The mottos of Francoism are mottos which encapsulate the ideals of the Francoist dictatorship. Although the regime had many ideological influences (Traditionalism, National Catholicism, Militarism and National syndicalism), it employed Falangism in its popular movements. Falangist ideology was easily incorporated in the creation of mottos as it is believed to demonstrate a certain reluctance towards political agendas, and to favour empiricism, taking action, and the simplification of ideas.[1]
Although these mottos originated from the activity of different right-wing intellectuals and nationalist political parties during the Second Spanish Republic, their use became widespread and proved to be an effective propaganda tool used by the Nationalist faction during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) in mobilising public opinion and persuading the population to conform to nationalist ideas. Mottos were also often used as political chants during Franco's dictatorship (1939–1975).
As well as achieving military victory, the Rebel, or Nationalist, faction successfully used propaganda to link the term "national" with the concept of Spain itself. This is a result of the extended period of time the regime stayed in power in the absence of any public resistance, despite clandestine opposition.[2] Those within the regime did not all blindly support such simplifications as demonstrated in España como problema by the Falangist intellectual, Pedro Laín Entralgo.Rafael Calvo Serer responded to this with his España sin problema, expressing traditional and orthodox beliefs. These beliefs had to be adopted, as assuming a traditional stance and showcasing 'unwavering support' towards Franco was the only way to maintain any semblance of power, as highlighted by Luis Carrero Blanco when referring to Franco and everything the Caudillo represented:
[...] my loyalty to [Franco] and his work is undoubtedly sincere and completely transparent; it is unconstrained by limitations, nor is it affected by doubts or reservations [...][3]
During Spain's transition to democracy, not only were Francoism's mottos and symbols abandoned, but there was also a decline in the use of national symbols in general. Even referring to 'Spain' was frequently substituted by other terms (such as 'this country', though this term was already used in the Romantic period by the Spanish author Mariano José de Lara), while there was an increase in the use of terms relating to regional nationalism.[3]
'imperial', referring to the part of the Spanish empire established in America, as well as the one that was intended to be built in Africa;
and 'not subject to foreign influences', referring to the international Judeo-Masonic-Communist conspiracy which the Nationalists believed controlled the Soviet Union, the European democracies and the United States (until the agreements of 1953), as well as a large number of threats to the regime which were deemed anti-Spanish, communist, separatist, liberal (see also: White Terror).
The motto was created by jonsist student Juan Aparicio López (he also created the motto Por la Patria, el Pan y la Justicia; "for the Homeland, for Bread and for Justice" and was also behind the adoption of the Yoke and the Arrows as symbol of the JONS as well as the red-black flag),[6] and was later adopted by Falange Española de las JONS along other JONS' symbols.[7]
Una, Grande y Libre was often used at the end of speeches; The leader would exclaim three times ¡España!, and the public would successively respond to each of these shouts with ¡Una!, ¡Grande!, and finally ¡Libre!. The effect was similar to the way Amen is used in church, as well as to the chant of "Sieg Heil!" in Nazi Germany. The theatre would continue with an almost choreographed script of ¡Arriba España!, ¡Arriba! José Antonio, ¡Presente!, Caídos por Dios y por España, ¡Presente!. ¡Viva Franco!, ¡Viva!, or just intoning ¡Franco, Franco, Franco…!
In his farewell message to the Spanish people upon his death in 1975, Franco referred to "the great task of making Spain united, great and free."[5]
The slogan was incorporated into the Falangist anthem, Cara al Sol; it ended with the stanza ¡España una! ¡España grande! ¡España libre! (Spain, one [united]! Spain, great! Spain, free!)
Una patria, un estado, un caudillo (one fatherland, one state, one leader)
Although ¡Una, Grande y Libre! was the most widespread motto under Franco's dictatorship, una Patria, un estado, un caudillo is another tripartite motto which was used extensively between 1936 and the beginning of 1940. The motto was spread by the Franco's confidant, founder of the Spanish Legion, José Millán Astray, who profoundly admired the Caudillo. In the first few months of the Spanish Civil War, when Franco was still a member of the Junta de Defensa, Millán Astray traversed the nationalist-controlled areas, particularly the provinces of Castille and Navarra, serving Franco's personal cause and convincing the troops and officers of Franco's indisputable claim as the leader of Spain.
