Affordable housing in the United States

Last updated

Percent of renters in different affordability categories, US, 2022
less than 30 percent of monthly gross - Affordable
 
50%
more than 30 percent, but less than 50 percent - Burdened
 
23%
more than 50 percent of monthly gross - Severely burdened
 
27%
About half of renters in the US had an affordable rental arrangement, and
about half did not. [1] [2]

The term "affordable housing" refers to housing that is considered economically accessible for individuals and families whose household income falls at or below the Area Median Income (AMI), as evaluated by either national or local government authorities through an officially recognized housing affordability index. [3] However, in the US, the term is mostly used to refer to housing units that are deed restricted (for typically at least 30 years) to households considered Low-Income (80% of AMI), Very Low-Income (50% of AMI), and Extremely Low-Income (30% of AMI). These units are most often constructed by non-profit "affordable housing developers" who use a combination of private money and government subsidies. For-profit developers, when building market-rate developments, may include some "affordable" units (often 10-30%), if required as part of a city's inclusionary zoning mandate.

Contents

For over six decades, housing has consistently been the largest expenditure within the average American family's financial plan. Throughout a substantial portion of this era, housing expenses have outpaced income growth, especially impacting those who rent their residences. [4] Following the Great Recession in 2008, there has been a substantial decline in the rate of home ownership, leading to increases in foreclosures and short sales. This, in turn, has driven a surge in the number of individuals and families opting to rent homes, causing greater rental expenses. [5]

The National Low Income Housing Coalition (NLIHC) released its annual report, Out of Reach: The High Cost of Housing in June, 2023. This report underlines the disparity between people's earnings and the cost of modest rental housing across the U.S. It emphasizes how rising rents, coupled with the end of COVID-19 pandemic-era support programs, are intensifying financial instability for low-income renters. The report's key figure, the "Housing Wage," reveals the hourly earnings necessary for full-time workers to afford fair market rental homes without exceeding 30% of their incomes. Nationally, the 2023 Housing Wage is $28.58 per hour for a modest two-bedroom home and $23.67 per hour for a one-bedroom home. The findings emphasize that housing remains unaffordable for workers across various job types and income levels. Sixty percent of workers earn less than the hourly wage required for a two-bedroom home, and nearly 50% earn less than the one-bedroom Housing Wage. [6]

Some of the main issues which lead to the need for affordable housing are homelessness, the housing affordability crisis, [7] and historic housing discrimination against people of color. The reported effects of affordable housing range from improved health and educational outcomes to reduced homelessness. [8] A series of legislative steps have been taken to address different aspects of housing policy in the United States, including the National Housing Act of 1934, [9] Housing Act of 1937, [10] Housing Act of 1949, [11] and Fair Housing Act of 1968. [12] Together, these acts represent a progression of federal housing policy, from facilitating mortgage insurance and creating public housing options to emphasizing the importance of affordable and equitable housing opportunities while also addressing discrimination and promoting fair housing practices. Government policies and programs, such as subsidized housing, tax incentives, and inclusionary zoning, coupled with innovative solutions, such as tenant protections, mixed-income developments, and homeownership programs, have contributed to shaping the affordable housing landscape in the United States.

Housing discrimination and equity

Homelessness

Tents of homeless people on the sidewalk in Skid Row, Los Angeles Tenting in Los Angeles Skid Row.jpg
Tents of homeless people on the sidewalk in Skid Row, Los Angeles

Central to public discourse on housing affordability is the conversation surrounding advocacy for unhoused and homeless individuals. The evolution of homelessness within the U.S. has been characterized by significant changes not only in perceived solutions, but also in the gradual politicization of statewide provisioning for unhoused and displaced persons. Homelessness first emerged as a national issue in the early 1870s, although the term originally referred to "itinerant 'tramps' traversing the country in search of work," [13] attributing the solution to homelessness as one of employment and job provision rather than affordable and accessible housing.

