e. a group in society with the least number of individuals, or less than half, is a "minority". Usually a minority group is disempowered relative to the majority, and that characteristic lends itself to different applications of the term minority.

Whiteness studies is the study of the structures that produce white privilege, the examination of what whiteness is when analyzed as a race, a culture, and a source of systemic racism, and the exploration of other social phenomena generated by the societal compositions, perceptions and group behaviors of white people. It is an interdisciplinary arena of inquiry that has developed beginning in the United States from white trash studies and critical race studies, particularly since the late 20th century. It is focused on what proponents describe as the cultural, historical and sociological aspects of people identified as white, and the social construction of "whiteness" as an ideology tied to social status.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">White pride</span> Racial expression

White pride and white power are expressions primarily used by white separatist, white nationalist, fascist, neo-Nazi, and white supremacist organizations in order to signal racist or racialist viewpoints. It is also a slogan used by the prominent post-Ku Klux Klan group Stormfront and a term used to make racist/racialist viewpoints more palatable to the general public who may associate historical abuses with the terms white nationalist, neo-Nazi, and white supremacist.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">American nationalism</span>

American nationalism is a form of civic, ethnic, cultural or economic influences found in the United States. Essentially, it indicates the aspects that characterize and distinguish the United States as an autonomous political community. The term often explains efforts to reinforce its national identity and self-determination within its national and international affairs.

An ethnocracy is a type of political structure in which the state apparatus is controlled by a dominant ethnic group to further that group's interests, power, dominance, and resources. Ethnocratic regimes in the modern era typically display a 'thin' democratic façade covering a more profound ethnic structure, in which ethnicity —and not citizenship—is the key to securing power and resources. An ethnocratic society facilitates the ethnicization of the state by the dominant group, through the expansion of control likely accompanied by conflict with minorities or neighbouring states.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Intersectionality</span> Theory of discrimination

Intersectionality is a sociological analytical framework for understanding how groups' and individuals' social and political identities result in unique combinations of discrimination and privilege. Examples of these factors include gender, caste, sex, race, ethnicity, class, sexuality, religion, disability, height, physical appearance, age, and weight. These intersecting and overlapping social identities may be both empowering and oppressing.

Reverse racism, sometimes referred to as reverse discrimination, is the concept that affirmative action and similar color-conscious programs for redressing racial inequality are forms of anti-white racism. The concept is often associated with conservative social movements, and reflects a belief that social and economic gains by Black people and other people of color cause disadvantages for white people.

Microaggression is a term used for commonplace verbal, behavioral or environmental slights, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative attitudes toward those of different races, cultures, beliefs, or genders. The term was coined by Harvard University psychiatrist Chester M. Pierce in 1970 to describe insults and dismissals which he regularly witnessed non-black Americans inflicting on African Americans. By the early 21st century, use of the term was applied to the casual disparagement of any socially marginalized group, including LGBT people, poor people, and disabled people. Psychologist Derald Wing Sue defines microaggressions as "brief, everyday exchanges that send denigrating messages to certain individuals because of their group membership". The persons making the comments may be otherwise well-intentioned and unaware of the potential impact of their words.

Michael Parker Banton CMG, FRAI was a British social scientist, known primarily for his publications on racial and ethnic relations. He was also the first editor of Sociology (1966-1969).

Ethnic nationalism, also known as ethnonationalism, is a form of nationalism wherein the nation and nationality are defined in terms of ethnicity, with emphasis on an ethnocentric approach to various political issues related to national affirmation of a particular ethnic group.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Coptic nationalism</span>

Coptic nationalism refers to the nationalism of the Copts, a Christian ethnic and religious minority that primarily inhabit the area of modern Egypt. Coptic nationalism does not have a claim for a Coptic nation but asks for an equal position for Copts in Egypt. Most Copts live in the south of Egypt but the largest concentrations of Copts lives in Cairo and Alexandria. The Copts, like the rest of Egyptians, are descended from the pharaonic inhabitants of Egypt. Most ethnic Copts belongs to the Coptic Orthodox Church. Copts number between 10-15 percent of the Egyptian population of 104 million

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eric Kaufmann</span> Canadian political and religious demographer

Eric Peter Kaufmann is a Canadian professor of politics at the University of Buckingham. He was appointed in October 2023, following his resignation from his post at Birkbeck, University of London, after two decades of service, citing political differences. He is a specialist on Orangeism in Northern Ireland, nationalism, and political and religious demography. He has authored, co-authored, and edited books and other publications on these subjects.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Michael Hechter</span> American sociologist

Michael Hechter is an American sociologist and Foundation Professor of Political Science at Arizona State University. He is also Emeritus Professor of Sociology at the University of Washington.

Andreas Wimmer is a Swiss sociologist who is the Lieber Professor of Sociology and Political Philosophy at Columbia University. He has a PhD in social anthropology from the University of Zurich.

Constructivism presumes that ethnic identities are shapeable and affected by politics. Through this framework, constructivist theories reassesses conventional political science dogmas. Research indicates that institutionalized cleavages and a multiparty system discourage ethnic outbidding and identification with tribal, localized groups. In addition, constructivism questions the widespread belief that ethnicity inherently inhibits national, macro-scale identification. To prove this point, constructivist findings suggest that modernization, language consolidation, and border-drawing, weakened the tendency to identify with micro-scale identity categories. One manifestation of ethnic politics gone awry, ethnic violence, is itself not seen as necessarily ethnic, since it attains its ethnic meaning as a conflict progresses.

