According to Hong Kong Basic Law, the Legislative Council may pass a motion of impeachment against the Chief Executive by a two-thirds majority and report to the Chinese Government for decision. The Council may also vote on non-binding no-confidence motions with a lower threshold.
Motions of such are usually tabled when the government performed bad in opinion polls, and therefore are regarded as showing discontent of Hongkongers with the governance. [1]
According to Article 73(9) of the Basic Law, [2]
If a motion initiated jointly by one-fourth of all the members of the Legislative Council charges the Chief Executive with serious breach of law or dereliction of duty and if he or she refuses to resign, the Council may, after passing a motion for investigation, give a mandate to the Chief Justice of the Court of Final Appeal to form and chair an independent investigation committee. The committee shall be responsible for carrying out the investigation and reporting its findings to the Council. If the committee considers the evidence sufficient to substantiate such charges, the Council may pass a motion of impeachment by a two-thirds majority of all its members and report it to the Central People's Government for decision; [...]
The five stages of impeachment, therefore, are: [3] [4]
As of now, only motions for investigation had been tabled, but were all defeated, and thus no impeachment proceedings had been triggered.
No-confidence motion is non-binding and tabled as members' bill, which requires simple majority from both groups in the Council to pass. As the appointment or removal of Chief Executives and officials are decided by the Chinese Government, such motions would not force any resignation. [5] Nevertheless, no-confidence motions can create political pressure if adopted as the official has lost the support from most of the political parties. [6]
Beijing-backed Hong Kong media had slammed the no-confidence motions as breaching the Basic Law and "contaminating the rule of law", claiming the parliament was not empowered to declare no confidence in anyone. [7]
In 1987, a member of the Hong Kong Basic Law Consultative Committee argued that a further sub-provision reading "a vote of non-confidence against the Chief Executive endorsed by a two-thirds majority of the members of the legislature" should be added to Article 52, and that the Chief Executive could dissolve the legislature if the legislature case a vote of the non-confidence against him, but the Chief Executive would have to resign if the newly-elected legislature again cast a vote of non-confidence against him. [8] The suggestion, however, was not accepted.
Only motions against the leader of Hong Kong or the government are listed. Other similar motions are detailed below. denotes impeachment motions.
Leader | Date | Motion | Proposer | Result | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Chris Patten | 12 July 1995 | Vote of no confidence in the Governor of Hong Kong | Cheung Man-kwong (Democratic) | 17–35–4 | Defeated | |
Tung Chee-hwa | 14 May 2003 | Calling for the resignation of the Chief Executive, Mr TUNG Chee-hwa | Albert Chan (Ind.) | 14–11–0 (GC) 5–24–0 (FC) | Defeated | |
8 October 2003 | Calling on the Chief Executive Mr TUNG Chee-hwa to step down | Emily Lau (Frontier) | 16–9–0 (GC) 5–22–0 (FC) | Defeated | ||
Donald Tsang | 19 April 2012 | Vote of no confidence in the Chief Executive | Tanya Chan (Civic) | 14–7–2 (GC) 4–11–3 (FC) | Defeated | |
Leung Chun-ying | 12 December 2012 | Vote of no confidence in the Chief Executive | Wu Chi-wai (Democratic) | 18–14–1 (GC) 9–20–4 (FC) | Defeated | |
9 January 2013 | Motion under Article 73(9) of the Basic Law | Leung Kwok-hung (LSD) | 18–14–0 (GC) 9–23–0 (FC) | Defeated | ||
16 October 2013 | Vote of no confidence in the Chief Executive | Kwok Ka-ki (Civic) | 17–15–1 (GC) 9–17–5 (FC) | Defeated | ||
8 June 2017 | Motion under Article 73(9) of the Basic Law | Alvin Yeung (Civic) | 17–12–0 (GC) 11–22–0 (FC) | Defeated | ||
Carrie Lam | 29 May 2019 | Vote of no confidence in the Chief Executive | Andrew Wan (Democratic) | 15–18–0 (GC) 8–22–0 (FC) | Defeated | |
5 December 2019 | Motion under Article 73(9) of the Basic Law | Alvin Yeung (Civic) | 16–14–0 (GC) 10–22–0 (FC) | Defeated | ||
N/A | No confidence in the Fifth Term Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region | Dennis Kwok (Civic) | Not debated |
All no-confidence and impeachment motions were proposed by the pro-democracy camp, and were all defeated in the Legislative Council due to the objection from pro-government and pro-business groups. Cheung Man-kwong is the first legislator to table a motion of no-confidence in 1995, while the first attempt to trigger the impeachment proceedings is by Leung Kwok-hung in 2013.
