Qi Wannian

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Qi Wannian
Traditional Chinese 齊萬年
Simplified Chinese 齐万年
Transcriptions
Standard Mandarin
Hanyu Pinyin Qí wànnián
Wade–Giles ch'i wan-nien
Qi Wannian's Rebellion
Datec.September or October 296 c.February or March 299
Location
Result Western Jin victory; exodus of refugees into Hanzhong and Sichuan
Belligerents
Western Jin Qi Wannian
Commanders and leaders
Sima Rong
Xiahou Jun
Zhou Chu  
Meng Guan
Qi Wannian 
Strength
5,000 (Zhou Chu) 70,000+ Di, Qiang, Lushuihu and other tribal rebels

Ascension of Qi Wannian

In September or October 296 [4] , the revolt escalated after Hao Duyuan defeated the Inspector of Yong province, Xie Xi (解系). His victory inspired many of the Qiang and Di tribe in Qin and Yong provinces to take up arms. They elected a Di chieftain, Qi Wannian as their Emperor before laying siege on Jingyang. The court responded by appointing Xiahou Jun (夏侯駿) as General Who Maintains the West with the generals, Zhou Chu and Lu Bo (盧播) as his subordinates to assist Sima Rong in quelling the rebellion.

Around the same time, Guanzhong suffered from a series of severe famines and plagues. [5] The ongoing rebellion and the occupation of local commanderies by the army worsened the famine, and food became so scarce that the price for ten hu (斛; a large unit of measurement) of rice rose to ten thousand in cash. The six commanderies of Tianshui, Lueyang, Fufeng, Shiping (始平郡; around present-day Xianyang, Shaanxi), Wudu (武都郡; around present-day Longnan, Gansu) and Yinping (陰平郡; around present-day Wen County, Gansu) were all greatly affected. Tens of thousands of Han Chinese and tribal peoples from these areas became refugees and migrated southward into Hanzhong and Sichuan in search of food.

Battle of Liumo

There was noted animosity between Sima Rong and Zhou Chu. The minister, Chen Zhun (陳準), had pointed out this issue and warned that Sima Rong may send Zhou Chu out to his death. He suggested for Zhou Chu to be aided by another general, Meng Guan, with 10,000 elite soldiers, but the court did not listen. Qi Wannian himself was wary of Zhou Chu, as the latter had experience dealing with the Qiang and Di tribes during his tenure as Administrator of Xinping (新平郡; around present-day Bin County, Shaanxi), but believed he could easily be defeated if he was subordinated.

In February 297, Qi Wannian camped his forces at Mount Liang (梁山, in modern-day Qian County, Shaanxi) and amassed a huge force of 70,000 men. Zhou Chu was only given 5,000 men to attack the rebels, and despite raising objections, Sima Rong and Xiahou Jun ignored his concerns and forced him to go. His soldiers were also not given time to eat before they had to join Hai Xi and Lu Bo's forces in attacking the rebels at Liumo (六陌, in modern-day Qian County, Shaanxi). Zhou Chu and his soldiers fought for an entire day and killed many of the rebels, but they eventually ran out of arrows and exhausted their bows. As reinforcements failed to arrive, Zhou Chu refused to retreat and died in a famous last stand. [6]

End of the rebellion

Qi Wannian's rebellion raged on into 298. Frustrated by the lack of progress, Zhang Hua and Chen Zhun charged both Sima Lun and Sima Rong for neglecting military affairs in Guanzhong. The two ministers then recommended for Meng Guan to campaign against the rebels and put an end to the rebellion. Meng Guan proved himself more competent than the princes, as he led his army to defeat the rebels in numerous battles. In January or February 299, he fought Qi Wannian's forces at Zhongting (中亭, west of present-day Wugong, Shaanxi), where he defeated the Di army and killed Qi Wannian, thus ending the four-year-long rebellion. [7]

Aftermath

The rebellion raised some concerns regarding the tribal peoples living within the Chinese interior. One minister, Jiang Tong, because of the rebellion, wrote an essay titled "Discussion on Relocating the Rong Tribes (徙戎論)" which he submitted to the Jin court, warning them about the threat possessed by the tribes to the dynasty and advocating for their repatriation. However, the Jin court rejected his proposal. [8] The Di state of Chouchi and the Ba-Di state of Cheng-Han were also established by refugee leaders displaced by Qi Wannian's rebellion.