References

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  2. Betz, Hans-Georg (1993). "The New Politics of Resentment: Radical Right-Wing Populist Parties in Western Europe". Comparative Politics. 25 (4): 413–427. doi:10.2307/422034. ISSN   0010-4159. JSTOR   422034.
  3. Cohen, Jean L. (2019). "Populism and the Politics of Resentment". Jus Cogens. 1 (1): 5–39. doi: 10.1007/s42439-019-00009-7 .
  4. Cramer, Katherine J. (2016). The Politics of Resentment: Rural Consciousness in Wisconsin and the Rise of Scott Walker. University of Chicago Press. ISBN   978-0-226-34925-1.
  5. Dudas, Jeffrey R. (2005). "In the Name of Equal Rights: "Special" Rights and the Politics of Resentment in Post-Civil Rights America". Law & Society Review. 39 (4): 723–758. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5893.2005.00243.x.
  6. Engels, Jeremy (2010). "The Politics of Resentment and the Tyranny of the Minority: Rethinking Victimage for Resentful Times". Rhetoric Society Quarterly. 40 (4): 303–325. doi:10.1080/02773941003785652. S2CID   144812968.
  7. Engels, Jeremy (2015). The Politics of Resentment: A Genealogy. Penn State Press. ISBN   978-0-271-07198-5.
  8. Fukuyama, Francis (2018). Identity: The Demand for Dignity and the Politics of Resentment. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN   978-0-374-71748-3.
  9. Göle, Nilüfer (2011). "The public visibility of Islam and European politics of resentment: The minarets-mosques debate" (PDF). Philosophy & Social Criticism. 37 (4): 383–392. doi:10.1177/0191453711398773. S2CID   144860070.
  10. Hoggett, Paul; Wilkinson, Hen; Beedell, Pheobe (2013). "Fairness and the Politics of Resentment". Journal of Social Policy. 42 (3): 567–585. doi:10.1017/S0047279413000056. S2CID   144345770.
  11. Ivarsflaten, Elisabeth (2008). "What Unites Right-Wing Populists in Western Europe?: Re-Examining Grievance Mobilization Models in Seven Successful Cases". Comparative Political Studies. 41 (1): 3–23. doi:10.1177/0010414006294168. S2CID   154283877.
  12. Jacobs, David; Tope, Daniel (2007). "The Politics of Resentment in the Post–Civil Rights Era: Minority Threat, Homicide, and Ideological Voting in Congress". American Journal of Sociology. 112 (5): 1458–1494. doi:10.1086/511804. S2CID   145514488.
  13. Koncewicz, Tomasz Tadeusz (28 September 2017). "Understanding the Politics of Resentment". Verfassungsblog . Retrieved 23 October 2020.
  14. McCarthy, Cameron; Dimitriadis, Greg (2000). "Governmentality and the Sociology of Education: Media, educational policy and the politics of resentment". British Journal of Sociology of Education. 21 (2): 169–185. doi:10.1080/713655350. S2CID   144853903.
  15. Nord, Philip G. (2005). The Politics Of Resentment: Shopkeeper Protest In Nineteenth-century Paris. Transaction Publishers. ISBN   978-1-4128-3843-6.
  16. Wells, Karen; Watson, Sophie (2005). "A politics of resentment: Shopkeepers in a London neighbourhood". Ethnic and Racial Studies. 28 (2): 261–277. doi:10.1080/01419870420000315843. S2CID   144285129.
  17. Multiple sources: [1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [6] [7] [8] [9] [10] [11] [12] [13] [14] [15] [16]
  18. Paterson, Leigh (9 August 2019). "Many Mass Shooters Share A Common Bond: Male Grievance Culture". Guns & America Project. Washington, D.C.: WAMU | American University Radio. Archived from the original on 2020-02-20. Retrieved 2021-02-17.
  19. Madfis, Eric (2014). "Triple Entitlement and Homicidal Anger: An Exploration of the Intersectional Identities of American Mass Murderers". Men and Masculinities. 17 (1): 67–86. doi:10.1177/1097184X14523432. ISSN   1524-9220. OCLC   5574553164. S2CID   145599622.
  20. Gerson, Michael (1 March 2021). "Opinion | The GOP is now just the party of white grievance" . The Washington Post. Retrieved 17 November 2021.
  21. 1 2 Jardina, Ashley (28 February 2019). White Identity Politics. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN   978-1-108-59013-6.
  22. Bonikowski, Bart (2017). "Ethno-nationalist populism and the mobilization of collective resentment". The British Journal of Sociology. 68 (Suppl 1): S181–S213. doi: 10.1111/1468-4446.12325 . ISSN   1468-4446. PMID   29114869.
  23. Campbell, Bradley; Manning, Jason (2014). "Microaggression and Moral Cultures". Comparative Sociology. 13 (6): 692–726. doi:10.1163/15691330-12341332.
  24. Dionne, E. J. (January 2006). "Why the Culture War Is the Wrong War". The Atlantic .

Further reading