The advent of "muckraking" journalism, led by reform-focused journalists in the early 1900s Progressive Era who were focused on exposing corruption and "the realities of the American people" to the public, helped shed new light on the issue of homelessness and displacement. Particularly notable is the work of Danish photojournalist Jacob Riis, most known for his series "How the Other Half Lives." Riis's photography work revealed the deplorable living conditions of those occupying U.S. slums and tenements, drawing more public attention towards the issue of homelessness. [14] This awareness helped to usher in the "Modern Era" of the housing movement, as advocates and civil rights activists attempted to address the low supply of affordable housing, a worsening recession, and continued gentrification of inner city spaces. [15]

The homelessness experience for individuals simultaneously coping with severe mental disorders is often intrinsically tied to the extended "institutional circuit" [16] intended to function as a solution to residential instability. In a 1995 research study that interviewed applicants for a homeless shelter judged to be severely mentally ill in Westchester County, New York, researchers found that shelters functioned as "part of a more extended institutional circuit, as a temporary source of transitional housing, as a surrogate for exhausted support from kin, and as a haphazard resource in essentially nomadic lives." [16] This perpetuation of short-term countermeasures to homelessness, all while de-prioritizing long-term options for stable and appropriate housing, raises the issue of whether shelters and existing institutional models are fully addressing the needs of mentally ill clients who have been displaced or houseless.

With the existing reliance on community shelters to accommodate mentally ill clients, the reinforcement of housing as a public need is also coupled by the de-institutionalization of mental illnesses previously addressed in custody and asylum. [17] The rise of the 1960s civil rights movement led to more public demands for severely mentally ill patients to be removed from the "deplorable environments" perpetuated by mental hospitals, asylums, and the like. Legal restrictions on institutionalization have pointed towards placing the responsibility of care on a largely decentralized mental care system.

Redlining

After the Great Depression and the subsequent wave of home foreclosures, the federal government created new organizations to make affordable home mortgages more accessible. These agencies included the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) and Federal Housing Administration (FHA). HOLC and FHA conducted extensive evaluations of neighborhoods to assess their investment risk, a practice known as "redlining," which took into consideration the racial composition of residents. [18]

Redlining led to the systematic denial of various services, particularly mortgage loans, insurance, and other financial services, to people in specific neighborhoods based on their racial or ethnic composition. This practice has had a long-lasting impact on housing affordability and access to homeownership for minority communities in the United States. Redlining became widespread in the 1930s and continued for several decades but was officially banned with the passage of the Fair Housing Act in 1968 and the Community Reinvestment Act in 1977. [19] The discriminatory practice of redlining used by governments made it extremely difficult for residents of redlined neighborhoods to accumulate wealth. [20]

Although redlining is no longer a formal practice, its legacy continues to influence patterns of housing discrimination, disparities in homeownership rates, and access to housing and community resources for minority populations. [21] The 2023 Out of Reach report by the National Low Income Housing Coalition highlights a substantial housing cost disparity for people of color, particularly women of color. The report's key figure, the "Housing Wage," reveals the hourly earnings necessary for full-time workers to afford fair market rental homes without exceeding 30% of their incomes. Nationally, while the median wage of a full-time white worker surpasses the one-bedroom Housing Wage by $2.23, full-time Black and Latino workers fall short by approximately $0.73 and $1.84, respectively. The disparity worsens for women of color, with Black and Latina female workers earning median wages that are $3.96 and $5.47 less than the one-bedroom Housing Wage, respectively. [6]

Additionally, an ecologic study published by SSM – Population Health in 2021 found a strong correlation between past instances of redlining and ongoing instances of discriminatory lending practices in Milwaukee County. More specifically, the researchers identified a direct link between redlining and adverse mental and physical health outcomes within the city. The observed pattern of increased lending discrimination corresponding with declining health indicates that structural racism, evident in historical and contemporary lending disinvestment, serves as a predictor for poor health outcomes in the deeply segregated neighborhoods of Milwaukee. [22]

Government policies and programs

Subsidized housing

Various government policies and programs have been put in place to address the causes and effects of affordable housing. One such government program is the Section 8 Housing Choice Voucher Program, which the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) uses to provide rental assistance vouchers to eligible low-income households. The program offers financial aid to households with an annual gross income not surpassing 50% of HUD's median income criteria. HUD mandates that 75% of newly enrolled households should fall at or below 30% of the area's median income. Eligibility considers various factors such as household income, size, composition, citizenship status, assets, and essential expenses like healthcare and childcare. [23] In the United States, the widely accepted standard for identifying households with extremely low incomes is either income at or below the federal poverty guideline or 30% of the area median income (AMI), whichever is higher. [24]

