The Treaty of Ciudad Juárez was a peace treaty signed between the President of Mexico, Porfirio Díaz, and the revolutionary Francisco Madero on May 21, 1911. The treaty put an end to the fighting between forces supporting Madero and those of Díaz and thus concluded the initial phase of the Mexican Revolution.
The treaty stipulated that Díaz, as well as his vice president Ramón Corral, were to step down by the end of May, and that he was to be replaced by Francisco León de la Barra as interim president and hold presidential elections. Those who had suffered losses due to the revolution would be indemnified, and there would be a general amnesty. [1] [2] Díaz resigned on May 25, and interim president Francisco León de la Barra was the new incumbent. Díaz and his family, his vice president Corral, plus José Yves Limantour and Rosendo Pineda left Mexico for exile. [3] [4]
Significantly, the treaty did not mention or institute any social reforms that Madero had vaguely promised on previous occasions. [2] It also left the Porfirian state essentially intact. [2] Additionally, Madero supported the unpopular idea that all land disputes were to be settled through the courts, staffed by the old judges, a decision that led to outbreaks of sporadic violence, particularly in rural areas. [4]
On June 7, 1911, Madero entered Mexico City. In October 1911 he was elected president, under the banner of the Partido Constitucional Progresista, along with José María Pino Suárez, his new running mate as vice-president. Madero pushed aside Francisco Vázquez Gómez, the vice presidential candidate for the Anti-Reelectionist Party in 1910, as being too moderate. [5] [6]
The rebellion against the government of Porfirio Díaz broke out in late 1910, after Díaz had rival Francisco I. Madero imprisoned and had announced his own victory in a falsified election. Madero's earlier vague promises of agrarian reforms had attracted many supporters. He himself escaped from prison and fled to Texas, from where he issued his famous Plan of San Luis Potosí. This manifesto called for an armed uprising against the Porfiriato and establishment of free and democratic elections. As a response to Madero's proclamation, violent clashes began throughout Mexico in November 1910. [7]
In the Guerrero district of Chihuahua, Pascual Orozco attacked federal troops and sent dead soldiers' clothing back to Díaz with the message, "Ahí te van las hojas, mándame más tamales" ("Here are the wrappers, send me more tamales.") [8] He then began operations that threatened Ciudad Juárez. Additionally, political support for Madero's rebellion came from Gov. Abraham González, who accepted the Plan of San Luis Potosí. [4]
At roughly the same time, agrarian unrest in the state of Morelos turned into a full-blown rebellion under the leadership of the Zapata brothers, Emiliano and Eufemio. [4] [9]
Encouraged by the news of the uprisings, Madero crossed the border back into Mexico in February 1911. [9] He was joined by Pancho Villa and Orozco and in April the army began approaching Ciudad Juárez. Orozco and Villa led the way with 500 men each, while Madero followed up with 1,500 riders. [2] The city was besieged by the end of the month, after Madero's army encountered some resistance in the Chihuahuan countryside. [2] Madero asked the commander of the city's garrison to surrender but the latter refused, hoping that the fortifications he had constructed would allow him to defend the city until reinforcements arrived. [2] Concerned also with the possibility that a direct attack on the town would cause artillery shells to cross the border into the United States, which could provoke an outside intervention, and faced with a series of peace proposals from Díaz, Madero hesitated in attacking the city. [2] He in fact ordered his commanders to lift the siege. [10] Orozco, however disregarded the order and, joined by Villa, attacked. [10] After two days of fighting the city fell to the insurrectionists. [10] Madero intervened personally to spare the life of the city's commander, Gen. Navarro, whom both Orozco and Villa wanted executed for his previous killing of rebel POWs. [10] This, coupled with the fact that both leaders were ignored by Madero in his political appointments, outraged and estranged them from him. [10]
At about the same time that Villa and Orozco were marching on Ciudad Juárez, the Zapatista revolt gathered strength and spread to the states of Puebla, Tlaxcala, Mexico, Michoacán and Guerrero. [11] On April 14 Madero had Emiliano Zapata officially designated as his representative in the region. [11] However, Zapata was worried that if he did not fully control all the major towns in Morelos by the time Madero concluded negotiations with Díaz, the demands of his agrarian movement and the issue of the autonomy of Morelos would be ignored or sidelined. [11] Zapata's first military action was to take the town of Chinameca, where he obtained essential supplies. [12] Subsequently, Zapata, for political and strategic reasons, decided to attack the city of Cuautla. [11] In order to mislead his opponents, however, he initially attacked and captured the towns of Izúcar de Matamoros (which was subsequently retaken by federal forces) and Chietla. From there he made a wide circle around Cuautla and captured Yautepec and Jonacatepec, where he gathered more supplies, munitions and soldiers. By May, out of all the major urban centers in the region, only Cuautla and the capital of Morelos, Cuernavaca, remained outside his control. [11]
Zapata began the attack on Cuautla on May 13 with 4000 troops against 400 elite soldiers of the so-called "Golden Fifth"; the Fifth Cavalry Regiment of the Federal Army. [11] The battle took almost a week and has been described as "six of the most terrible days of battle in the whole Revolution". [11] It consisted of house-to-house fighting, hand-to-hand combat and no quarter given by either side. [11] Gen. Victoriano Huerta arrived in nearby Cuernavaca with 600 reinforcements but decided not to come to the relief of Cuautla, as he was afraid that the capital would revolt in his absence. [11] On May 19 the remains of the "Golden Fifth" pulled out of the town, which was then occupied by Zapata's soldiers. [11]