After creating the motto ¡Viva la muerte! (Long live death!), Millán Astray adapted the NaziEin Volk, ein Reich, ein Führer (one people, one empire, one leader) in order to create the motto Una patria, un estado, un caudillo. When the Junta de Defensa became the Junta Técnica del Estado and Franco was named as the head of state, it became compulsory for all newspapers and postcards in the Nationalist-controlled zones to include this motto in their header.[8][9]
Significance of the tripartite motto
The Monument of Eugenio D'Ors in Madrid includes descriptions of parts of his work, many of which are references points of Francoist mottos.
Many Francoist slogans were purposely designed to be tripartite mottos in clear reference to religious symbolism (the Holy Trinity: the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit).[citation needed] This implicitly compares Spain to the defining characteristics of the Roman Catholic Church; "Catholic" (meaning universal), "Apostolic" (meaning chosen) and "Roman" (meaning united).[10] These comparisons must be viewed in the context of National Catholicism, an essential aspect to the Francoist ideology. Although National Catholicism was not a key component of Falangist ideology (and was sometimes even opposed by the Falangists), it was used by the Falange as a rhetorical device.
Throughout history, ideas and concepts have often been incorporated into and expressed as tripartite mottos. It is believed that this occurrence originated with Indo-European populations, who worshipped three gods as one. The social classes of these populations were also split into three categories, in a similar way to those of medieval societies and the Ancien Regime.[11] Other tripartite mottos include "Liberté, égalité, fraternite" (liberty, equality, fraternity), created during the French Revolution; "Dios, Patria y Libertad" (God, Motherland and Freedom), used in the Dominican Republic; and "Dios, patria, rey" (God, Motherland, King) which dates back to Carlism, a traditionalist, right-wing Spanish ideology.
In addition to mottos, examples of other tripartite classifications are the Falange's categories of "natural units of political life" ("Family, town council, trade union"). Furthermore, in the philosophy of absolute idealism, the dialectical method of Hegelian theory (thesis, antithesis, synthesis) is also composed of three parts.[12] On some occasions, these three-part classifications have been linked to a "western" or "patriarchal" way of viewing the world, which contrasts with the two-part "eastern" or "matriarchal" point of view (yin and yang).
A song written in Catalan by Joan Manuel Serrat(Temps era temps) refers to the postwar period as the "time of the ¡Una, Grande y Libre!"[13]
¡Arriba España! (Up with Spain!)
Medal commemorating the Nationalist victory of the Civil War, imprinted with the slogan Arriba España.
The decision to use 'up' instead of 'long live' was justified on the basis that the term 'live' was insufficient. The word 'up' conveys the idea of Spanish patriots standing at attention, asserting their active willingness to improve Spain. It also resonated with the providential belief that all events are predetermined by God.[14]
Spain's ultimate triumph lies in security and faith. In this way, security and faith will mean a Spain that's one, great and free, one which will triumph in the way we have always hoped for. This will allow Spain return to the way it once was, to return to its path and to its roots. Because Spain's history isn't anything more than that: a constant strive towards the highest ideals of the soul. We don't bow down to low, minor or insignificant things. We serve nothing but the highest and greatest. Therefore, in saying "Up with Spain", we summarise our history and, at the same time, illustrate our hope. Because what we want is for Spain to return to its "rightful place", to the place it has been assigned by history. And that place is "up", meaning up above, close to the spirit, to the ideal, to faith...and above all, close to God."
—José María Pemán, 1939
Si eres español, habla español (If you're Spanish, speak Spanish)
The motto 'Speak the language of the empire' was also employed, as instructed by a poster once displayed in the courtyard of the University of Barcelona.[15] This motto was possibly inspired by Antonio de Nebrija, who wrote in 1492 that "Language was always a companion of the empire" in Gramática castellana, the first work dedicated to the Spanish language and its rules.[16]
These mottos were used above all in Catalonia in order to discourage the use of Catalan after the region was taken over by Franco's army in the final stage of the Civil War (Barcelona was taken on 26 January 1939), and were also used in the postwar period.
Rusia es culpable (Russia is guilty)
This slogan is taken from the speech Ramón Serrano Suñer made on 23 June 1941, the day after Germany invaded the Soviet Union (known as Operation Barbarossa), in which he blames Stalin's communist Russia for the Spanish Civil War, and encourages the support of Hitler's Nazi Germany in their fight against them.[17] The quote was printed in newspapers and employed by the anti-Soviet movement which created the Blue Division, formed by volunteers and incorporated into the German army. These volunteers were believed not to affect or compromise Spain's official position of neutrality (although Franco favoured the Axis powers). Eventually, pressure from the Western powers forces Franco's government to withdraw the division.
