Frank McKenna was born on January 19,1948,in Apohaqui,New Brunswick,[3] one of eight children of Olive and Joseph McKenna. McKenna was raised in his grandparents' home. They lived adjacent to his parents as his large family could not be wholly housed in his parents' home.[citation needed]
After earning a law degree,he moved to Chatham and began practicing law. He garnered a place in contemporary Acadian folklore as the defence lawyer in the high-profile widely publicized murder case of famous New Brunswick boxing champion,Yvon Durelle.[4]
McKenna's term in office was viewed mostly as a success. His key priority throughout his term was job creation and he was known to say that the "best social program we have is a job." He encouraged small business growth and tried to entice large companies to invest in the province with tax incentives,often directly calling individual professionals to urge them to bring their talents to New Brunswick. Another of his strategies was to raise the collective self-confidence of New Brunswickers,which he believed would increase productivity. He introduced a sophisticated public relations operation which included the use of controversial video news releases.
McKenna's time as premier,however,also saw some controversy. In his first move as premier,McKenna dismissed several senior public servants in an effort to gain greater control over the province's public service,which some observers perceived as a drastic step away from the integrity of the province's impartial and professional public service.[5]
McKenna was also criticized for increasing the number of communications personnel on the government payroll but countered this complaint by pointing out that the primary government communications agency,Communications New Brunswick,had been depoliticized.
He was also criticized for creating a toll free telephone number to the premier's office which had the number 1-800-MCKENNA,the number was functional throughout North America and was used for both New Brunswick constituents and business interests that were considering moving to the province.
Believing ten years was long enough for a premier to hold office,and having pledged to serve such a term when first elected,McKenna resigned in 1997 –10 years to the day of the 1987 election.[4]
Business career
After leaving office,McKenna moved to Cap-Pélé,New Brunswick,near Moncton,and returned to the practice of law and sat on numerous corporate boards. He also purchased (with his son,James McKenna),Glenwood Kitchen Ltd.,a manufacturer of high-end custom cabinetry in Shediac,New Brunswick. His membership on the Canadian advisory board of the Carlyle Group drew adverse media attention;the media ceased pursuing the issue when McKenna explained that the board was established to advise on a Canadian investment fund that the group never created and that the board had never become active.
McKenna was mentioned as a possible Ambassador to the US to succeed Michael Kergin after Paul Martin took power. Speculation increased after John Manley turned down Prime Minister Martin's offer. Many in the press commented on McKenna's business connections being an asset,notably as a member of the Carlyle Group and his friendship with former president George H. W. Bush.
On January 5,2005,Prime Minister Paul Martin's office confirmed that McKenna would be the 21st Ambassador to the United States. On January 14,the posting was formally announced and would be effective on March 1. McKenna became the Ambassador on March 8 when U.S. PresidentGeorge W. Bush accepted his credentials.
On February 22,2005,McKenna told reporters Canada was already a part of the U.S. National Missile Defense (NMD) (or Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD)) program through an amendment to the NORAD agreement made on August 5,2004,which granted U.S. access to NORAD's missile warning systems explicitly for use in NMD. However,Martin contradicted this two days later when he announced that Canada would not formally participate in the NMD program but focus on other items of shared defence/security interest. While Canadian defence ministerBill Graham said McKenna was simply misunderstood (as the NORAD agreement and missile defence are separate),this initial contradiction was interpreted by others as evidence of characteristic indecision by the Martin government and was seen to somewhat hamper McKenna's credibility.
As Ambassador,McKenna attracted more media attention than most of his recent predecessors on both sides of the border. In the U.S.,his message was one of dispelling common urban legends and misconceptions about Canada,while in Canada he urged Canadians to be more understanding of the American people and culture,particularly following what he argued is their understandable sensitivity after the September 11,2001 attacks.
McKenna generated controversy after giving a luncheon speech on September 29,2005,to a Toronto business club. McKenna blasted the U.S. bureaucracy and Congressional system of government saying,"the government of the United States is in large measure dysfunctional." He contrasted it with Canada's government,and praised Canada's strong parliamentary party discipline as being much more "efficient" though sometimes less preferable.
On January 25,2006,McKenna offered his resignation as Ambassador,writing to Prime Minister-designate Stephen Harper that he wished to be relieved of his duties,but offering to stay on until his successor was chosen. He was succeeded as ambassador by Michael Wilson on March 13,2006.
On January 30,2006,McKenna confirmed earlier reports that he was not running for the Liberal leadership to replace Paul Martin,who announced his resignation as party leader on the January 23,2006 election night. McKenna acknowledged the strength of the Liberal brand stating:"You've got pretty good odds of being the prime minister if you're the leader of the Liberal party" – every leader of the Liberal party since Sir Wilfrid Laurier in 1896 had become prime minister.[8] However,he put an end to his involvement in the 2006 Liberal Party leadership race,explaining his decision by saying that he did not want "his life to become consumed by politics."[9] and that:"I reminded myself of my vow upon leaving office that,having escaped the trap,I wouldn’t go back for the cheese."[10]
Following Stéphane Dion's resignation as federal Liberal leader after the 2008 election,McKenna was once again touted as a possibility to take the helm of the federal Liberal Party. However,on October 28,2008,McKenna said that he would not be seeking the leadership,saying "Although I have been deeply moved by expressions of support for me from across the country,I have not been persuaded to change my long-standing resolve to exit public life for good," and "My only regret is that I cannot honour the expectations of friends and supporters who have shown enormous loyalty to me."[11]
Banking
McKenna was appointed as Deputy Chair,TD Bank Financial Group effective May 1,2006.[12] Effective August 2006,McKenna was appointed to the board of Brookfield Corporation (known as Brookfield Asset Management until the spinoff of the operations of the current Brookfield Asset Management in 2022),and he has been the Chair of Brookfield Corporation since August 2010.[13]
McKenna is referenced in the book Clinton Cash by Peter Schweizer. The majority of the reference is regarding the Keystone Pipeline decision-making process. Hillary Clinton serving as secretary of State in the United States,and the monetary involvement with TD Bank in Canada is described in depth. The book describes TD Bank,with McKenna as vice chairman,as having "paid Bill more than any other financial institution for Lectures. More than Goldman Sachs,UBS,JPMorgan,or anyone on Wall Street." Quoting from the book,
TD Bank paid Bill $1.8 million for ten speeches over a roughly two-and-half-year period from late 2008 to mid-2011. ... At several of the speeches, (Bill) Clinton was introduced or interviewed by TD Bank vice chairman Frank McKenna. Frank McKenna is described as a 'good friend of both Bill and Hillary Clinton.' [14]
↑ Cooper, Christopher. A. (2018). Bureaucratic Identity and the Resistance of Politicization. Administration & Society, 50(1), 30–52. https://doi.org/10.1177/0095399715581046
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