Quatinga Velho

Last updated

Quatinga Velho, or the Consortiun of Basic Income of Citizenship, is an independent basic income pilot conducted by the NPO ReCivitas who experienced payment of an unconditional basic income via direct democracy [1] and funded by direct donations from people around the world. Basic income charity is run [2] in the small community of Quatinga Velho in Brazil.

Contents

History

"The independent basic income program, in line with the principles of universality and unconditionality, began 25 October 2008 in Quatinga Velho, Mogi das Cruzes, Brazil. All local residents in the community were informed that they would get the money regularly without any discrimination or requirement to reciprocate, as long as they wanted to take part in the pilot. The project was originally expected to last for one year and pay a monthly amount of R$30,00 to 27 members of this community. However, at the meeting in November, the consortium decided to continue the project for another year. After 15 months, the project paid unconditional income to 67 residents of Quatinga Velho." [3]

“Recivitas has been running a privately funded basic income for a small, impoverished rural community in the state of São Paulo, Brazil for three years now. Recivitas was founded and is run by Bruna Augusto Pereira and Marcus Vinicius Brancaglione. The project pays 30 Brazilian Reais (about US$15) per month to people in the community of Quatinga Velho, São Paulo, Brazil. This amount of money sounds very small to people from industrialized countries, but it has a large impact in a rural area of Brazil.

The coordinators have verified gains in nutrition, clothing, living conditions, health (especially in children), construction of new housing, and improvements to existing ones. In informal interviews, the coordinators have noticed increased self-esteem and social interaction, reduction of social insecurity, and rising expectations of the future, especially regarding children. They noted that they have not observed increased use of alcohol or illicit drugs; significant changes in labor relations, birth, migration or emigration, or generation of political relations and economic dependency.

Although the project leaders are examining the effects of the local basic income, the coordinators of the project told USBIG that the point of the project is not to study BIG. They are already convinced that model has been proven effective; they want to put it into practice. The goal is to put the policy in place. If governments are not ready to do it on a national scale with tax funding, Recivitas is attempting to do it on a small scale with private funding. [4]

Theses and results

"The basic income model should be consistent with the libertarian spirit, should be formulated not as aid but as a universal human right to social security. So we make a cash transfer project, conceived as integrated pedagogical process, in which the community changing is the school, combining the security of vital political emancipation and cultural transformation. Model based: on direct democracy, radical transparency - where all the funds collected are passed on to beneficiaries, and community self-determination - designed as a social networking site formed by the mutual recognition of the residents and not delimited by geopolitical boundaries or others. Even with the benefit of low-riding, the first results were observed by the third month of the project. Verified: gains in nutrition, clothing and living conditions and health, especially in children, construction of new housing and/or improvements to existing ones. In general, the use of income stuck to buying basic needs, although some families have the time to plan the use of the benefit using the resource in microenterprises, included poorer families. It was also noticed increased self-esteem and social interaction, reduction of social insecurity, and rising expectations of the future, especially regarding children. Was not observed: increased use of alcohol or illicit drugs; significant changes in labor relations, birth, migration or emigration justified by the basic income, or generation of political relations and economic dependency, whether in relation to basic income, or the filmmakers the project. You can still see increased integration and community participation, with significant impact on measurements of social capital." [5]

Conclusions

"From experience, it is observed that the value of the amount is not only subjective or relative to cost of living location. There is a reason, in which the value of the amount of basic income is comparatively higher for those who need more of the same. For the same reason that there is less private interest, but not the collective, participate in the project to those with higher purchasing power, implying that the particular interest in taking part of this program is proportional to the subjective valuation of the basic income. This proportional ratio between need and allows evaluation, self-governing or participating projects, the focus of the audience by setting the amount of basic income, they may be rightly prioritize the poor without the undesirable effects of conditionalities. Procedure more efficient, economical and unbureaucratic to fight poverty and promote social security, avoiding the evils of discrimination and segregation, as well as the associated operational costs. We also observed a negative relationship between uncertainty and the perspective on life - understood as a psychological phenomenon corresponding to the very opening of the horizon of possibilities of the person, the basic income and the ability to act directly in the social and psychological phenomenon, promoting human and economic development while generating social capital and financial security, trust and perspectives needed to free enterprise, responsibility and entrepreneurship. Constituting themselves as a possible foundation for solidarity economy, just to leverage social technologies such as microcredit. We conclude that the method employed was the key to the extrapolated results to material improvement. The model applied suggests the possibility of enabling the basic income scale replication and propagation in the network via the integrated civil societies, if strategically applied economic centers to the suburbs, can become an instrument of pragmatic policies, governmental or otherwise, to eradicate extreme poverty and empowerment. The study also suggests the possibility of enabling the Basic Income by social pact and associations, banking and financial models, avoiding taxation." [5]

