Japan–China Joint Communiqué | |||||||||||
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Chinese name | |||||||||||
Traditional Chinese | 中華人民共和國政府與日本政府的聯合聲明 | ||||||||||
Simplified Chinese | 中华人民共和国政府与日本政府的联合声明 | ||||||||||
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Japanese name | |||||||||||
Kanji | 日本国政府と中華人民共和国政府の共同声明 | ||||||||||
Kana | にほんこくせいふとちゅうかじんみんきょうわこくせいふのきょうどうせいめい | ||||||||||
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The Joint Communique of the Government of Japan and the Government of the People's Republic of China was signed on September 29, 1972, in Beijing. The communique established and normalized diplomatic relations between Japan and the People's Republic of China (PRC), resulted in the severing of official relations between Japan and the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan. The document produced nine articles in a joint statement, showing compromises on previously ambiguous principles enunciated by both sides. Of these, four points are particularly worthy of attention:
The document ended the "abnormal relations between Japan and China", recognized the People's Republic of China as the "sole government of China", and renounced any claim for war reparations from World War II. In addition, it concluded various administrative agreements between the two countries in trade, fisheries, aviation, and navigation, amongst others. [1] The document firmly maintains its stance under Article 8 of the Potsdam Declaration.
Taiwan was under Japanese rule from 1895 to 1945. After the Korean War, the Japanese government during the Yoshida Cabinet lost its hope of establishing substantial relations with Peking, and instead began taking into consideration the prospect of signing a peace treaty and establishing diplomatic normalization with Taipei. Japan at the time also carried the debt of gratitude to Nationalist China, as Chiang Kai-shek made the announcement of "returning virtue for malice" (uramini mukuiruni tokuwo motte suru) and repatriated all the Japanese troops. [2] As a result, on 25 April 1952, according to the Yoshida Letter, "the Japanese government has no intention to conclude a bilateral treaty with the Communist regime in China", and later the Japan-ROC Peace Treaty was signed. [3] During this time in the early 1950s, Japan was put under pressure by the US to not recognize the newly established PRC which was at war with the US in Korea, and instead recognized the government of ROC led by Chiang Kai-shek as the legitimate government of China. Tokyo then signed a peace treaty with Taipei as a proof to this close tie. [4]
Before normalization from 1952 to 1972, Japan only had diplomatic relations with Taiwan and not China. Although Prime Minister Eisaku Sato was in support of Taiwan, he regarded China as a threat, in keeping with the United States' policy on China.
Despite this, Japan was interested in restoring relations with China due to cultural, security, and economic interests. Japan and China have been neighboring countries for almost two thousand years and share many cultural, historic, and religious heritages. In terms of security interests, Japan wanted to restore its relations with China in order to set the tone for a peaceful diplomatic relationship after years of war. [5]
From 1950 to 1972, trade between Japan and China existed but was relatively limited. At first, trade was restricted due to events such as the Korean War, a Chinese embargo on Japan in 1958, and tensions regarding the recognition of Taiwan. Later, the 1960 "Japan-China Trade Principle" led to the growth in selective trade that became more regularized after diplomatic relations resumed in 1972. [6]
After the economic "Nixon shock" in 1971, Chinese businesses became more attractive for the Japanese economy than previously. Eventually, Prime Minister Sato resigned, which led to the election and next cabinet of Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka. Prime Minister Tanaka made the restoration of relations between Japan and China an issue of priority in his agenda, hence his pursuing of the Joint Communique. This was beneficial for China as well, since it could lead to a smooth entry back into the international society and economy and could end the state of war between China and Japan. [7] The February 1972 visit by Richard Nixon to China, leading to the Shanghai Communiqué, also played a role. The surprising Sino-American rapprochement boosted the possibility of a communique between China and Japan. [8] [9]
This section needs additional citations for verification .(September 2020) |
1971 witnessed an erosion of Taiwan's international position and a shift in Japan–ROC–PRC relations. [10] Firstly, the Nixon administration removed travel and trading barriers, as well as proposed a more serious dialogue with Peking due to Cold War politics and the US–Soviet situation. Secondly, in 1971, the United Nations General Assembly voted to admit the PRC into the UN.
