Universal basic income in Canada

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Universal basic income in Canada refers to the debate and trials with basic income, negative income tax and related welfare systems in Canada. The debate goes back to the 1930s when the social credit movement had ideas around those lines. Two major basic income experiments have been conducted in Canada. Firstly the Mincome experiment in Manitoba 1974–1979, and secondly the Ontario Basic Income Pilot Project in 2017. The latter was intended to last for three years but only lasted a few months due to its subsequent cancellation by the then newly-elected Conservative government. [1]

Contents

History

William Aberhart W aberhart.jpg
William Aberhart

William Aberhart, Premier of Alberta, was inspired by Major C. H. Douglas Social Credit theory and tried to implement a basic income for Albertans during the 1930s. However, he was thwarted in his attempts by the Federal Government of the time. [2]

In 1970, the Canadian Department of National Health and Welfare issued a white paper which both emphasized the ability of NIT to decrease poverty but at the potential expense of decreased work incentive. Specifically, the white paper [3] stated:

An overall guaranteed income program...worthy of consideration must offer a substantial level of benefit to people who are normally in the labour market. Therefore a great deal of further study and investigation, is needed to find out what effects such a program would have on people's motivation and on their incentives to work and save. Until these questions are answered, the fear of its impact on productivity will be the main deterrent to the introduction of a general overall guaranteed income plan. (p. 126)

Following this stance, the National Council of Welfare advocated in 1976 for the implementation of the guaranteed annual income in Canada. [4]

In order to determine real-life responses to NIT implementation, the US government undertook four income maintenance experiments; they transpired in New Jersey and Pennsylvania (1968–1972), rural areas of North Carolina and Iowa (1970–1972), Seattle and Denver (1970–1978), and Gary Indiana (1971–1974). These prospective large-scale field studies were truly remarkable due to their size and the fact that families were randomized to either an experimental arm (i.e., NIT) or control arm (usual tax practice). Three major objectives of these interventions were to measure the labour supply response of NIT recipients, understand the effect of varying the base guarantee level and tax rate, and to make a better estimate of the cost of implementing such a program. [5]

Mincome

In Canada, an analogous experiment called Mincome took place in Winnipeg and Dauphin, Manitoba, between 1974 and 1979. Importantly, the city of Dauphin served as a saturation site, since all 10,000 community members were eligible to participate (the elderly and disabled were exempt from the four American NIT experiments); four foci of Mincome were an economic arm (examining labour response), a sociologic research division (examining the family formation and community cohesion), an administrative programme, and a statistical division. [6] Unfortunately, the ambitious project ran into significant budgetary problems early on and neither the newly elected Progressive Conservative government in Ottawa nor the Tory government in Manitoba felt strongly about providing further funding. As stated by Hum and Simpson: [7]

The original budget of $17 million was never more than a wild guess and, in the event, proved far inadequate. The inflationary price increases of the 1970s, coupled with a larger than anticipated unemployment rate, meant that the proportion of the total going to programme expenses exceeded estimates and was not under the control of the researchers. (p. 44)

Ultimately the Dauphin data which was collected at great expense to the taxpayers and time from participants (in the first social experiment ever conducted in Canada) remains largely unexamined. However, some of the participant interviews were released and provide support for the efficacy of NIT. For instance, Amy Richardson, a mother of six whose husband was disabled said: [6]

It was enough to bring your income up to where it should be. It was enough to add some cream to the coffee. Everybody was the same so there was no shame. (p.25)

Doreen Henderson, a stay at home mother whose husband worked as a janitor also appreciated the benefits of NIT; [6] she said:

Give them enough money to raise their kids. People work hard, and it's still not enough. This isn't welfare. This is making sure kids have enough to eat...They should have kept it (NIT). It made a real difference. (p.26)

In general, the average reduction in workforce in the US sites was about 13%, with most of the reduction in labour from secondary (typically the wives) and tertiary (typically older children) earners as opposed to the primary earner (usually the husbands). In Mincome the reduction in work effort was more modest: 1% for men and 3% for wives. [7] It is important to remember that when the experiments were conducted, it was less socially acceptable for women to work outside the home. According to Rossi and Lyall [5] only 40% of wives who participated in the experiment worked outside the home and their earning power was low due to limited and discontinuous work experience. As such, the authors contend that wives' labour involvement was marginal and when faced with competing tasks of looking after the household and raising children, the additional income provided by NIT was sufficient to justify an exit from the labor market. However, this phenomenon was predominantly observed in Caucasian wives whereas African American and Hispanic women exhibited a small increase in labor force participation. The decrease in labor involvement of teenage children was correlated to higher rates of high school graduation. A potential explanation is that the additional income from government assistance meant that young adults could stay in school as opposed to joining the workforce in order to support their families. This has the potential positive long-term effect of allowing youth to find higher-wage employment. In summary, the work supply response to NIT was very complex; however, data from the American studies would argue against a dramatic decline in the labour force.