Early in June 1994, the Legislative Council debated the historic motion of censure against Chris Patten, the last Governor of Hong Kong, over his rejection by prerogative to move an amendment over freezing rates. The motion by Szeto Wah of the Democratic Party was adopted with 21 in favour and 11 against. [9]
In July 1995, Patten faced the first no-confidence vote in Hong Kong's history. The motion, [lower-alpha 1] moved by Cheung Man-kwong (Democratic), was in response to the Sino-British Joint Declaration, reached behind closed doors, for a post-handover Court of Final Appeal. The Party argued the British kowtowed to Chinese demands and jeopardised the rule of law by agreeing to a court with powers too watered down to guarantee judicial freedom in Hong Kong. [10]
Patten branded the motion as "empty gesture politics" and as part of the election campaign. [11] Before voting, Anson Chan, the Chief Secretary, denounced the motion, saying passing the motion would mean the Council has lost confidence in Hong Kong's future. [12]
The business lobby, pro-Beijing legislators and most independents voted against the motion or abstained. Allen Lee, leader of the Liberal Party called the motion a waste of time. [10] The motion, along with the amendment proposed by Emily Lau which effectively made it a vote of no-confidence in Beijing and London, [lower-alpha 2] were both defeated. [12]
Prior to the vote and as pressure has mounted on Patten, the Hong Kong Government announced plans to repeal parts of Emergency Regulations Ordinance and enact new regulations to safeguard media freedom. While the passage of the "humiliating" no-confidence measure would not force Patten to resign, it would damage his prestige. [13] [10]
On 7 May 2003, Antony Leung, the Financial Secretary, survived a no-confidence motion put forward by Margaret Ng over Lexusgate. [14] A week later, Albert Chan moved a motion calling for resignation of Tung Chee-hwa as Chief Executive, [lower-alpha 3] [15] citing the "disappointment and suffering" under Tung's rule, including SARS outbreak, Robert Chung affair, Penny Stocks Incident and 1997 bird flu. [16] The motion was defeated with a margin of 19 in the FCs. [17] Reacting to the first de facto no-confidence vote, Tung strongly criticised the pro-democracy legislators. [14]
Three months later after the contentious Article 23 anti-subversion bill was shelved, Emily Lau from the Frontier called for Tung's resignation again as the public had made "repeated demands". [lower-alpha 4] [18] It was the second motion of such kind in a year, but negatived again. [19]
Under mounting pressure, Antony Leung resigned in July 2003, [20] while Tung followed in 2005. [21]
In February 2012, Chief Executive Donald Tsang was hit by corruption scandal for allegedly receiving hospitality from business tycoons. Paul Tse from the pro-Beijing bloc floated the idea of impeachment in the same month, but did not gather support from the largest pro-Beijing party DAB, or from democrats who opted for invoking Legislative Council (Powers and Privileges) Ordinance for investigation first. [22]
With the investigation attempt voted down by the pro-Beijing camp, Tanya Chan from Civic Party in April tabled the first no-confidence motion since the handover. [lower-alpha 5] [23] [24] The pro-Beijing camp continued supporting Tsang and therefore was defeated again, with a margin reduced to 7 in FCs. [25] Chan said the motion was intended as signal to Tsang's successor, Leung Chun-ying, that Hongkongers, civil servants, and lawmakers will be watching him. [23]
On 20 April, more than 20 pro-democracy MPs initiated a motion charging Tsang, but was not debated the legislature as the term of the Legislative Council ended in July. [26] Tsang was charged with corruption in 2015 after he left office, found guilty and jailed in 2017, with the verdict quashed in 2019.