From 1945 until 1971, Chiang Kai-shek's Nationalist regime occupied the so-called "China seat" as an original member and one of the five permanent members of the Security Council under the auspices of the US and a moratorium against Communist China (PRC). However, due to decolonization and the admission of numerous Third World states to the General Assembly, Washington lost its grip on the UN and could no longer sustain the moratorium. Thus, the Chinese representation issue was considered as an "important question" which required a two-thirds vote of the General Assembly for a resolution to pass.
On October 25, 1971, the United Nations General Assembly led by Albania voted to admit the PRC and to expel the ROC. The 17 UN members during the General Assembly declared that the existence of the PRC was "a reality that could not be changed to suit the myth of a so-called Republic of China, fabricated out of a portion of Chinese territory", and that the ROC were "unlawful authorities" that remained there only because of the permanent presence of the US Armed Forces. PRC, therefore, assumed the ROC's place in the General Assembly as well as its place as one of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council.
After the UN General Assembly vote on Peking and Taipei, it was hinted that Japan no longer recognized the Chiang Kai-shek government as the sole legitimate government of China, but only as the government of Taiwan, and that Japan was ready to shift recognition to Peking. In short, Taipei's failure to remain in the UN's Security Council and the General Assembly, along with the Sino-US rapprochement, pushed the Japanese government towards achieving normalization with Peking through establishing the Joint Communique and ultimately severing diplomatic relations with the ROC.
On September 26–27, 1972, Japan's Foreign Minister Masayoshi Ōhira and PRC's Foreign Minister Ji Pengfei met to negotiate a proposal for the declaration.
Japan explained that they should raise the issue of the state of war between China and Japan in Clause 1. Japan explained to China that they could not accept China's interpretation of officially ending the state of war in this joint declaration. This was because China was not bound by the Treaty of Taipei (a peace treaty between Japan and Taiwan), by which Japan and the Republic of China (ROC) government of Chiang Kai-shek had already established the end of World War II. Japan negotiated to emphasize the existence of a peaceful relationship between the two countries and leave the specific timing of the end of the state of war unspecified. Although Japan's standpoint on the Treaty of Taipei did not change, if diplomatic normalization between Japan and China were to be established, Japan was willing to terminate the Treaty of Taipei. [11]
In 1971, a Japanese delegation of politicians from the Komeito party visited Beijing and announced in a joint statement with the China–Japan Friendship Association that there were five preconditions for relations between Japan and China: [12]
These principles were approved by Chinese premier Zhou Enlai and did not represent anything new to what China had long been asking of Japan. In fact, these proposals date back to 1953. Dissenting members in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), opposition parties, and the left-wing Japan Communist Party (JCP) accepted the first three points without reservation. However, the LDP was hesitant to approve China's proposal, especially since the first two points suggested Japan would have to abolish their peace treaty with Taiwan.[ clarification needed ] Furthermore, in addition, point 4 was beyond Japan's capacity, as they hold no sovereign power over US maritime activity in the region. Lastly, point 5 lost its relevance after China joined the UN in 1971. [12]
Source [11]
The outline proposal in which the Foreign Minister of Japan, Masayoshi Ōhira, and Foreign Minister of China, Ji Pengfei, agreed upon for the Japan–China Joint Declaration can be seen as follows:
Source [13]
The governments of Japan and China agreed upon a draft Joint declaration as follows:
The sections in parentheses are as appears in the original document. [13]
Source [14]
From September 25 to September 30, 1972, Japanese Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka visited the PRC at the invitation of Premier of the People's Republic of China Zhou Enlai. Accompanying PM Tanaka were Minister for Foreign Affairs Masayoshi Ōhira, Chief Cabinet Secretary Susumu Nikaido, and other government officials. Chinese Communist Party chairman Mao Zedong met Prime Minister Kakuei Tanaka on September 27.