Basic income in Canada today (2010–)

As of 2014, the Liberal Party of Canada, [8] the New Democratic Party (NDP), the Green Party of Canada, [9] the Pirate Party of Canada, [10] provincial party Québec Solidaire [11] and former conservative senator Hugh Segal [12] advocate for basic income in Canada. Mike Redmond, former leader of the New Democratic Party of Prince Edward Island, supports a basic income pilot project in Prince Edward Island. [13]

In November 2013, a poll commissioned by the Trudeau Foundation found that 46% of Canadians favoured and 42% opposed replacing current economic assistance with a guaranteed national income. [14]

Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced a new trial in March 2016. [15]

Ontario 2017 Basic Income Pilot Project

In Ontario's Basic Income Pilot Project had a budget of $150,000,000, [16] the 4,000 participants received up to $16,989 per year for a single person, less 50% of any earned income; or up to $24,027 per year for a couple, less 50% of any earned income, [17] in monthly installments.

Although the incoming Progressive Conservative government had promised to maintain the three-year pilot program, its cancellation was announced in August 2018, 10 months after the previous Liberal administration started distributing payments. [18] [19]

Minister of Children and Youth Services Lisa MacLeod said the decision was taken due to high costs, and because ministry staff indicated that "the program didn't help people become 'independent contributors' to the economy.". [20] [18]

In fact, most anecdotal reports in the popular press do not indicate that entrepreneurship was a preferred goal for participants, (although one anecdotal report described a couple who kept their existing business afloat with the program's payments). [21]

About 70% of participants were already employed when entering the program, in low-paid positions which made it difficult to pay expenses such as rent and food. [22]

Journalistic reports tended to focus on non-entrepreneurial participant outcomes contributing to personal stability, such as augmenting disability payments, paying for education and student loans, purchasing new eyeglasses while remaining in a low-paid museum job, paying for transportation costs (such as bus fare to work rather than walking for an hour and a half), and purchasing necessary items as fresh produce, hospital parking passes, "winter clothes they couldn't [previously] afford and staying warm", etc. [21] [23]

Anti-poverty groups were "stunned" by the decision to discontinue the program. The Ontario Coalition Against Poverty declared that the decision "demonstrates a reckless disregard for the lives of nearly 4,000 people." [20] Local politicians in Hamilton passed a resolution "denouncing" discontinuation of the program. [24]

In contrast, from the viewpoint of the current government, this basic income pilot program is considered an ineffective use of resources, because the first priority for addressing poverty needs to be getting all residents off of welfare rolls and into employment, not providing assistance to people who are already working. [22]

Research into effective interventions for individuals suffering poverty and insecurity as a result of low-paid or precarious employment can be challenging, and researcher Kwame McKenzie noted that it is not easy to get 6,000 people to participate in a study. Ending the study early will make it difficult to gather conclusive data regarding the research goal of determining "what happens when low-wage, precarious workers receive a financial top-up." [22]

One op-ed writer opined that the study was being ended early due to fears that the results would show that the program worked. [19]

Payments concluded in March 2019. [25]

British Columbia Basic Income Expert Panel Report

The British Columbia Basic Income Expert Panel Report assesses a basic income for British Columbia. Among the types of basic income examined is a universal basic income (UBI). The BC Green Party made a study of basic income a requirement before it would support the NDP's minority government and, in July 2018, the BC Basic Income Expert Panel was appointed. [26] The final report, "Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society", was released on 28 January 2021. It is based on findings from over 40 research studies commissioned by the panel. Globe and Mail columnist Gary Mason said the report "is likely one of the most exhaustive examinations on the viability of a guaranteed income conducted anywhere in the world." [27]