Another vote of no-confidence in Jasper Tsang, the President of the Council, moved by Wong Yuk-man (People Power) over curtailing the debate of the Legislative Council (Amendment) Bill 2012 was not debated due to the imminent end of legislature term. [27]
In November 2012, Wong Yuk-man tabled a vote of no confidence in Paul Chan, Secretary for Development and Eddie Ng, Secretary for Education for causing public outcry over drink-driving and National Education curriculum respectively. [28] The motion was voted down. [29]
In December 2012, three months after Leung Chun-ying assumed office as Chief Executive, Wu Chi-wai from the Democratic Party tabled a no-confidence vote [lower-alpha 6] for failing to give a clear account of illegal structures in his apartment found during the election campaign, [30] [31] but defeated again. [32] [33]
Less than a month later, the first ever impeachment motion was moved by Leung Kwok-hung from League of Social Democrats amid the scandal of illegal structures. [34] Leung Kwok-hung accused the Chief Executive of lying and misleading the public. [35] The motion includes charges laid down against Leung Chun-ying for: [lower-alpha 7] [36]
The motion was once again defeated in the indirectly elected functional constituencies despite securing a simple majority in directly elected seats. [37]
In October 2013, another no-confidence vote, [lower-alpha 8] by Kwok Ka-ki (Civic) accusing Leung Chun-ying for "tearing apart the society", was defeated. [38] The government by then was hit by multiple scandals and under public pressure amid the rejection of HKTV's TV licence application and the aftermath of Manila hostage crisis and of Lamma Island ferry collision. [39]
In the last months of Leung's tenure, Alvin Yeung (Civic) tabled impeachment motion [lower-alpha 9] for "contempt of the Legislative Council by improperly interfering with the affairs of the Select Committee of this Council in dereliction of his constitutional duty as the head of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region under Articles 47, 60 and 64 of the Basic Law", in response to alleged meddling in the Council's probe on Leung–UGL agreement. The investigation motion did not pass the required threshold. [40] [41]
On 12 July 2018, the Council voted down a motion of no-confidence against President of the Council, Andrew Leung, [42] [43] whom Joseph Lee (Ind.), the proposer, accused of cloture on important matters. [44]
In early 2019, the popularity of Carrie Lam's government had dropped to an all-time low due to controversies of the extradition bill. Andrew Wan (Democratic) proposed a no-confidence motion for manifesto breach, disqualifying MPs, co-location arrangement of West Kowloon station, "politically-motivated cases", and other issues. Claudia Mo from HK First tabled an amendment that explicitly states the extradition bill as the main reason. [45] For the first time, the no-confidence motion, along with the amendment, were defeated in both GCs and FCs. [46] [47] Luk Chung-hung became the first pro-Beijing MP voting for no-confidence motion after "accidentally" casting the vote, who apologised for the mistake. [48]
Dennis Kwok (Civic) further proposed a no-confidence motion on the whole government, [lower-alpha 10] [49] which Claudia Mo moved an amendment, [lower-alpha 11] [50] but was not debated as parliament term expired.
Following violent scenes in protest later the year, the Council in December 2019 debated another impeachment motion against Carrie Lam, [lower-alpha 12] with charges of: [51] [52]
The motion, proposed in June but delayed due to storming by protestors, was defeated as expected, [53] but with a smaller margin than in May.
The Liberal Party (LP) is a pro-Beijing, pro-business, and conservative political party in Hong Kong. Led by Tommy Cheung and chaired by Peter Shiu, it holds four seats in the Legislative Council, and holds five seats in the District Councils.
The Chief Executive of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region is the representative of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and head of the Government of Hong Kong. The position was created to replace the office of Governor of Hong Kong, the representative of the Monarch of the United Kingdom during British colonial rule. The office, as stipulated by the Hong Kong Basic Law, formally came into being on 1 July 1997 with the handover of Hong Kong from the United Kingdom to the People's Republic of China. The chief executive is head of the executive branch of the Hong Kong government.
Sir Donald Tsang Yam-kuen is a former Hong Kong civil servant who served as the second Chief Executive of Hong Kong from 2005 to 2012.
The Democratic Party (DP) is a liberal political party in Hong Kong. Chaired by Lo Kin-hei, it is the flagship party in the pro-democracy camp and currently has no elected representatives in the District Councils.
James Tien Pei-chun, GBS, OBE, JP is the former chairman and Leader of the Liberal Party (LP) and former member of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong (Legco). Originally an entrepreneur, he was also a non-official member of the Executive Council of Hong Kong (Exco), member of Central and Western and Kwai Tsing District Council and Hong Kong member to the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC).
The Policy Address is the annual address by the chief executive of Hong Kong. The practice of giving annual policy addresses is mandated under Article 64 of the Basic Law, which requires the government to "present regular policy addresses to the [Legislative] Council".
Leung Chun-ying, also known as CY Leung, is a Chinese politician from Hong Kong and a chartered surveyor, who has served as vice-chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference since March 2017. He was previously the third Chief Executive of Hong Kong between 2012 and 2017.
Maria Tam Wai-chu is a senior Hong Kong politician and lawyer. She is a member of the Committee for the Basic Law of the National People's Congress Standing Committee (NPCSC) since 1997 and the chairman of the Operations Review Committee of the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC) since 2015.