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References

  1. ([元康]九年春正月,左积弩将军孟观伐氐,战于中亭,大破之,获齐万年。) Jin Shu, vol.04. The month corresponds to 17 Feb to 18 Mar 299 in the Julian calendar.
  2. (壽闐卒,孫樹機能立,壯果多謀略。泰始中,殺秦州刺史胡烈于萬斛堆。) Book of Jin, Volume 126
  3. ([元康六年]五月,荊、揚二州大水。匈奴郝散弟度元帥馮翊、北地馬蘭羌、盧水胡反,攻北地,太守張損死之。) Book of Jin, Volume 4. The month corresponds to 18 Jun to 16 Jul 296 in the Julian calendar.
  4. ([元康六年]秋八月,雍州刺史解系又为度元所破。秦雍氐、羌悉叛,推氐帅齐万年僭号称帝,围泾阳。) Jin Shu, vol.04. The month corresponds to 14 Sep to 13 Oct 296 in the Julian calendar.
  5. (關中饑、疫。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 82
  6. (時賊屯梁山,有眾七萬,而駿逼處以五千兵擊之。處曰:「軍無後繼,必至覆敗,雖在亡身,爲國取恥。」肜復命處進討,乃與振威將軍盧播、雍州刺史解系攻萬年於六陌。將戰,處軍人未食,肜促令速進,而絶其後繼。處知必敗,賦詩曰:「去去世事已,策馬觀西戎。藜藿甘粱黍,期之克令終。」言畢而戰,自旦及暮,斬首萬計。弦絶矢盡,播、系不救。左右勸退,處按劍曰:「此是吾效節授命之日,何退之爲!且古者良將受命,鑿凶門以出,蓋有進無退也。今諸軍負信,勢必不振。我爲大臣,以身徇國,不亦可乎!」遂力戰而沒。) Book of Jin, Volume 58
  7. (孟觀,字叔時,渤海東光人也。少好讀書,解天文。惠帝即位,稍遷殿中中郎。賈后悖婦姑之禮,陰欲誅楊駿而廢太后,因駿專權,數言之於帝,又使人諷觀。會楚王瑋將討駿,觀受賈后旨宣詔,頗加誣其事。及駿誅,以觀為黃門侍郎,特給親信四十人。遷積弩將軍,封上穀郡公。氐帥齊萬年反於關中,眾數十萬,諸將覆敗相繼。中書令陳准、監張華,以趙、梁諸王在關中,雍容貴戚,進不貪功,退不懼罪,士卒雖眾,不為之用,周處喪敗,職此之由,上下離心,難以勝敵。以觀沈毅,有文武材用,乃啟觀討之。觀所領宿衛兵,皆趫捷勇悍,並統關中士卒,身當矢石,大戰十數,皆破之,生擒萬年,威懾氐羌。轉東羌校尉,徵拜右將軍。) Book of Jin, Volume 60
  8. (太子洗馬陳留江統以爲戎、狄亂華,宜早絕其原,乃作《徙戎論》以警朝廷曰:「夫夷、蠻、戎、狄,地在要荒,禹平九土而西戎卽敍。其性氣貪婪,凶悍不仁。四夷之中,戎、狄爲甚,弱則畏服,強則侵叛。當其強也,以漢高祖困於白登、孝文軍於霸上。及其弱也,以元、成之微而單于入朝。此其已然之效也。是以有道之君牧夷、狄也,惟以待之有備,禦之有常,雖稽顙執贄而邊城不弛固守,強暴爲寇而兵甲不加遠征,期令境內獲安,疆埸不侵而已。