PM Tanaka and FM Ōhira had an earnest and frank exchange of views with Premier Zhou Enlai and Chinese Minister for Foreign Affairs Ji Pengfei on the question of normalizing relations between Japan and China, as well as other problems and matters of interest between the two countries. In the end, they agreed to issue the following Joint Communique:
A survey conducted by the Japanese Cabinet in 1978 showed that 62.1% of Japanese people who participated in the survey had "friendly feelings toward China" and 25.6% did "not have friendly feelings toward China". These survey results showed that a large proportion of the population had improved feelings toward China after the Joint Communique was agreed upon. This was mainly because of China's withdrawal of any war compensation claims made to the Japanese people in addition to their approval of the United States–Japan Security Treaty. In 1980, the same survey was conducted on the Japanese people, which showed, 78.6% had "friendly feelings toward China" and just 14.7% did "not have friendly feelings toward China". [7]
In the 1990s, criticism and dissatisfaction over the terms of the Joint Communique started to become a topic of discussion between the Chinese people. This was mainly towards the terms agreed upon regarding war reparations and compensation by the Japanese to the Chinese. Chinese people felt that the government had made a decision without consulting with the population first. In response to this, the Chinese government clarified the terms of the Joint Communique. They emphasized that although the Chinese government cannot demand compensation, Chinese citizens as individuals still have the right to demand compensation. [7]
Before the announcement of the communique, there were signs of public anxiety toward expanded US–Sino relations. PM Tanaka's trip to Peking (September 25–30) was greeted with anger.[ by whom? ] Taipei delayed the mission of Tanaka's special envoy, Etsusaburo Shiina, so that it coincided with the 41st anniversary of the September 18 Mukden Incident, an infamous episode in the difficult course of Sino–Japanese relations. When Shiina met with new ROC Premier Chiang Ching-kuo and Vice President Yen Chia-kan, he was greeted with rare mass demonstrations. His picture was neither on TV nor in the press, in contrast with the wide coverage of another concurrent visitor, the Mayor of Seoul. [15]
In response to the situation, Chiang Kai-shek's son, Chiang Ching-kuo, in his inaugural speech on June 13, 1972, reassured citizens at a time of national diversity by confirming the stance of Nationalist China (ROC) that there were only "one conflict" (the struggle between the humanitarian rule of the Three Principles of the People and the tyrannical rule of Chinese communists), "one war" (the recovery of the mainland), "one responsibility" (the elimination of the communists), and "one outcome" (the victory of Nationalist China). [16]
The normalization of diplomatic relationships between China and Japan was said to have contributed greatly to the prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region and peace. Since normalization, both economic and cultural exchange started to improve. The interactions between the people of China and Japan also improved. [1]
From 1979 onwards, Japan started offering Official Development Assistance (ODA) to China. This was done with numerous projects, such as energy development, infrastructure development, and environmental protection, using low-interest yen loans, grants, and the transfer of technological materials. This ODA helped grow and open up the Chinese economy. Normalization also allowed for Japanese companies to pursue business in the large Chinese market, which benefited the Japanese economy. These efforts led to increased dependency on both sides. [1]
In terms of cultural exchanges, Japanese Sumo wrestlers toured China in April 1973, and in the same month China dispatched 55 members for a goodwill mission in Japan. A Chinese cultural delegation visited Japan in June 1973 to view Chinese art treasures which belonged to the Japanese Imperial Household. [1]
In terms of economic and trade relations, many economic delegations and representatives of banks and firms of both countries subsequently visited each other. Within the first year of normalized relations, 28 Japanese Economic and Trade missions visited China. This included the Yasuhiro Nakasone mission in January 1973 and delegations representing the Promotion of International Trade (Kokubosoku). According to the Ministry of Finance, there was an 83% increase of trade between China and Japan in 1973 compared to the previous year. This can be explained by several reasons. [1] For one, the Tanaka government of Japan made credits available for the Export-Import Bank of China. At the same time, Peking was increasing its efforts to accelerate its five-year economic plan which lasted from 1971 to 1975. It was also suggested that China felt apprehensive about Japan's potential involvement in the Soviet-proposed multi-dimensional development plan in Siberia.