The expert panel concludes that a system constructed around "a basic income for all" as its main pillar "is not the most just policy option. The needs of people in this society are too diverse to be effectively answered simply with a cheque from the government." [28] Instead, it proposes a mixed system that applies different approaches in different circumstances, such as targeted support for specific groups like youth aging out of care and women fleeing violence. [29]

A basic income was found to be a very costly approach to address poverty reduction, and a UBI is "orders of magnitude" more expensive than income-tested support programs that provide similar poverty reduction. [30] Simulations using Statistics Canada's Social Policy Simulation Database and Model show that to obtain a guaranteed income of $20,000 for a single person, a universal basic income (UBI) would cost $51 billion and approximately double provincial government spending. [31]

The panel also determined that a basic income pilot would not be useful, chiefly because pilots are, by their nature, temporary and cannot provide evidence on long-term impacts.

Models

The first model under the GAI is the negative income tax (NIT). Negative income tax works on the assumption that families who earn below the low-income threshold should receive aid in the form of direct grants rather than paying taxes. This allows heads of a family unit to use their financial resources as they best see fit rather than being constrained by the traditional income assistance programs, which typically have means tests, time limits and other restrictions. Experiments using the negative income tax model have been completed in the United States in the late 1960s through the early 1970s.

The NIT model was also tested in Canada in the 1970s in Manitoba; it was called the Mincome experiment. It allowed every participating family unit to receive a minimum cash benefit, with every dollar over the benefit amount taxed at 60%. The results showed a modest impact on labor markets, with family working hours decreasing 5%. These potential economic costs can be offset by the opportunity cost of working. The opportunity cost of working more is spending less time with their families and on education. Mothers spent more time rearing newborns, and the educational impacts are regarded as a success. Students in these families showed higher test scores and lower dropout rates. There was also an increase in adults doing continuing education. [32] [33]

The second model that falls under the guaranteed annual income concept is the unconditional basic income also known as the universal demogrant (UD) model. This is a payment to all persons regardless of income. It is usually favored by those who see the GAI as a right of citizenship and whose belief in the goal of decreasing poverty through providing the basic income and more equally sharing the economic benefits of society. [34]

Financial model

Financial model FinanceModel.png
Financial model

For any income earned up to a breakpoint value, the government would provide a progressively small cash transfer. The concept is summarized by the formula B=G-TY where B is the net amount paid by the government to the citizen (if it is a positive value) or tax paid (if a negative value), G is the minimum guaranteed payment, Y is the gross annual income, and T is the tax rate. As such, if a person has no income, they will receive a minimum guaranteed payment (G); all subsequent income is taxed at a rate T which is less than 100 percent. A classic diagram in economics illustrating this is shown in Figure 1. It is important to remember that while the y-axis demonstrates increasing gross income, the x-axis displays a decreasing number of hours worked. With a negative income tax, individuals who have no income would earn a minimum amount (represented in Figure 1 as a value equal to 'C') instead of nothing (A). As part of a traditional welfare system, individuals receiving assistance would be taxed at a rate of 100% (demonstrated in the line connecting 'C' and 'D') and as such the net income level is unchanged. However, negative income tax provides an incentive for those receiving government assistance to work (as represented by line C to D'), as they are taxed at a rate of less than 100%. The last 'F' is the break-point value for annual income, above which an individual would not qualify for assistance. [35]

Books and articles

Books

Basic Income for Canadians: the key to a healthier, happier, more secure life for all, by Evelyn L Forget Basic Income for Canadians - The key to a healthier, happier, more secure life for all

Articles

See also

Related Research Articles

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Welfare</span> Means-oriented social benefit

Welfare, or commonly social welfare, is a type of government support intended to ensure that members of a society can meet basic human needs such as food and shelter. Social security may either be synonymous with welfare, or refer specifically to social insurance programs which provide support only to those who have previously contributed, as opposed to social assistance programs which provide support on the basis of need alone. The International Labour Organization defines social security as covering support for those in old age, support for the maintenance of children, medical treatment, parental and sick leave, unemployment and disability benefits, and support for sufferers of occupational injury.

Guaranteed minimum income (GMI), also called minimum income, is a social-welfare system that guarantees all citizens or families an income sufficient to live on, provided that certain eligibility conditions are met, typically: citizenship and that the person in question does not already receive a minimum level of income to live on.