Russia is guilty! Guilty for our civil war. Guilty for the death of José Antonio. History demands that Russia be exterminated, as does Europe's future...
—Ramón Serrano Súñer
Cliches surrounding Russia often had some truth to them, making the country an easy target that people could blame for their misfortunes. These cliches include "the Moscow Gold" (which refers to the Republic's transfer of the Bank of Spain's gold reserves during the civil war as payment for Soviet military assistance, which Franco's government demanded be returned to Spain) and the "Children of Russia" (who were evacuated from the Republican zone and, unlike those who were sent to France or other Western countries, were not allowed to return to Spain).[18] The documentary "Los Niños de Rusia" by Jaime Camino explores this subject.[19]
The chance for Spain to take their symbolic revenge arose during the 1964 European Nations' Cup, in which Spain's match against the Soviet Union was won by the legendary goal scored by Marcelino. Spain's use of football as an outlet of social tensions is reflected in the expression "Pan y fútbol" ("Bread and football", adapted from the phrase "Bread and circuses", used to describe a government's attempts at generating public approval through distraction.)
Gibraltar es español (Gibraltar is Spanish)
The Gibraltar-Spain border, known in Spanish as the 'iron-wrought gate of Gibraltar', was closed by the Francoist regime to exert pressure on the British Government in the hope that negotiations regarding the territory would begin. It was not reopened until the 1980s by Felipe González's government.
Gibraltar's concession to Britain in the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 lead to a continuous demand for the territory to be reinstated as a part of Spain. However, the level of this demand varied throughout the years. The Second World War allowed Franco to take advantage of the strategic possibilities brought about by the British colony, using it in his both in negotiations with Hitler as well as his negotiations with the Allied powers, none of whom ended up facing Spain's military. After the defeat of Germany, international pressure on the Francoist regime caused the country to become isolated; this point was employed periodically in efforts to sway public opinion within Spain.
Protests, most of which were unplanned, occurred as a result of the country's anti-British sentiments, with those in attendance chanting "Spanish Gibraltar!" Notable protests are those which occurred in 1955 in reaction to Elizabeth II's visit to the British territory.[20]
An official exhibition entitled "Spanish Gibraltar" was put on at the National Library in 1955. Surprisingly, those living in San Roque, the municipality closest to Gibraltar, avidly opposed sending a painting of the Nazarene, which was going to accompany other images (such as the Virgen Santa María Coronada and the Madre de San Roque) from the town to be displayed at the exhibition. These images were originally worshipped in Gibraltar, and were taken to San Roque by the Gibraltarians when they fled the city during the 18th century. The townspeople of San Roque feared that the painting wouldn't be returned; however, their worries were eventually overcome, and the painting was taken to the exhibition.[21]
As discussed in an opinion piece by Anton Reixa,[23] During Franco's dictatorship there were those who responded to the above Francoist mottos with parodies such as 'There's only one Spain (because if there were another, we'd all be there.)'
People also opposed the regime in more subtle ways such as by chanting the last part of the motto Una, Grande y Libre louder than the others, emphasizing the word "Free". This form of protest is illustrated in the film Las trece rosas (2007), which focuses on a group of girls awaiting a death sentence in the Ventas Prison in Madrid in 1939. Coincidentally, one of the reasons for their imprisonment is the distribution of propaganda containing a motto opposing Franco: menos Franco y más pan blanco (Less Franco and more white bread). This can be interpreted as a response both to the chants of 'Franco, Franco' as well as a criticism of Francoist slogans like "No house without a fireplace nor a Spaniard without bread", a motto which was printed on the packages of bread which were used to 'bombard' the Republican rearguard in the final stages of the Civil War in order to showcase the superiority and alleged benevolence of the rebel faction, as well as the hunger which prevailed in the Republican zones.
Francoist Spain, or the Francoist dictatorship, was the period of Spanish history between 1939 and 1975, when Francisco Franco ruled Spain after the Spanish Civil War with the title Caudillo. After his death in 1975, Spain transitioned into a democracy. During this time period, Spain was officially known as the Spanish State.
Admiral-General Luis Carrero Blanco was a Spanish Navy officer and politician. A long-time confidant and right-hand man of dictator Francisco Franco, Carrero served as Spain's Premier and in various other high ranking offices of the Francoist dictatorship until his assassination in a car bombing in December 1973.