Conditional x unconditional

"(...) Mathias Rudolph (2010) obtained this exact consequence as one of the results of his research. The residents of Quatinga Velho noticed that the existence of the BIG project improved the level of participation by the residents of the community. That is, what it was a disperse group became a community. Many are the examples of the project, even if it is a small scale initiative, attending almost 90 people. They are examples collected by ReCivitas itself and confirmed in field analysis and by the independent study of Mathias Rudolph, which prove the bonding capacity of BIG and its capacity of becoming and a safety net for those involved. The certainty of BIG, regardless of the family's socioeconomic status or of the ability to comply with conditions allowed those involved to develop and implement plans. There are cases such as the mother who was able to set BIG aside for the development and growth of her small daughter, without compromising the household expenses. Such as the two young men who were able to buy a motorbike together to move around between the farms where they work. The example of the woman who discovered she had chronic health problems and was able to go to the doctor and buy medicines for her monthly treatment. The mother who could save her son from pneumonia, with the purchase of medicines. The mother who buys her medicine in installments from the city pharmacist, who knows about her right and about the certainty of the BIG, in the same way as the local grocery owner. The families who were able to feed their children with meat and fruit, to give them school supplies, clothing. The mothers who had better pregnancies with babies born without malnutrition, which used to be so frequent. The child who can read today for 15 having glasses. The families who built their houses, vegetable gardens, cages, chicken coops. Who paid their debts with banks. The difference, therefore, between a conditioned program and the unconditional citizen's income goes far beyond normative structures or different theoretical conditions. The non-conditionality allows a result that was not only not reached by a program with conditions, but even prejudiced." [6]

Social capital

"In opposite to surveys in industrial countries the participation in social capital surveys in development countries is almost 100 per cent – so in rural São Paulo. In Quatinga Velho neighbourhood in all forms seems to be the most important social common. The time dedicated to others outside the family without being paid is more than the average working time per capita in many developed countries. This represents an enormous asset to maintain, to develop and to grow. The recently published World Giving Index ranked Brazil No. 76* and published the following table: Brazil Chile Haiti Colombia Percentage giving money 25 48 40 24 Percentage Volunteering time 15 16 38 20 Percentage helping a stranger 49 49 35 63 The database of the World Giving Index is the result of a Gallup survey with samples in all states. The poor result for Brazil – only 15 per cent of the people provide volunteering time – can not be testified by our survey. In opposite it seems that volunteering defined as help for neighbours is the major social common. (…)The BIC project in Quating Velho shows, that providing a Basic Income may be the cheaper solution with a better effect on the local social capital and commons." [7]

Conclusions from coordinators

Possibilities

"The possibilities opened by the first experience we emphasize those with the greatest potential for innovation: 1.focusing by value; 2. the validity of a Basic Income in nature; 3. feasibility of a non-governmental Basic Income.

Although not used as a criterion to prioritize the most needy, self-management systems, you can use the definition of value to promote a gradual strategic expansion of a real BI focused on the poorest; perfectly consistent, therefore, the principle of unconditionality, since there could be no discriminatory process or impediment to any person of a particular community would receive the BI from the manifestation of his will.

As the focus value is not required to segregate the same community, or make any kind of "triage" of the poor to prioritize them. However, we should not pulverize the same BI for a large territory. First, because the focus value has its efficiency reduced by the greater variation between the costs of life in the same location - being much more functional when applied in different ways for each community or local economy. And second, because, taking into account that social inequality tends to be reflected also in the geographical distribution of wealth, we can make a much more efficient use of resources by directing them to the neediest areas, or more specifically providing priority to locations with greater social risk, the resources needed for training and provision of new communities protected by Basic Income.