Workfare is a governmental plan under which welfare recipients are required to accept public-service jobs or to participate in job training. Many countries around the world have adopted workfare to reduce poverty among able-bodied adults; however, their approaches to execution vary. The United States and United Kingdom are two countries utilizing workfare, albeit with different backgrounds.

Mincome, the "Manitoba Basic Annual Income Experiment", was a Canadian guaranteed annual income (GAI) social experiment conducted in Manitoba in the 1970s. The project was funded jointly by the Manitoba provincial government and the Canadian federal government under Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. It was launched with a news release on February 22, 1974, under the New Democratic Party of Manitoba government of Edward Schreyer, and was closed down in 1979 under the Progressive Conservative of Manitoba government of Sterling Lyon and the federal Progressive Conservative Party of Joe Clark. The purpose of the experiment was to assess the social impact of a guaranteed, unconditional annual income, UBI, including whether a program of this nature would create disincentives to work for the recipients and, if so, to what extent.

In 2004, the New Zealand Labour government introduced the Working for Families package as part of the 2004 budget. The package, which effectively commenced operating on 1 April 2005, had three primary aims: to make work pay; to ensure income adequacy; and to support people "into work".

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Social programs in Canada</span> Overview of social programs in Canada

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<span class="mw-page-title-main">Negative income tax</span> Proposed tax reform

In economics, a negative income tax (NIT) is a system which reverses the direction in which tax is paid for incomes below a certain level; in other words, earners above that level pay money to the state while earners below it receive money, as shown by the blue arrows in the diagram. NIT was proposed by Juliet Rhys-Williams while working on the Beveridge Report in the early 1940s and popularized by Milton Friedman in the 1960s as a system in which the state makes payments to the poor when their income falls below a threshold, while taxing them on income above that threshold. Together with Friedman, supporters of NIT also included James Tobin, Joseph A. Pechman, and Peter M. Mieszkowski, Jim Gray and even then-President Richard Nixon, who suggested implementation of modified NIT in his Family Assistance Plan. After the increase in popularity of NIT, an experiment sponsored by the US government was conducted between 1968 and 1982 on effects of NIT on labour supply, income, and substitution effects.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Omitara</span> Settlement in Omaheke Region, Namibia

Omitara is a settlement in the Steinhausen electoral constituency in the Omaheke Region of Namibia. Together with the adjacent village of Otjivero — the two places are often referred to as one — it had a population of approximately 1,200 as of October 2008. Otjivero and Omitara Railway Station are two contiguous TransNamib railway stops en route from Windhoek to Gobabis.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Universal basic income</span> Welfare system of unconditional income

Universal basic income (UBI) is a social welfare proposal in which all citizens of a given population regularly receive a minimum income in the form of an unconditional transfer payment, i.e., without a means test or need to work. In contrast a guaranteed minimum income is paid only to those who do not already receive an income that is enough to live on. A UBI would be received independently of any other income. If the level is sufficient to meet a person's basic needs, it is sometimes called a full basic income; if it is less than that amount, it may be called a partial basic income. As of 2024, no country has a UBI system in place, but two countries—Mongolia and Iran—had a UBI in the past. There have been numerous pilot projects, and the idea is discussed in many countries. Some have labelled UBI as utopian due to its historical origin.

Welfare dependency is the state in which a person or household is reliant on government welfare benefits for their income for a prolonged period of time, and without which they would not be able to meet the expenses of daily living. The United States Department of Health and Human Services defines welfare dependency as the proportion of all individuals in families which receive more than 50 percent of their total annual income from Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF), food stamps, and/or Supplemental Security Income (SSI) benefits. Typically viewed as a social problem, it has been the subject of major welfare reform efforts since the mid-20th century, primarily focused on trying to make recipients self-sufficient through paid work. While the term "welfare dependency" can be used pejoratively, for the purposes of this article it shall be used to indicate a particular situation of persistent poverty.

Universal basic income is a subject of much interest in the United Kingdom. There is a long history of discussion yet it has not been implemented to date. Interest in and support for universal basic income has increased substantially amongst the public and politicians in recent years.

Universal basic income (UBI) is discussed in many countries. This article summarizes the national and regional debates, where it takes place, and is a complement to the main article on the subject: universal basic income.