Although Japan and China's economic relationship has remained largely stable, other issues have caused friction within their relationship, such as historical problems and the Senkaku-Diaoyu Islands dispute. [17]
Had Chiang Kai-shek managed to keep the UN "China seat" by abandoning his "One China policy" more clearly and timely in 1971, PM Tanaka would not have been so keen on normalizing relations with Beijing in 1972 and Taipei would have avoided severing relations with Tokyo. [18]
After Tokyo and Peking normalized relations in 1972, there was a formal disengagement of the Japanese authorities from Taiwan. On December 26, 1972, two private associations were created to supervise bilateral exchanges between Tokyo and Taipei: the Interchange Association on Tokyo's side and the East Asian Relations Association on Taipei's side ("Japan" and "Taiwan" are avoided in the names of both associations). The two associations carried out functions that were normally handled by consular institutions. For example, Taipei's high-ranking civil servants accompanying commercial missions to Japan were introduced as simple experts with ordinary passports. In short, Tokyo–Taipei's relations were relegated to the private sector. [19]
In terms of economic impacts of the communique, despite the deteriorated diplomatic relations with Japan, Taiwan's trade with many countries continued to flourish. [20] However, in 1974, Taiwan had a $1.336 billion trade deficit with Japan. In the following year, the trade deficit with Japan was $1.101 billion, a drop of $235 million compared to 1974 but nearly double Taiwan's overall 1975 deficit of $611 million. [21] Moreover, a strong sense of antagonism intensely arose and harmed Japanese businesses in Taiwan; for example, Japan Airlines soon had to take special precautions against sabotage on every flight to and from Taiwan.
In the 1980s and 1990s, Japanese supporters of Taiwan continued to advocate for the country's independence movement. Pro-Taiwan voices were down in the 1970s but were never totally gone. These supporters acted as check-and-balance mechanisms to prevent the Japanese government from going too far in improving Japan–China relations at the expense of sacrificing Taiwan's interests. After the Tiananmen Massacre in June 1989 temporarily ruptured Sino-Japanese relations, Beijing's intolerance of democratic ideas made democratized Taiwan more favorable in Japanese eyes. Japan-based pro-independence activists promoted Japanese popular awareness of Taiwan as an independent country. Additionally, during this period, the booming of tourism and mainstream media returned to Taiwan.
From 1972 to 1978, some have argued that the Cold War was the golden period of US–China–Japan cooperation; however, always within the context of the US–China security relationship. Sino-US relations constrained their respective policies toward third parties, especially Japan. There were suggestions[ by whom? ] that Washington might not be pleased with the Joint Communique, which reaffirmed that Sino-Japanese security cooperation could place Japan ahead of the US. Even after the establishment of the communique that represented the normalized Sino-Japanese relations, Japan's China policy was still affected by that of the US, as Japan depended on the US for security. Additionally, Sino-Japanese trade continued to boom, and Peking continued to pressure Japan to sign a peace treaty containing the anti-hegemony language of the 1972 normalization agreement. Overall, during the Carter administration, the triangular US-China-Japan relations continued to prevail. However, under the influence of the US, Peking "lacked the leverage to persuade Japan to adopt a China policy fundamentally different from that of the US". [22] [23]
The political status of Taiwan or the Taiwan issue is an ongoing geopolitical dispute about Taiwan, currently controlled by the Republic of China (ROC), that arose in the mid-twentieth century. Originally based in Mainland China before and during World War II, the ROC government retreated to Taiwan in 1949 after the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) won the Chinese Civil War and established the People's Republic of China (PRC). Since then, the effective jurisdiction of the ROC has been limited to Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen, Matsu, and smaller islands.
One China is a phrase describing the international relationship between the People's Republic of China (PRC) based on Mainland China, and the Republic of China (ROC) based on Taiwan Area. "One China" asserts that there is only one de jure Chinese nation despite the de facto division between the two rival governments in the aftermath of the Chinese Civil War. The term may refer, in alphabetical order, to one of the following:
The Treaty of San Francisco, also called the Treaty of Peace with Japan, re-established peaceful relations between Japan and the Allied Powers on behalf of the United Nations by ending the legal state of war, military occupation and providing for redress for hostile actions up to and including World War II. It was signed by 49 nations on 8 September 1951, in San Francisco, California, at the War Memorial Opera House. Italy and China were not invited, the latter due to disagreements on whether the Republic of China or the People's Republic of China represented the Chinese people. Korea was also not invited due to a similar disagreement on whether South Korea or North Korea represented the Korean people.
The Joint Communiqué of the United States of America and the People's Republic of China, also known as the Shanghai Communiqué (1972), was a diplomatic document issued by the United States of America and the People's Republic of China on February 27, 1972, on the last evening of President Richard Nixon's visit to China.