This way if allying with the value in targeting communities self-determined democratically with a strategic plan designed from the core of geo-referencing the poorest, we have the possibility of using the model developed in QV to make an accelerated plan for the eradication of poverty, more efficient and effective in both developed socioeconomic point of view, as also human.

Still in the strategic point of view that spread through the multiplication of communities nuclei added to the focus value is much more feasible than the expected formation of a majority and only then begin execution of an unconditional Basic Income.

So the reason that validates the value focus - namely: participation in the system is derived from the comparative value of Basic Income with the earnings of each individual - is the realization of a BI which value is not irrelevant for everyone, a valid action for gradually reaching a Basic Income either closer to the ideal the more significant this is becoming to a growing number of people - first because of the relative and subjective value of their amounts, and then due to the widespread perception of their security-productive effects, for the whole society.

The project opens the possibility of establishing a system to redistribute income that is not played or rather monopolized by government institutions, not necessarily supported by their taxes, or any kind of monopoly.

Formed through new social contracts executed automatically from banking systems, the proposition that the Basic Income can be implemented systematically by free enterprise within the market from banking systems contracted by collectives or individuals who recognize their common interests, not flees in absolute definition of a Basic Income, on the contrary adds a key component of its empirical definition, providing in an integrated way provision and financing: the free system of equal contributions of all income, for the provision of an equal BI for all, strictly a social contract before a government program or nongovernmental."

Understanding

"Occasionally these are the most significant changes provoked in our understanding of the experience. Concepts that not only reflected in the methodology, but influenced the strategic guidance and policy for the achievement of the BI. They are: i. The need for a democratic place for the existence of a genuine Basic Income; ii. The perception of the political community with social networking site regardless of geopolitical boundaries; iii. The legitimacy and necessity of civil society organizations to carry out new policies; iv. The importance of direct democracy and self-determination for the full exercise of citizenship; v. The need to discuss social action and educational process, not segregated from daily life; vi. The understanding of human development from the expansion of life perspectives; vii. And finally the measurability of the social contract, or more specifically the quality of systems to accomplish it through: a. Measure effectiveness by ensuring real freedoms as fundamental rights equal; b. Effectiveness measured by re-distribution of enforcement of fundamental rights; c. And efficiency is measured from the operational effectiveness compared to economy."

Means

We emphasize those of the developed methods that were the key to the success of the experience and consolidation of a model capable of replication: i. Self-determination for mutual recognition; ii. Self-management for direct democracy; iii. And the pedagogy of inspiration; Each of these methods as a product corresponding to the respective approach taken in the same order: i. The libertarian understanding of BI; ii. The identification of the community as a network; iii. The vision of the project as integrated pedagogical process.

As we have said we do not deny that the methodology has influence on the results, but also reaffirm that the congruence between the object and its method is itself inseparable from the empirical definition, and determining not only the fulfilment of the purpose of the process or system, but the character and authenticity of the program or project. The congruence between the principles and methods is not only fundamental to achieving the goal, or only determinant of the degree of correspondence between the object and its primary concepts or theoretical, is the foundation that defines the process, or more precisely the principle that is indeed. Something that involves serious objections to a Basic Income unconditional initiatives within authoritarian regimes.

A Basic Income can even exist within a weak democratic, authoritarian or populist, but not exactly under the responsibility of such a scheme, but as the product of free civil society initiative. Being the way, democratic self-management. The disintermediation that requires not only the power of individual and collective decision, but freedom of information and self-determination - essential to the exercise of fundamental rights to life and liberty that the BI is proposed to supply. In addition to self-management on the direct democracy, the self-determination for mutual recognition also proved a very effective method to identify and secure community and their integration, being the trigger for the exercise of the first decisions through direct democracy and even the constituent element of the community network. In its turn, this approach to the audience as a social network, was the key to the formation of QV as a real political community rather than mere location, this not only allowed to overcome the distortions generated by harnessing land ownership or proof of residence but also most well social connections consolidated settled on trust and reciprocity, to achieve an essential any system based on freedom and that aims for true democracy.