Universal basic income pilots are smaller-scale preliminary experiments which are carried out on selected members of the relevant population to assess the feasibility, costs and effects of the full-scale implementation of universal basic income, or the related concept of negative income tax (NIT), including partial universal basic income and similar programs. The following list provides an overview of the most famous universal basic income pilots, including projects which have not been launched yet but have been already approved by the respective political bodies or for the negotiations are in process.

Universal basic income and negative income tax, which is a related system, has been debated in the United States since the 1960s, and to a smaller extent also before that. During the 1960s and 1970s a number of experiments with negative income tax were conducted in United States and Canada. In the 1970s another and somewhat related welfare system was introduced instead, the Earned Income Tax Credit. The next big development in the history of basic income in the United States came in 1982, when the Alaska Permanent Fund was established. It has delivered some kind of basic income, financed from the state's oil and gas revenues, ever since.

The Ontario Basic Income Pilot Project was a pilot project to provide basic income to 4,000 people in Ontario, Canada. The project followed recommendations made by Hugh Segal in consultation with the population, and would test whether "Basic Income [would] reduce poverty more effectively, encourage work, reduce stigmatization, and produce better health outcomes and better life chances for recipients". It was then implemented in 2018 by the Ontario Liberal Party. However, the project was terminated early by a newly elected Progressive Conservative government, and the final payments were made to participants in March 2019.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Family Assistance Plan</span> Welfare program

The Family Assistance Plan (FAP) was a welfare program introduced by President Richard Nixon in August 1969, which aimed to implement a negative income tax for households with working parents. The FAP was influenced by President Lyndon B. Johnson's War on Poverty program that aimed to expand welfare across all American citizens, especially for working-class Americans. Nixon intended for the FAP to replace existing welfare programs such as the Aid to Assist Families with Dependent Children (AFDC) program as a way to attract conservative voters that were beginning to become wary of welfare while maintaining middle-class constituencies. The FAP specifically provided aid assistance to working-class Americans, dividing benefits based on age, the number of children, family income, and eligibility. Initially, the Nixon administration thought the FAP legislation would easily pass through the House of Representatives and the more liberal Senate, as both chambers were controlled by the Democratic Party. In June 1971, the FAP under the bill H.R. 1 during the 92nd Congress, passed in the House of Representatives. However, from December 1971 to June 1972 H.R.1 bill that included the FAP underwent scrutiny in the Senate chamber, particularly by the Senate Finance Committee controlled by the conservative Democrats, while the Republicans were also reluctant on passing the program. Eventually, on October 5 of 1972, a revised version of H.R.1 passed the Senate with a vote of 68-5 that only authorized funding for FAP testing before its implementation. During House-Senate reconciliation, before Nixon signed the bill on October 15, 1972, the entire provision on FAP was dropped. The FAP enjoyed broad support from Americans across different regions. Reception towards the program varied across racial, regional, income, and gender differences. The FAP is best remembered for beginning the rhetoric against the expansion of welfare that was popular during the New Deal. It initiated the support for anti-welfare conservative movements that became mainstream in American political discourse during the Reagan era.

The report of the British Columbia Expert Panel on Basic Income“Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society” was released on 28 January 2021. It provides a comprehensive assessment of data on low-income earners and income supports in British Columbia (BC) and Canada, and a summary of state-of-the-art research on basic income programs.

Economic Security Project (ESP) is an American progressive non-profit organization focused on economic issues, primarily guaranteed income and antimonopoly action. Founded in 2016 with the aim to "make our economy work again for all Americans," ESP has provided seed funding and organizational support for guaranteed income pilot projects across the country, and has advocated for the expansion of cash tax credits and for more robust antimonopoly action. Their efforts have contributed to the increased visibility and political viability of guaranteed income. Since its founding, ESP has helped to set in motion over 100 guaranteed income pilots, whereas there had been only 12 pilots at the time of its founding.