José Antonio Primo de Rivera y Sáenz de Heredia, 1st Duke of Primo de Rivera, 3rd Marquess of Estella GE, often referred to simply as José Antonio, was a Spanish politician who founded the falangist Falange Española, later Falange Española de las JONS.
The Movimiento Nacional was a governing institution of Spain established by General Francisco Franco during the Spanish Civil War in 1937. During Francoist rule in Spain, it purported to be the only channel of participation in Spanish public life. It responded to a doctrine of corporatism in which only so-called "natural entities" could express themselves: families, municipalities and unions. It was abolished in 1977.
Cara al Sol is the anthem of the Falange Española de las JONS. The lyrics were written in December 1935 and are usually credited to the leader of the Falange, José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The music was composed by Juan Tellería and Juan R. Buendia.
Ramiro Ledesma Ramos was a Spanish philosopher, politician, writer, essayist, and journalist, known as one of the pioneers in the introduction of Fascism in Spain.
The Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, frequently shortened to just "FET", was the sole legal party of the Francoist regime in Spain. It was created by General Francisco Franco in 1937 as a merger of the fascist Falange Española de las JONS with the monarchist neo-absolutist and integralist Catholic Traditionalist Communion belonging to the Carlist movement. In addition to the resemblance of names, the party formally retained most of the platform of FE de las JONS and a similar inner structure. In force until April 1977, it was rebranded as Movimiento Nacional in 1958.
In the history of Spain, the White Terror describes the political repression, including executions and rapes, which were carried out by the Nationalist faction during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939), as well as during the first nine years of the regime of General Francisco Franco. In the 1936–1975 period, Francoist Spain had many official enemies: Loyalists to the Second Spanish Republic (1931–1939), Liberals, socialists of different stripes, Protestants, intellectuals, homosexuals, Freemasons, Romanis, Jews, Basque, Catalan, Andalusian and Galician nationalists.
Arriba was a Spanish daily newspaper published in Madrid between 1935 and 1979. It was the official organ of the Falange, and also of the regime during the Franco rule in the country.
The Nationalist faction or Rebel faction was a major faction in the Spanish Civil War of 1936 to 1939. It was composed of a variety of right-leaning political groups that supported the Spanish Coup of July 1936 against the Second Spanish Republic and Republican faction and sought to depose Manuel Azaña, including the Falange, the CEDA, and two rival monarchist claimants: the Alfonsist Renovación Española and the Carlist Traditionalist Communion. In 1937, all the groups were merged into the FET y de las JONS. After the death of the faction's early leaders, General Francisco Franco, one of the members of the 1936 coup, headed the Nationalists throughout most of the war, and emerged as the dictator of Spain until his death in 1975.
The Sección Femenina was the women's branch of the Falange political movement in Spain. Founded in July 1934 as part of the Sindicato Español Universitario (SEU) of the Falange Española de las JONS, and fully incorporated to FE de las JONS later in the year, it remained as part of the FET y de las JONS following the 1937 Unification Decree, subsequently becoming an official institution of the single-party of the Francoist dictatorship. Following General Franco's death and the beginning of the transition to democracy it was disbanded on 1 April 1977 together with all Movimiento Nacional institutions. Sección Femenina was led throughout its history by Pilar Primo de Rivera, the younger sister of Falange Española founder José Antonio Primo de Rivera.
The National Council of the Movement, was an institution of the Franco dictatorship of a collegiate nature, which was subordinated to the Head of State. Originally created under the name of the National Council of FET and the JONS on 19 October 1937 in the midst of the Civil War, it would continue to exist until 1977, following the death of Francisco Franco and the dismantling of institutions of his regime.
Falange Española de las JONS is a Spanish political party registered in 1976, originating from a faction of the previous Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista. The word Falange is Spanish for phalanx. Members of the party are called Falangists. The main ideological bases of the party are national syndicalism, Third Position and ultranationalism.
José Solís Ruiz was a Spanish politician, known for his role in Francoist Spain, during which he occupied a number of important posts.
Arriba España was a Spanish newspaper published in Pamplona during the Spanish Civil War and in Francoist Spain, within the Prensa del Movimiento. The name of the publication came from the cry ¡Arriba España!, a motto that was associated with the Falangist ideology. In its early days, it coined the motto Por Dios y el César.