Furthermore, considering that a community network not only focuses on social relations, but the link that connects people composing their relations, had the design of the project as a learning process approach to promotes the construction of meanings shared that make up the community connections. Just as direct democracy, the so-called pedagogy of inspiration was not only an added value to the project, but a constituent element of BI, that by taking part of its constitution in fact, also became part of the model developed in the experience of QV for practical design of the BI. Acted as absolutely essential for practical configuration of Basic Income, as the method by which they gave: the knowledge of the meaning of the Basic Income, the direction of the project, and the character of its agents.

The project design as a libertarian and critical pedagogical process, not only saved the incorporation of conventional educational processes to fulfill the function of providing the necessary knowledge about the BI, but provided that the project will develop as its method of education for citizenship, mediated by experiences of social transformations and questions inherent in this - both about their reasons, and their results." [8]

Use of income

The of people not spending incomes responsibly leading to a preference of state transfers “in kind” or pegged to certain conditionality, is empirically defeated: very poor households with little access to paid work, have been shown to spend money received on basic consumption goods and education and healthcare for family members (Schubert, 2005; ReCivitas, 2009), well capable of taking strategic decisions on how to improve family livelihood in the medium and long term through responsible spending patterns (Standing, 2008).Alice Krozer, "A regional basic income: towards the eradication of extreme poverty in Central America". ECLAC, 2012. [9]

Potential

The project is very small, but it shows incredibly enormous potentials and possibilities for social and economic development of the local community. I dare say that it marks a turning point of the World History of hunger and misery. Because, at the project-site, we could finally find the empirical evidence of effectiveness for the new and simple way to eliminate poverty of the world.Prof. Tadashi Okanouchi, Hosei University from Tokyo, 2011.

Citizenship

"Furthermore, from BI-QV, we learned that to really evolve from simple income transfer to universal BI, it is necessary that the management model of the program promotes the values of citizenship." Anthony Baert, Experiências de transferência de renda universal, 2011 [10]

Value of basic income

"The real value of R$30,00 BI at QV, just is sufficient to help people satisfy the most basic material needs. Children especially enjoy this QV benefit. The project ReCivitas succeeded with the use of extremely limited financial resource, to achieve significant social effects. Should be emphasized the positive impacts to the satisfaction of basic needs and quality of life of the project participants. The results indicate that the BI has contributed to sustainable development in QV. The effects were convincing, particularly in the area of assurance of basic needs, improving the quality of life and social skills." Mathias Rudolph, Leuphana Universität Lüneburg, 2010. [8]

Direct democracy

"Eligibility for recognition in the assembly model is preferable in small communities where social control is possible. Although the rules are not always clear and objective, it just allows in one hand, complex deliberations and decisions "case by case", and secondly, a drastic reduction of costs of legislation and supervision (Pereira; dos Santos & dos Santos Neto, 2009, p. 5). Furthermore, this model for determining eligibility in the assembly is closer to the emancipation policy pursued by BI. (...) : Anthony Baert, Economic School of Louvain, Université Catholique de Louvain. [10]

From inside

"We are abandoned here, no one sets eyes. They came, raised my family. That money turns food on my table, look at the kids out here, happy,l healthy. It's just you look and calculate how important it is the help that they do because they do not ask anything in return. To serve as an example to many, I think the way this is." Joel Inácio, inhabitant and member of Basic Income in Quatinga Velho [11]

See also

Bibliography

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Citizen's dividend</span> Georgist proposed policy

Citizen's dividend is a proposed policy based upon the Georgist principle that the natural world is the common property of all people. It is proposed that all citizens receive regular payments (dividends) from revenue raised by leasing or taxing the monopoly of valuable land and other natural resources.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Paulo Freire</span> Brazilian educator and philosopher

Paulo Reglus Neves Freire was a Brazilian educator and philosopher who was a leading advocate of critical pedagogy. His influential work Pedagogy of the Oppressed is generally considered one of the foundational texts of the critical pedagogy movement, and was the third most cited book in the social sciences as of 2016 according to Google Scholar.