References

  1. ↑ "Ford government ditched basic income pilot project before any data landed, researcher says | CBC News".
  2. ↑ Mulvale, James P. (2008) Basic Income and the Canadian Welfare State: Exploring the Realms of Possibility. Basic Income Studies, 3(1)
  3. ↑ National Health and Welfare. (1970). Income security for Canadians. National Health and Welfare white paper. Ottawa, ON: Queen's Printer.
  4. ↑ Mulvale, James; Frankel, Sid (2016). "Next Steps on the Road to Basic Income in Canada". The Journal of Sociology & Social Welfare. 43 (3): 35.
  5. 1 2 Rossi, H. & Lyall, K. (1976). Reforming public welfare: A critique of the negative income tax experiment. New York, NY: Russell Sage Foundation.
  6. 1 2 3 Forget, E. (2008). The town with no poverty: A history of the North American Guaranteed Annual Income. Winnipeg, MB: University of Manitoba.
  7. 1 2 Hum, D. & Simpson, W. (2001). A guaranteed annual income? From Mincome to the millenium. Policy Options, 12, 78-82.
  8. ↑ "Creating a Basic Annual Income to be Designed and Implemented for a Fair Economy". Liberal Party of Canada. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  9. ↑ "Guaranteed Livable Allowance". The Canadian Progressive. Archived from the original on 2015-09-30. Retrieved 2014-02-16.
  10. ↑ "Pirate Party Policy » Establish Citizen's Income ("Mincome")". February 19, 2014. Archived from the original on 2014-02-19.
  11. ↑ (in French) "Québec solidaire présente des propositions audacieuses pour combattre les inégalités," Québec solidaire (14 aout 2012).
  12. ↑ Senator Hugh Segal on basic income, Basic Income News
  13. ↑ "NDP support guaranteed income pilot project". CBC News. Retrieved 24 February 2014.
  14. ↑ "A National Survey of Canadians" (PDF). Environics Institute for Survey Research. Archived from the original (PDF) on 6 January 2014. Retrieved 21 February 2014.
  15. ↑ Hazan, Jeremy (7 March 2016). "Justin Trudeau Plans To Experiment Giving Canadians Unconditional Free Money". MTL Blog. Retrieved 9 March 2016.
  16. ↑ "Ontario's basic income pilot to end March 2019 | CBC News".
  17. ↑ "Archived - Ontario Basic Income Pilot". Ontario.
  18. 1 2 "Ontario is axing its test of universal basic income". MIT Technology Review.
  19. 1 2 Aivalis, Christo (August 13, 2018). "Conservatives end 'basic income' program in Ontario, afraid to be proved wrong". The Washington Post . Retrieved 2018-01-19.
  20. 1 2 "Ontario minister admits government broke promise on basic income project". CBC News. August 1, 2018. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  21. 1 2 Bergstein, Brian. "Basic income could work—if you do it Canada-style". MIT Technology Review. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  22. 1 2 3 Monsebraaten, Laurie (August 3, 2018). "Save Ontario's basic income pilot, advocates urge Ottawa". The Star . Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  23. ↑ Craggs, Samantha. "Shock and anger in Hamilton after province says it'll cancel the basic income project". CBC News. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  24. ↑ Mann, Ken (2018-08-15). "Hamilton politicians denounce cancellation of Basic Income Pilot Project". Globalnews.ca. Retrieved 2019-01-19.
  25. ↑ Winick, Erin. "Universal basic income had a rough 2018". MIT Technology Review.
  26. ↑ Green, David; Kesselman, Jonathan; Tedds, Lindsay; Perrin, Daniel (28 December 2020). "Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society" (PDF). pp. 3–4.
  27. ↑ Mason, Gary (10 Feb 2021). "The case against a guaranteed basic income". Globe and Mail.
  28. ↑ "Executive Summary" (PDF). 28 December 2020. p. 4.
  29. ↑ Green, David; Kesselman, Jonathan; Tedds, Lindsay; Perrin, Daniel (28 December 2020). "Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society" (PDF). pp. 35–36.
  30. ↑ Green, David; Kesselman, Jonathan; Tedds, Lindsay; Perrin, Daniel (28 December 2020). "Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society" (PDF). p. 30.
  31. ↑ Green, David; Kesselman, Jonathan; Tedds, Lindsay; Perrin, Daniel (28 December 2020). "Covering All the Basics: Reforms for a More Just Society" (PDF). pp. 334–340.
  32. ↑ Salkind, N.J. & Haskins, R. (1982). Negative income tax: The impact on children from low-income families. Journal of Family Issues, 3, 165-180.
  33. ↑ "Archived copy" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 2017-01-26. Retrieved 2017-02-03.{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: archived copy as title (link)
  34. ↑ "Guaranteed Annual Income". www.canadiansocialresearch.net.
  35. ↑ Friedman, M. (1982). Capitalism and Freedom. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press.
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