As a result of the surrender and occupation of Japan at the end of World War II, the islands of Taiwan and Penghu were placed under the governance of the Republic of China (ROC), ruled by the Kuomintang (KMT), on 25 October 1945. Following the February 28 massacre in 1947, martial law was declared in 1949 by the Governor of Taiwan, Chen Cheng, and the ROC Ministry of National Defense. Following the end of the Chinese Civil War in 1949, the ROC government retreated from the mainland as the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) proclaimed the establishment of the People's Republic of China. The KMT retreated to Taiwan and declared Taipei the temporary capital of the ROC. For many years, the ROC and PRC each continued to claim in the diplomatic arena to be the sole legitimate government of "China". In 1971, the United Nations expelled the ROC and replaced it with the PRC.
The Sino-Japanese Peace Treaty, formally the Treaty of Peace between the Republic of China and Japan and commonly known as the Treaty of Taipei, was a peace treaty between Japan and the Republic of China (ROC) signed in Taipei, Taiwan on 28 April 1952, and took effect on August 5 the same year, marking the formal end of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945).
Since its founding in 1949, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has had a diplomatic tug-of-war with its rival in Taiwan, the Republic of China (ROC). Throughout the Cold War, both governments claimed to be the sole legitimate government of all China and allowed countries to recognize either one or the other. Until the 1970s, most Western countries in the Western Bloc recognized the ROC while the Eastern Bloc and Third World countries generally recognized the PRC. This gradually shifted and today only 11 UN member states recognize the ROC while the PRC is recognized by the United Nations, as well as 181 UN member states, Cook Islands, Niue and the State of Palestine. Both the ROC and the PRC maintain the requirement of recognizing its view of the One China policy to establish or maintain diplomatic relations.
The Formosa Resolution of 1955 was a joint resolution passed by the U.S. Senate and signed by U.S. President Dwight D. Eisenhower on January 29, 1955, to counteract the threat of an invasion of Taiwan by the People's Republic of China (PRC). The resolution gave the U.S. president the authority "to employ the Armed Forces of the United States as he deems necessary for the specific purpose of securing and protecting Formosa and the Pescadores against armed attack [by the Communists]".
The 1972 visit by United States president Richard Nixon to the People's Republic of China was an important strategic and diplomatic overture that marked the culmination of the Nixon administration's establishment of relations between the United States of America and the People's Republic of China after years of American diplomatic policy that favored the Republic of China in Taiwan. The seven-day official visit to three Chinese cities was the first time a U.S. president had visited the PRC; Nixon's arrival in Beijing ended 25 years of no communication or diplomatic ties between the two countries and was the key step in normalizing relations between the U.S. and the PRC. Nixon visited the PRC to gain more leverage over relations with the Soviet Union, following the Sino-Soviet split. The normalization of ties culminated in 1979, when the U.S. established full diplomatic relations with the PRC.
The Joint Communiqué on the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations of January 1, 1979, established official relations between the United States and the People's Republic of China.
The complex relationship between Japan and Taiwan dates back to 1592 during the Sengoku period of Japan when the Japanese ruler Toyotomi Hideyoshi sent an envoy named Harada Magoshichirou to the Takasago Koku. The bilateral trading relations continued through the Dutch colonial rule and the Tungning Kingdom of Taiwan in 17th century before the completion of Japan's Sakoku policy. After the Meiji restoration in latter half of the 19th century, Japan resumed its expansionist ambition upon Taiwan and successfully annexed Taiwan from 1895 to 1945, until the surrender of Japan after World War II. Taiwan was also surrendered by Japan to the Republic of China on 25 October 1945.
China–Japan relations or Sino-Japanese relations are the bilateral relations between China and Japan. The countries are geographically separated by the East China Sea. Japan has been strongly influenced throughout its history by China, especially by the East and Southeast through the gradual process of Sinicization with its language, architecture, culture, cuisine, religion, philosophy, and law. When Japan was forced to open trade relations with the West after the Perry Expedition in the mid-19th century, Japan plunged itself through an active process of Westernization during the Meiji Restoration in 1868 and began viewing China under the Qing dynasty as an antiquated civilization unable to defend itself against foreign forces—in part due to the First and Second Opium Wars along with the Eight-Nation Alliance's involvement in suppressing the Boxer Rebellion. Japan eventually took advantage of such weaknesses by invading China, including the First Sino-Japanese War and the Second Sino-Japanese War.
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