The Unification Decree was a political measure adopted by Francisco Franco in his capacity of Head of State of Nationalist Spain on April 19, 1937. The decree merged two existing political groupings, the Falangists and the Carlists, into a new party - the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista. As all other parties were declared dissolved at the same time, the FET became the only legal party in Nationalist Spain. It was defined in the decree as a link between state and society and was intended to form the basis for an eventual totalitarian regime. The head of state – Franco himself – was proclaimed party leader, to be assisted by the Junta Política and Consejo Nacional. A set of decrees which followed shortly after appointed members to the new executive.
The Frente de Estudiantes Sindicalistas (FES) was a Spanish student group belonging to the Falangist minority opposition to the Francoist regime.
Women in CNT in Francoist Spain were persecuted as part of state organized efforts to eliminate remaining leftist elements. Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) was formed in 1910, and from the onset it did not treat women equally to men inside the organization. This continued during the Second Spanish Republic, the Spanish Civil War and into Francoist Spain.
The Sindicato Español Universitario was a corporatist students' union in Spain, created in the 1930s during the Second Spanish Republic, by the Falange Española under the leadership of José Antonio Primo de Rivera. The SEU was inspired by students' unions linked to contemporary fascist parties of Italy and Romania.
Carlo-francoism was a branch of Carlism which actively engaged in the regime of Francisco Franco. Though mainstream Carlism retained independent stand, many Carlist militants on their own assumed various roles in the Francoist system, e.g. as members of the FET y de las JONS executive, Cortes procuradores, or civil governors. The Traditionalist political faction of the Francoist regime issued from Carlism particularly held tight control over the Ministry of Justice. They have never formed an organized structure, their dynastical allegiances remained heterogeneous and their specific political objectives might have differed. Within the Francoist power strata, the carlo-francoists remained a minority faction that controlled some 5% of key posts; they failed to shape the regime and at best served as counter-balance to other groupings competing for power.
References
↑ Historians have discussed which of the Falange's qualities were most characteristic of the ideology. Stanley Payne maintains it's their vague and confusing ideas, (PAYNE, Stanley (1965) Sobre Falange Española. París: Ruedo Ibérico), while S. Ellwood believes Nationalism, Imperialism and Irrationalism to characterise their ideas, as stated in Prietas las filas. Historia de la Falange Española, 1933-1985. Grijalbo (found at "Periodista Digital::". Archived from the original on 17 November 2007. Retrieved 2 October 2019.)
↑ José Álvarez Junco: Mater Dolorosa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX (Premio Nacional de Ensayo 2002), conferences on this subject held at the Fundación Juan March.
↑ Quiroga, Alejandro (2015). "Spanish Fury: Football and National Identities under Franco". European History Quarterly. 45 (3): 523. doi:10.1177/0265691415587686.
↑ García Venero, Maximiano (1967). Falange en la guerra de España: la unificación y Hedilla. París: 1967. p.307.
↑ Eugenio D'Ors, found on the Puerta de Velázquez in the Prado Museum, in front of the Edificio de los Sindicatos Verticales, now the Ministry of Health:
Todo pasa, vna sola cosa te sera contada y es tv obra bien hecha. Noble es el qve se exige y hombre, tan solo, qvien cada dia renveva su entvsiasmo, sabio, al descvbrir el orden del mvndo, que inclvye la ironia. Padre es el responsable, y patricia mision de servicio la politica. Debe ser catolica, qve es decir, vniversal, apostolica, es decir escogida, romana es decir, vna. Vna también la cvltvra, estado libre de solidaridad en el espacio y continvidad en el tiempo qve todo lo qve no es tradicion es plagio. Peca la natvraleza, son enfermizos ocio y soledad qve cada cval cvltive lo qve de angelico le agracia, en amistad y dialogo.
The text is found at the Monumento a Eugenio d'Ors (Madrid).
↑ Dumézil, G. (11 September 2007). "La tríada indoeuropea". Archived from the original on 11 September 2007. Retrieved 14 January 2020.
↑ Cited in Alberto Piris: "La Operación Barbarroja, hoy hace 60 años" Archived on 17 November 2007, on the Wayback Machine., on Estrella Digital. Spain, 22 de June 2001.
↑ Inmaculada Colomina Limonero (2005) Breve historia de los niños de la Guerra de España en Rusia, online library of Moscow's Cervantes Institute
↑ Planeta De Agostini: "Los Años del NODO" Archived on 10 October 2007 on the Wayback Machine.
↑ Photo of the Virgen Coronada [1]; Information regarding the opposition of the townspeople [2](broken link, page available on the Internet Archive; see history and latest version).
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