An empirical research study aimed at gauging the impact of government-subsidized housing in mitigating homelessness concluded that these housing initiatives did not effectively prioritize individuals at the highest risk of experiencing homelessness. [25] Consequently, a mere expansion of current housing programs administered by the HUD is unlikely to significantly reduce the homeless population. This study published in the Journal of Policy Analysis and Management proposes an adjustment to Section 8 programs. It suggests the restructuring of these programs by decreasing subsidies for each income bracket, removing those with relatively higher incomes from the eligibility criteria, and reallocating the resulting savings to provide subsidies to the most economically disadvantaged individuals who face a significantly higher risk of homelessness. [25]

While subsidized housing is often intended to reduce homelessness, the implementation of surveillance within subsidized housing has been shown to intensify the effects of poverty. [26] An analysis based upon in-depth interviews with 67 low-income Black mothers living in subsidized housing in Houston, Texas found that property owners and landlords often disproportionately surveil minority tenants. The surveillance that these mothers describe within their residences results in a lack of privacy within the home, increases the likelihood of eviction, and intensifies their financial struggles. [26]

Inclusionary zoning

The United States government uses various inclusionary zoning regulations to require or incentivize developers to include a certain percentage of affordable housing units in new residential developments. [27] Incentives include density bonuses, tax credits, fee waivers, and deferral programs. [28] Inclusionary zoning policies aim to promote socioeconomic diversity within communities and ensure that affordable housing is integrated into areas with a mix of income levels. [29]

Inclusionary housing policies were initially designed to counteract the impact of "exclusionary zoning" practices that reinforced economic and racial segregation. These inclusionary policies use the private market, often enabling the establishment of new affordable units without heavy reliance on public funding. Because the creation of affordable units under an inclusionary zoning policy hinges on the construction of market-rate housing, it is most effective in areas with active construction or expected new development, where it is likely to generate a substantial number of affordable homes. [30]

One inclusionary zoning program put in place by the United States government to encourage the development and rehabilitation of affordable rental housing is the Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) program. Through this program, developers receive tax credits in exchange for agreeing to rent a portion of their units to low-income tenants at reduced rates. [31] Eligibility for these tax credits necessitates that the proposed development either encompasses new construction or involves substantial refurbishment of residential units. The specific amount of credits a development may obtain depends on the overall depreciable capital improvements and the available funding a state has to cover the entire development cost. [32]

The LIHTC, established in 1986, stands as a groundbreaking departure from the typical structure of supply-side housing programs, which primarily relied on subsidizing low-income housing. As of 2010, this innovative approach yielded the construction of 1.5 million low-income housing units. [33] However, while the LIHTC has expanded to provide the most new affordable housing in the United States, the program has received many criticisms and calls for its elimination.

One such criticism is that the effectiveness of the LIHTC program in providing affordable housing depends on the motivations of various market participants. Currently, major corporations are the primary investors in LIH credits, and their incentives may be influenced not only by the LIHTC program itself but also by related programs, like Community Reinvestment Act (CRA) regulatory obligations. [33]

In terms of benefits of the LIHTC program, a 2011 analysis published in the Housing Policy Debate journal found that increases in the use of tax credits are linked to reductions in racial segregation in metropolitan areas. [34] This means that LIHTC projects do not tend to lead to increased segregation, even in areas with elevated poverty levels.

Innovative solutions and community initiatives

Tenant protections

Tenant protections are legal measures and regulations designed to safeguard the rights and interests of tenants in the rental housing market. [35] An example of tenant protections is rent regulation, which includes rent control and rent stabilization policies. Both of these protections are used to regulate and limit the amount landlords can increase rent for tenants in certain properties; however, they have distinct origins and guidelines. [36]

Rent control allows landlords to increase rents, with limitations such as an annual increase cap and an upper limit known as the "maximum base rent," adjusted periodically to align with operating costs. [36] Assessing the impact of rent control on its ability to promote stability for individuals residing in rent-controlled units has predominantly shown positive outcomes. Nevertheless, the evidence regarding its effectiveness in promoting economic opportunities or diminishing racial disparities is inconclusive. [37]

Rent stabilization laws restrict rent increases, but they are typically less stringent than rent control. These laws include rights to lease renewal and constraints on annual rent increases, which are recalculated each year. [37] Despite their differences, rent stabilization has become more prevalent than rent control. For example, in New York City in 2021, there were 16,400 rent-controlled apartments compared to 1,048,860 rent-stabilized apartments. [37]