及至周室失統,諸侯專征,封疆不固,利害異心,戎、狄乘間,得入中國,或招誘安撫以爲己用,自是四夷交侵,與中國錯居。及秦始皇幷天下,兵威旁達,攘胡,走越,當是時,中國無復四夷也。漢建武中,馬援領隴西太守,討叛羌,徙其餘種於關中,居馮翊、河東空地。數歲之後,族類蕃息,旣恃其肥強,且苦漢人侵之;永初之元,羣羌叛亂,覆沒將守,屠破城邑,鄧騭敗北,侵及河內,十年之中,夷、夏俱敝,任尚、馬賢,僅乃克之。自此之後,餘燼不盡,小有際會,輒復侵叛,中世之寇,惟此爲大。魏興之初,與蜀分隔,疆埸之戎,一彼一此。武帝徙武都氐於秦川,欲以弱寇強國,扞禦蜀虜,此蓋權宜之計,非萬世之利也;今者當之,已受其敝矣。夫關中土沃物豐,帝王所居,未聞戎、狄宜在此土也。非我族類,其心必異。而因其衰敝,遷之畿服,士庶翫習,侮其輕弱,使其怨恨之氣毒於骨髓;至於蕃育衆盛,則坐生其心。以貪悍之性,挾憤怒之情,候隙乘便,輒爲橫逆;而居封域之內,無障塞之隔,掩不備之人,收散野之積,故能爲禍滋蔓,暴害不測,此必然之勢,已驗之事也。當今之宜,宜及兵威方盛,衆事未罷,徙馮翊、北地、新平、安定界內諸羌,著先零罕幵、析支之地,徙扶風、始平、京兆之氐,出還隴右,著陰平、武都之界,廩其道路之糧,令足自致,各附本種,反其舊土,使屬國、撫夷就安集之。戎、晉不雜,並得其所,縱有猾夏之心,風塵之警,則絕遠中國,隔閡山河,雖有寇暴,所害不廣矣。難者曰:氐寇新平,關中饑疫,百姓愁苦,咸望寧息;而欲使疲悴之衆,徙自猜之寇,恐勢盡力屈,緒業不卒,前害未及弭而後變復橫出矣。答曰:子以今者羣氐爲尚挾餘資,悔惡反善,懷我德惠而來柔附乎?將勢窮道盡,智力俱困,懼我兵誅以至於此乎?曰:無有餘力,勢窮道盡故也。然則我能制其短長之命而令其進退由己矣。夫樂其業者不易事,安其居者無遷志。方其自疑危懼,畏怖促遽,故可制以兵威,使之左右無違也。迨其死亡流散,離逷未鳩,與關中之人,戶皆爲讎,故可遐遷遠處,令其心不懷土也。夫聖賢之謀事也,爲之於未有,治之於未亂,道不著而平,德不顯而成。其次則能轉禍爲福,因敗爲功,值困必濟,遇否能通。今子遭敝事之終而不圖更制之始,愛易轍之勤而遵覆車之軌,何哉!且關中之人百餘萬口,率其少多,戎、狄居半,處之與遷,必須口實。若有窮乏,糝粒不繼者,故當傾關中之穀以全其生生之計,必無擠於溝壑而不爲侵掠之害也。今我遷之,傳食而至,附其種族,自使相贍,而秦地之人得其半穀,此爲濟行者以廩糧,遺居者以積倉,寬關中之逼,去盜賊之原,除旦夕之損,建終年之益。若憚蹔舉之小勞而忘永逸之弘策,惜日月之煩苦而遺累世之寇敵,非所謂能創業垂統,謀及子孫者也。幷州之胡,本實匈奴桀惡之寇也,建安中,使右賢王去卑誘質呼廚泉,聽其部落散居六郡。咸熙之際,以一部太強,分爲三率,泰始之初,又增爲四;於是劉猛內叛,連結外虜,近者郝散之變,發於穀遠。今五部之衆,戶至數萬,人口之盛,過於西戎;其天性驍勇,弓馬便利,倍於氐、羌。若有不虞風塵之慮,則幷州之域可爲寒心。正始中,毌丘儉討句驪,徙其餘種於滎陽。始徙之時,戶落百數;子孫孳息,今以千計;數世之後,必至殷熾。百姓失職,猶或亡叛,犬馬肥充,則有噬齧,況於夷、狄,能不爲變!但顧其微弱,勢力不逮耳。夫爲邦者,憂不在寡而在不安,以四海之廣,士民之富,豈須夷虜在內然後取足哉!此等皆可申諭發遣,還其本域,慰彼羈旅懷土之思,釋我華夏纖介之憂,『惠此中國,以綏四方,』德施永世,於計爲長也!」朝廷不能用。) Zizhi Tongjian, Volume 83