The basic needs approach is one of the major approaches to the measurement of absolute poverty in developing countries globally. It works to define the absolute minimum resources necessary for long-term physical well-being, usually in terms of consumption goods. The poverty line is then defined as the amount of income required to satisfy the needs of the people. The "basic needs" approach was introduced by the International Labour Organization's World Employment Conference in 1976. "Perhaps the high point of the WEP was the World Employment Conference of 1976, which proposed the satisfaction of basic human needs as the overriding objective of national and international development policy. The basic needs approach to development was endorsed by governments and workers' and employers' organizations from all over the world. It influenced the programmes and policies of major multilateral and bilateral development agencies, and was the precursor to the human development approach."

Mincome, the "Manitoba Basic Annual Income Experiment", was a Canadian guaranteed annual income (GAI) social experiment conducted in Manitoba in the 1970s. The project was funded jointly by the Manitoba provincial government and the Canadian federal government under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. It was launched with a news release on February 22, 1974, under the New Democratic Party of Manitoba government of Edward Schreyer, and was closed down in 1979 under the Progressive Conservative of Manitoba government of Sterling Lyon and the federal Progressive Conservative Party of Joe Clark. The purpose of the experiment was to assess the social impact of a guaranteed, unconditional annual income, UBI, including whether a program of this nature would create disincentives to work for the recipients and, if so, to what extent.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Poverty reduction</span> Measures to reduce poverty permanently

Poverty reduction, poverty relief, or poverty alleviation, is a set of measures, both economic and humanitarian, that are intended to permanently lift people out of poverty.

Inclusive Democracy (ID) is a project that aims for direct democracy; economic democracy in a stateless, moneyless and marketless economy; self-management ; and ecological democracy.

Community organization or Community Based Organization refers to organization aimed at making desired improvements to a community's social health, well-being, and overall functioning. Community organization occurs in geographically, psychosocially, culturally, spiritually, and digitally bounded communities.

Inclusive capitalism is a theoretical concept and policy movement that seeks to address the growing income and wealth inequality within Western capitalism following the financial crisis of 2007–2008 to improve business and society.

The social dividend is the return on the capital assets and natural resources owned by society in a socialist economy. The concept notably appears as a key characteristic of market socialism, where it takes the form of a dividend payment to each citizen derived from the property income generated by publicly owned enterprises, representing the individual's share of the capital and natural resources owned by society.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Universal basic income</span> Welfare system of unconditional income

Universal basic income (UBI) is a social welfare proposal in which all citizens of a given population regularly receive a guaranteed income in the form of an unconditional transfer payment. It would be received independently of any other income. If the level is sufficient to meet a person's basic needs, it is sometimes called a full basic income; if it is less than that amount, it may be called a partial basic income. No country has yet introduced either, although there have been numerous pilot projects and the idea is discussed in many countries. Some have labelled UBI as utopian due to its historical origin.

In Brazil, universal basic income has been discussed at least since the 1980s. In 2001 a law was introduced by Senator Eduardo Suplicy of the Brazilian Workers Party which mandated the progressive institution of such a welfare system. By this move Brazil became the first country in the world to pass such a law. Suplicy had previously introduced a bill to create a negative income tax, but that bill failed to pass. The new bill called for a national and universal basic income to be instituted, beginning with those most in need. The bill was approved by the Senate in 2002 and by the Chamber of Deputies in 2003. President Lula da Silva signed it into law in 2004, and according to the bill it is the president's responsibility to gradually implement the reform. Since then Brazil has started to implement the bill through the Bolsa Família-program, which was a centerpiece of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva's social policy, and is reputed to have played a role in his victory in the Brazilian presidential election, 2006.

Universal basic income in India refers to the debate and practical experiments with universal basic income (UBI) in India. The greatest impetus has come from the 40-page chapter on UBI that the Economic Survey of India published in January 2017. It outlined the 3 themes of a proposed UBI programme:

Economic democracy is a socioeconomic philosophy that proposes to shift decision-making power from corporate managers and corporate shareholders to a larger group of public stakeholders that includes workers, customers, suppliers, neighbours and the broader public. No single definition or approach encompasses economic democracy, but most proponents claim that modern property relations externalize costs, subordinate the general well-being to private profit and deny the polity a democratic voice in economic policy decisions. In addition to these moral concerns, economic democracy makes practical claims, such as that it can compensate for capitalism's inherent effective demand gap.