Just cause eviction laws are also tenant protections, given they prevent landlords from evicting tenants without valid reasons, such as non-payment of rent or lease violations. [38] Approximately 44 million households, constituting around one-third of all households in the United States, are renters. Annually, about 2.7 million of these renting households face potential eviction through legal procedures. [39] Data linking eviction court records to the 2006 - 2015 American Community Survey show a significant disparity: despite Black Americans making up an average of 18.6% of all renters, they represent 51.1% of those under threat of eviction and 43.4% of those actually evicted. In contrast, while White Americans comprise over half of all renters at 50.5%, they constitute only 26.3% of those facing eviction and 32.0% of those evicted. [39] Just-Cause Eviction laws are especially crucial in contexts where certain groups, such as Black Americans in this case, face a higher risk of eviction despite being a smaller percentage of the renting population.

Mixed-income developments

A new apartment building under construction in St. Louis Park, Minnesota, called Via Sol by PLACE (Projects Linking Art, Community and Environment). The development project is a "mixed-use, mixed-income creative community" along the Highway 7 frontage road near the Southwest Light Rail (SWLRT) Wooddale Station, with 217 apartment units, renewable energy sources, and 220 parking spaces. Via Sol Apartments, Saint Louis Park.jpg
A new apartment building under construction in St. Louis Park, Minnesota, called Via Sol by PLACE (Projects Linking Art, Community and Environment). The development project is a "mixed-use, mixed-income creative community" along the Highway 7 frontage road near the Southwest Light Rail (SWLRT) Wooddale Station, with 217 apartment units, renewable energy sources, and 220 parking spaces.

One innovative solution for housing affordability is mixed-income developments, which are housing projects that include a blend of units at various rent or price levels, designed to create socioeconomically diverse communities. [40] These residences might be mixed within the same hallway, placed in distinct buildings, or situated on separate floors or wings within a single building. Additionally, city blocks or neighborhoods can be deemed mixed-income when they encompass a variety of housing options affordable to individuals spanning various income brackets. [41]

The term "mixed-income" varies across locations, reflecting diverse ratios of affordable and market-rate units along with differing income brackets defining affordability in such developments. Various subsidy programs, such as Low Income Housing Tax Credits and project-based vouchers, are often combined to cater to the needs of lower-income households, dependent on the specific community and housing assistance type. [42]

Allocating more units for higher-income residents in mixed-income spaces has been shown to enhance maintenance and amenities, fostering economic diversity by competing with market-rate developments. [43] However, research challenges the assumption that integrating lower-income and higher-income households significantly strengthens social connections within these developments, indicating limited interaction across income groups and no substantial changes in the economic status of assisted housing families. [44]

Affordable housing initiatives by city

San Diego

San Diego's housing crisis is largely driven by a shortage of housing units. According to the Housing and Urban Development, total housing costs are affordable if they meet or are below 30% of annual income. [45] According to the American Community Survey of 2016, 54.8% of renters in San Diego pay 30% or over of their income toward rent and housing costs every month. [46] Even with an estimated 84,000 vacant housing units, [47] a significant number of people choose to live outside of county lines, where housing costs are lower. About twenty percent of San Diego workers live outside the county, notably in Riverside County, where median home costs can be as much as $195,400 cheaper. [48] However, where housing costs may be lower, these workers are now facing longer commutes. The combination of housing costs and transport costs means that as many as 45% of the population working in San Diego face poverty. [49]

Homelessness is a huge challenge also stemming from this lack of affordable housing. San Diego's Regional Task Force on the Homeless counted 4,912 homeless individuals in the City of San Diego alone, with 8,576 homeless persons in the San Diego region. [50] Multiple propositions have been made to abate the problem. In 2018, California voted on Proposition 10, which would have lifted state regulations on rent control and allowed local jurisdictions to set their own policies. Proposition 10 did not pass. [51] More recently, in March 2019, the San Diego City Council voted and approved a reform to parking standards on housing units near public transit with the goal of reducing housing costs associated with mandated parking spots and relieve traffic by encouraging residents to use public transit. [52]

Initiatives

The Department of Housing and Urban Development's Section 8 programs help low income citizens find housing by paying the difference between the market price of a home and 30% of the renter's income. [53] According to the San Diego Housing Commission, Section 8 housing vouchers are the city's largest affordable housing program and were responsible for helping to fill 14,698 homes in the 2014–2015 fiscal year. [54] The San Diego Housing Commission currently owns 2,221 affordable housing units and plans to expand that number in the future to meet the growing demand. [55]