Selina Chow Liang Shuk-yee is a former Hong Kong television executive and politician. She was a member of the Legislative Council for nearly three decades, and was also a member of the Executive Council. She is honorary chairwoman of the Liberal Party, having formerly been its chairwoman.
The League of Social Democrats (LSD) is a social democratic party in Hong Kong. Chaired by Chan Po-ying, wife of Leung Kwok-hung, it positions itself as the radical wing of the pro-democracy camp and stresses on "street actions" and "parliamentary struggles".
Democratic reforms in Hong Kong did not seriously begin until 1984 and has faced significant challenges since 2014. The one country, two systems principle allows Hong Kong to enjoy high autonomy in all areas besides foreign relations and defence, which are responsibilities of the central government. Hong Kong's Basic Law allows residents to vote for local district councillors.
The pro-Beijing camp, pro-establishment camp or pro-China camp is a political alignment in Hong Kong which generally supports the policies of the Beijing central government and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) towards Hong Kong. The term "pro-establishment camp" is regularly in use to label the broader segment of the Hong Kong political arena which has the closer relationship with the establishment, namely the governments of the People's Republic of China (PRC) and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Pro-Beijing politicians are labeled "patriots" by pro-Beijing media and "loyalists" by the rival pro-democracy camp.
The 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive election was held on 25 March, 2012 to select the Chief Executive of Hong Kong (CE), the highest office in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR), by a 1,193-member Election Committee (EC) to replace the incumbent Chief Executive. Won by the former non-official convener of the Executive Council of Hong Kong Leung Chun-ying, the election was the most competitive as it was the first election with more than one pro-Beijing candidate since the 1996 election.
The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Basic Law Consultative Committee was an official body established in 1985 to canvass views in Hong Kong on the drafts of the Hong Kong Basic Law.
The New Hong Kong Alliance was a pro-Beijing conservative political organisation in Hong Kong in the 1990s mostly composed of businessmen and professionals. It was considered the more conservative wing of the Group of 89 formed by established elites in the debate of drafting the Hong Kong Basic Law and democratisation. It proposed the ultra-conservative Bicameral Model for the future political structure. The alliance's key person was secretary Lo Tak-shing who had an eye on the Chief Executive post after 1997, the alliance became less active as Lo's chance of contesting the post got slimmer and it ceased to exist in 1999.
Yiu Si-wing BBS is a director at China Travel Service and a former member of Legislative Council of Hong Kong.
The Fifth Legislative Council of Hong Kong was the fifth meeting of the legislative branch of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government. The membership of the LegCo is based on the 2012 election. The term of the session is from 1 October 2012 to 30 September 2016, during the term in office of the Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying. Due to the new arrangements agreed in a contentious LegCo vote in 2010, the session consists of the new total of 70 seats in LegCo, ten more than previously, with 35 members elected in geographical constituencies through direct elections, and 35 members in functional constituencies, in which five District Council (Second) functional constituency seats each represent all 18 District councils of Hong Kong voted for by all resident voters in Hong Kong. The Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong remained the largest party while the pan-democrats secured the one-third crucial minority. Notable new members of the LegCo members include Gary Fan from the new established party Neo Democrats and first openly gay councillor, People Power's Ray Chan Chi-chuen.
The 2017 Hong Kong Chief Executive election was held on 26 March 2017 for the 5th term of the Chief Executive of Hong Kong (CE), the highest office of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR). Former Chief Secretary for Administration Carrie Lam beat former Financial Secretary John Tsang and retired judge Woo Kwok-hing, receiving 777 votes from the 1,194-member Election Committee.
The Second term of Tung Chee-hwa as Chief Executive of Hong Kong, officially considered part of "The 2nd term Chief Executive of Hong Kong", relates to the period of governance of Hong Kong since the handover of Hong Kong, between 1 July 2002 and 12 March 2005 until Tung Chee-hwa resigned from the office and the rest of the term was taken up by former Chief Secretary for Administration Donald Tsang.
In October 2014, it was reported that Leung Chun-ying, Chief Executive of Hong Kong, had signed an agreement in 2011 with UGL, an Australian engineering firm, in relation to its takeover of DTZ, a UK-listed real estate services company in which Leung was the director of the company. In agreement, UGL undertook to pay Leung £4 million in two instalments in 2012 and 2013 respectively, subject to specific conditions. As these payments concurred with the term of office of Leung Chun-ying as Chief Executive between 2012 and 2017, it has aroused concerns of the public in respect of the nature of payment, potential conflict of interests, relevant systems of declaration of interests and taxation implications.