Universal basic income in Canada refers to the debate and trials with basic income, negative income and related welfare systems in Canada. The debate goes back to the 1930s when the social credit movement had ideas around those lines. Two major basic income experiments have been conducted in Canada. Firstly the Mincome experiment in Manitoba 1974–1979, and secondly the Ontario Basic Income Pilot Project in 2017. The latter was intended to last for three years but only lasted a few months due to its subsequent cancellation by the then newly-elected Conservative government.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Universal basic income in Japan</span> Overview of universal basic income in Japan

Universal basic income refers to a social welfare system where all citizens or residents of a country receive an unconditional lump sum income, meaning an income that is not based on need. The proposal has been debated in a number of countries in recent years, including Japan..

The Papua New Guinea Greens Party or PNG Greens are a minor political party in Papua New Guinea. Founded in 2001, the party took part in the 2002, 2007, 2012 and 2017 general elections, without winning a seat. They are a member of the Global Greens and of the Asia Pacific Greens Federation.

Universal basic income (UBI) is discussed in many countries. This article summarizes the national and regional debates, where it takes place, and is a complement to the main article on the subject: universal basic income.

Universal basic income pilots are smaller-scale preliminary experiments which are carried out on selected members of the relevant population to assess the feasibility, costs and effects of the full-scale implementation of universal basic income, or the related concept of negative income tax, including partial universal basic income and similar programs. The following list provides an overview of the most famous universal basic income pilots, including projects which have not been launched yet but have been already approved by the respective political bodies or for the negotiations are in process.

ReCivitas Institute is a Brazilian NPO as crowd-funded Unconditional basic income pilot project in Quatinga Velho, Brazil. The project paid 30 reals a month to around a hundred members of the community for five years(2008 to 2014). In January 2016, ReCivitas launched a “Lifetime Basic Income” in the Brazilian village of Quatinga Velho, a project it hopes will serve as a model to other organizations. This new project Basic Income Startup which intends to make these payments permanent. As of January 16, 14 residents of Quatinga Velho have basic incomes, now set at an amount of 40 Reais, that they will retain for at least 20 years.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Democracy in Motion</span> Minor party in Germany

Democracy in Motion is a minor party in Germany. The basis for the party's founding was a petition on change.org, in which petitioners promised to run as a party in September 2017 at the federal election if the petition reached at least 100,000 signatures, which it reached on 20 July 2017. After this was accomplished, the party 'Democracy in Motion' was established on 29 April 2017 in Berlin.

References

  1. "A revolução silenciosa da renda básica". Folha.uol.com.br. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  2. "INTERNATIONAL: Google Gives $2.5 Million to a Direct Cash Transfer Charity - Basic Income News". Basicincome.org. 4 July 2013. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  3. "BRAZIL: ReCivitas reports on its consortium Basic Income of Citizenship at Quatinga Velho, Mogi Das Cruzes, Sao Paulo (state), Brazil. - Basic Income News". Basicincome.org. 17 March 2010. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  4. "BRAZIL: Basic Income in Quatinga Velho celebrates 3-years of operation - Basic Income News". Basicincome.org. 7 June 2012. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  5. 1 2 [ dead link ]
  6. Bruno Andrioli Galvão. "THE GOOD INTENTION AND THE HARD TRUTH OF BASIC INCOME IN BRAZIL : The reason why Bolsa Família should not be considered as a basic income program" (PDF). Basicincome.org. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  7. [ dead link ]
  8. 1 2 "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 26 November 2015. Retrieved 25 November 2015.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  9. Krozer, Alice (2012). A regional basic income: towards the eradication of extreme poverty in Central America. repositorio.cepal.org. ECLAC. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  10. 1 2 Anthony Baert. "Experiências de transferência de renda universal e recomendações para o projeto de Renda Básica de Cidadania em Santo Antônio do Pinhal" (PDF). Proac.uff.br. Retrieved 26 January 2018.
  11. [ dead link ]