In 2009, the San Diego Housing Commission implemented a finance plan that created 810 more units of affordable rental housing through leveraging the equity of its owned properties. The conversion of city-owned buildings into low-income affordable housing was made possible by an agreement made with the Department of Housing and Urban Development in September 2007. The cost of rent and availability of these units for residents will remain consistent, as the city has put in place provisions to make them affordable for at least 55 years. Additionally, because of a concern that the people who need these housing units might be crowded out, the units are only available to residents with an income cap of 80% of the San Diego median. [56]

In 2017, the new Atmosphere apartment building in downtown San Diego drew attention when it announced that it would be offering 205 apartments to low-income residents. [57] Residents pay their portion of rent through Section 8 vouchers, and many of the apartments are available only to families who make 30% or less of the median income of the city. [58] The new housing project aimed to provide a low-rent area for residents who work downtown but who are unable to live near their workplace because of the high costs. [57]

In 2021, Governor Newsom’s $110 billion California Comeback Plan, which included the passing of Senate Bills 8, 9, and 10, was an attempt to help mitigate the current housing crisis. By extending housing production while avoiding displacement of existing tenants and increasing access to zoning for multi-units these bills aim to increase state provisioning and facilitate the development of denser housing. [59] The idea behind the California Comeback Plan is to boost California's housing supply by removing barriers to multi-family units and accessory dwelling units. [59]

San Francisco

Affordable housing and Homelessness in the San Francisco Bay Area represents an ongoing part of public discourse, especially as the Bay Area population has increased to house about 20% of the State of California's population – the regional population is expected to increase from 7.2 million to 9.3 million by 2040. [60] Major cities including Los Angeles and San Francisco frequently cite increases to the homeless population as a result of reductions in housing supply, while the limitations to affordable housing are also exacerbated by issues of gentrification and redlining, growing residential sprawl within residential communities, and the prevalence of the housing bubble that keeps rent prices consistently high. [61] While local governance bodies such as the Zoning Adjustment Board (ZAB) have worked to introduce reforms to policies such as single-family zoning in an effort to improve housing affordability, the growing homeless population within the Bay Area also points to shortfalls in addressing the intersection of homelessness with issues of mental illness, anti-homeless sentiments and racial discrimination.

New York City

New York City has a shortage of affordable housing resulting in overcrowding and homelessness. New York City attracts thousands of new residents each year and housing prices continue to climb. Finding affordable housing affects a large portion of the city's population including low-income, moderate-income, and even median income families. [62] Since 1970, income has remained relatively stagnant while rent has nearly doubled for New Yorkers. [62] Consequently, 48.7% of householders spend more than 30% of their income on rent. [62] Several federal and state initiatives have targeted this problem, but have failed to provide enough affordable, inclusive, and sustainable housing for New York City residents. The demand for affordable housing in New York City remains high: 2.5 million applications were submitted for 2,600 available affordable apartments in 2016. [63]

Related Research Articles

The Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) is a federal program in the United States that awards tax credits to housing developers in exchange for agreeing to reserve a certain fraction of rent-restricted units for lower-income households. The program was created under the Tax Reform Act of 1986 (TRA86) to incentivize the use of private equity in developing affordable housing. Projects developed with LIHTC credits must maintain a certain percentage of affordable units for a set period of time, typically 30 years, though there is a "qualified contract" process that can allow property owners to opt out after 15 years. The maximum rent that can be charged for designated affordable units is based on Area Median Income (AMI); over 50% of residents in LIHTC properties are considered Extremely Low-Income. Less than 10% of current credit expenditures are claimed by individual investors.

Section 8 of the Housing Act of 1937, commonly known as Section 8, provides rental housing assistance to low-income households in the United States by paying private landlords on behalf of these tenants. Approximately 68% of this assistance benefits seniors, children, and individuals with disabilities. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) oversees Section 8 programs, which are administered locally by public housing agencies (PHAs).

Inclusionary zoning (IZ) is municipal and county planning ordinances that require or provide incentives when a given percentage of units in a new housing development be affordable by people with low to moderate incomes. Such housing is known as inclusionary housing. The term inclusionary zoning indicates that these ordinances seek to counter exclusionary zoning practices, which exclude low-cost housing from a municipality through the zoning code. Non-profit affordable housing developers build 100% of their units as affordable, but need significant taxpayer subsidies for this model to work. Inclusionary zoning allows municipalities to have new affordable housing constructed without taxpayer subsidies. In order to encourage for-profit developers to build projects that include affordable units, cities often allow developers to build more total units than their zoning laws currently allow so that there will be enough profit generating market-rate units to offset the losses from the below market-rate units and still allow the project to be financially feasible. Inclusionary zoning can be mandatory or voluntary, though the great majority of units have been built as a result of mandatory programmes. There are variations among the set-aside requirements, affordability levels, and length of time the unit is deed-restricted as affordable housing.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Single-room occupancy</span> Type of low-cost housing

Single-room occupancy (SRO) is a type of low-cost housing typically aimed at residents with low or minimal incomes, or single adults who like a minimalist lifestyle, who rent small, furnished single rooms with a bed, chair, and sometimes a small desk. SRO units are rented out as permanent residence and/or primary residence to individuals, within a multi-tenant building where tenants share a kitchen, toilets or bathrooms. SRO units range from 7 to 13 square metres. In some instances, contemporary units may have a small refrigerator, microwave, or sink.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Affordable housing</span> Housing affordable to those with a median household income

Affordable housing is housing which is deemed affordable to those with a household income at or below the median as rated by the national government or a local government by a recognized housing affordability index. Most of the literature on affordable housing refers to mortgages and a number of forms that exist along a continuum – from emergency homeless shelters, to transitional housing, to non-market rental, to formal and informal rental, indigenous housing, and ending with affordable home ownership.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Housing</span> Living spaces

Housing refers to the usage and possibly construction of shelter as living spaces, individually or collectively. Housing is a basic human need and a human right, playing a critical role in shaping the quality of life for individuals, families, and communities, As such it is the main issue of housing organization and policy.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Subsidized housing in the United States</span> Rental assistance for low-income households

In the United States, subsidized housing is administered by federal, state and local agencies to provide subsidized rental assistance for low-income households. Public housing is priced much below the market rate, allowing people to live in more convenient locations rather than move away from the city in search of lower rents. In most federally-funded rental assistance programs, the tenants' monthly rent is set at 30% of their household income. Now increasingly provided in a variety of settings and formats, originally public housing in the U.S. consisted primarily of one or more concentrated blocks of low-rise and/or high-rise apartment buildings. These complexes are operated by state and local housing authorities which are authorized and funded by the United States Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD). In 2020, there were one million public housing units. In 2022, about 5.2 million American households received some form of federal rental assistance.

Public housing policies in Canada includes rent controls, as well as subsidized interest rates and grants. Early public housing policy in Canada consisted of public-private lending schemes which focused on expanding home ownership among the middle class. The first major housing initiative in Canada was the Dominion Housing Act of 1935, which increased the amount of credit available for mortgage loans.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Housing inequality</span>

Housing inequality is a disparity in the quality of housing in a society which is a form of economic inequality. The right to housing is recognized by many national constitutions, and the lack of adequate housing can have adverse consequences for an individual or a family. The term may apply regionally, temporally or culturally. Housing inequality is directly related to racial, social, income and wealth inequality. It is often the result of market forces, discrimination and segregation.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Housing trust fund</span>

Housing trust funds are established sources of funding for affordable housing construction and other related purposes created by governments in the United States (U.S.). Housing Trust Funds (HTF) began as a way of funding affordable housing in the late 1970s. Since then, elected government officials from all levels of government in the U.S. have established housing trust funds to support the construction, acquisition, and preservation of affordable housing and related services to meet the housing needs of low-income households. Ideally, HTFs are funded through dedicated revenues like real estate transfer taxes or document recording fees to ensure a steady stream of funding rather than being dependent on regular budget processes. As of 2016, 400 state, local and county trust funds existed across the U.S.

Non-profit housing developers build affordable housing for individuals under-served by the private market. The non-profit housing sector is composed of community development corporations (CDC) and national and regional non-profit housing organizations whose mission is to provide for the needy, the elderly, working households, and others that the private housing market does not adequately serve. Of the total 4.6 million units in the social housing sector, non-profit developers have produced approximately 1.547 million units, or roughly one-third of the total stock. Since non-profit developers seldom have the financial resources or access to capital that for-profit entities do, they often use multiple layers of financing, usually from a variety of sources for both development and operation of these affordable housing units.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Affordable housing in Canada</span>

Affordable housing in Canada refers to living spaces that are deemed financially accessible to households with a median household income. Housing affordability is generally measured based on a shelter-cost-to-income ratio (STIR) of 30% by the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation (CMHC), the national housing agency of Canada. It encompasses a continuum ranging from market-based options like affordable rental housing and affordable home ownership, to non-market alternatives such as government-subsidized housing. Canada ranks among the lowest of the most developed countries for housing affordability.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Howard County Housing and Community Development</span>

Howard County Housing is the umbrella organization for the Howard County Department of Housing and Community Development and the Howard County Housing Commission. The Department is Howard County Government’s housing agency, and the Commission is a public housing authority and non-profit. Both have boards that meet monthly.

The Costa–Hawkins Rental Housing Act ("Costa–Hawkins") is a California state law enacted in 1995, placing limits on municipal rent control ordinances. Costa–Hawkins preempts the field in two major ways. First, it prohibits cities from establishing rent control over certain kinds of residential units, such as single-family dwellings, condominiums, and newly constructed apartment units. Second, it prohibits "vacancy control", also called "strict" rent control. The legislation was sponsored by Democratic Senator Jim Costa and Republican Assemblymember Phil Hawkins.

The term housing crisis refers to acute failures in the housing market at a given place and time. Depending on the context and the speaker, the term has taken on substantially different meanings. A prominent current use, for example, refers to shortages of available housing in the United States and other countries, but it has also been used to describe financial crises related to the real estate sector.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Housing insecurity in the United States</span>

Housing insecurity is the lack of security in an individual shelter that is the result of high housing costs relative to income and is associated with poor housing quality, unstable neighborhoods, overcrowding, and homelessness.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Eviction in the United States</span> Landlord removals of rental housing tenants in the North American country

Eviction in the United States refers to the pattern of tenant removal by landlords in the United States. In an eviction process, landlords forcibly remove tenants from their place of residence and reclaim the property. Landlords may decide to evict tenants who have failed to pay rent, violated lease terms, or possess an expired lease. Landlords may also choose not to renew a tenant's lease, however, this does not constitute an eviction. In the United States, eviction procedures, landlord rights, and tenant protections vary by state and locality. Historically, the United States has seen changes in domestic eviction rates during periods of major socio-political and economic turmoil—including the Great Depression, the 2008 Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. High eviction rates are driven by affordable housing shortages and rising housing costs. Across the United States, low-income and disadvantaged neighborhoods have disproportionately higher eviction rates. Certain demographics—including low income renters, Black and Hispanic renters, women, and people with children—are also at a greater risk of eviction. Additionally, eviction filings remain on renters' public records. This can make it more difficult for renters to access future housing, since most landlords will not rent to a tenant with a history of eviction. Eviction and housing instability are also linked to many negative health and life outcomes, including homelessness, poverty, and poor mental and physical health.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Affordable housing by country</span>

Affordable housing is housing that is deemed affordable to those with a median household income as rated by the national government or a local government by a recognized housing affordability index. A general rule is no more than 30% of gross monthly income should be spent on housing, to be considered affordable as the challenges of promoting affordable housing varies by location.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">New York City housing shortage</span>

For many decades, the New York metropolitan area has suffered from an increasing shortage of housing, as housing supply has not met housing demand. As a result, New York City has the highest rents of any city in the United States.

<span class="mw-page-title-main">Housing in the United States</span> Overview of housing in the United States

Housing in the United States comes in a variety of forms and tenures. The rate of homeownership in the United States, as measured by the fraction of units that are owner-occupied, was 64% as of 2017. This rate is less than the rates in other large countries such as China (90%), Russia (89%) Mexico (80%), or Brazil (73%).

References

  1. ↑ Kaysen, Ronda (25 January 2024). "More Renters Than Ever Before Are Burdened by the Rent They Pay". The New York Times. Half of all renters in the United States spend more than 30 percent of their income on rent and utilities, more than at any other time in history, according to a new report by Harvard's Joint Center for Housing Studies.
  2. ↑ America’s Rental Housing 2024 from the Joint Center for Housing Studies of Harvard University
  3. ↑ Bhatta, Basudeb (2010). Analysis of urban growth and sprawl from remote sensing data. Advances in geographic information science. Berlin Heidelberg: Springer. ISBN   978-3-642-05298-9.
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