The successful capture of Cuautla made Zapata a hero to ordinary people throughout Mexico and new corridos were written about him. After Zapata's taking of Cuautla the federal government controlled only five states and some urban areas. [4] Porfirio Díaz himself later stated that, while he felt he could defend against Villa and Orozco in Chihuahua, the fall of Cuautla was the event that persuaded him to agree to peace with Madero. [11]
As early as March 1911 Madero's representatives met in New York with Díaz's finance minister, José Yves Limantour, and the Mexican ambassador to the US in order to discuss the possibility of peace between the two sides. [9] Limantour proposed an end to hostilities and offered an amnesty for all revolutionaries, the resignation of the then-vice president Ramón Corral, the replacement of four Díaz cabinet ministers and ten state governors by ones chosen by Madero and the establishment of the principle of "no-reelection", which would prevent Díaz from seeking yet another term as president (which would have been his ninth). [9] Madero responded positively, although he also stated that any kind of peace deal had to include an immediate resignation by Díaz. [9]
Faced with the siege of Ciudad Juárez and the outbreak of rebellion in Morelos, Díaz and members of his cabinet became more willing to negotiate and launched a "skillful peace offensive" aimed at Madero. [2] This was largely a result of panic among the large landowners associated with the Díaz regime (the hacendados) and the financial elite, which represented a "moderate" wing within the government. [2] Some among the Porfiristas, in fact, expected that Zapata would soon march on Mexico City itself, unless peace was concluded with Madero. [5]
The moderate view within the Díaz government was represented by Jorge Vera Estañol, who in a memo to the minister of foreign affairs wrote that there were two revolutions taking place in Mexico: a political revolution, based mostly in the north whose main aim was to establish free elections and remove Díaz himself from power, and a social revolution whose aim was "anarchy", which was spreading throughout the countryside. [2] Estañol recommended coming to terms with the first group of revolutionaries by agreeing to the principle of no re-election and a general amnesty, in order to prevent the second group from succeeding. [2] In addition to his fear of "anarchy", Estañol was also worried that the social revolution would lead to a military intervention by the United States. [2]
Estañol's views represented those of the portion of the upper class which was willing to come to terms with at least a portion of the middle class in order to crush the peasant uprisings, as exemplified by those of Zapata, which were erupting throughout Mexico. [2] Limantour, who broadly agreed with Estañol, had the support of the Mexican financiers, who feared the downgrading of Mexican international credit and a general economic crisis as a result of ongoing social unrest, as well as that of the large landowners who were willing to come to terms with Madero if it would put an end to the agrarian uprisings. [2]
These social group were in turn opposed by the more reactionary elements within Díaz's government, mostly concentrated in the Federal Army, who thought that the rebels should be dealt with through brute force. [2] This faction was represented by Gen. Victoriano Huerta, who would later carry out an attempted coup d'état against Madero. [2] Likewise, Gen.--and potential successor to Díaz--Bernardo Reyes stated in a letter to Limantour that "the repression [against the insurrectionists] should be carried out with the greatest energy, punishing without any pity anyone participating in the armed struggle". [2] In the end, however, Díaz dismissed the advice from his generals as "Custer-like bluster" and chose to seek peace with the moderate wing of the revolution. Limantour had finally managed to persuade him to resign. [10]
At the same time there was also disagreement among the rebels. The "left wing" of the revolutionary movement, represented by Zapata and Orozco (Villa, for the time being, tended to support Madero), warned against any possible compromises with Díaz. [5] In the end their suspicions proved correct, as the treaty that was eventually signed neglected issues of social and agrarian land reform that were central to their struggle.
The most significant point of the treaty was that Porfirio Díaz, and his vice president, Ramón Corral, resign and that Francisco León de la Barra, acting as Interim President, organize free elections as soon as possible.
Additionally, the treaty stipulated that:
The treaty was signed on May 21. Díaz resigned accordingly on May 25. [5] Francisco de la Barra became the interim president. [5] Madero entered Mexico City on June 7. [5]
Zapata, however, refused to recognize the interim government of de la Barra, and for the time being the fighting in Morelos continued. [10] Madero met with Zapata on several occasions during June. While initially Zapata trusted Madero, with time he became increasingly concerned that the goals of "his revolution" were not being fulfilled. He was particularly angry that Madero did not plan on carrying out any kind of agrarian reform, or the breakup of large haciendas. Additionally, the press in Mexico City--controlled by the landowners--began referring to Zapata as a bandit and federal generals, such as Huerta, continued attacking his troops under the pretext that Zapata failed to demobilize in violation of the treaty. [12] Sporadic fighting in southern Mexico continued. In November 1911, shortly after Madero's inauguration, Zapata issued the famous Plan of Ayala, in which the Zapatistas denounced Madero and instead recognized Pascual Orozco as the rightful president and leader of the revolution. [13]
Madero also incurred the great displeasure of other revolutionaries, including Pascual Orozco. Madero's first act after the treaty was signed was a gesture of reconciliation with the Díaz regime. As a result of the treaty he was given the right to appoint members of the la Barra cabinet. He chose mostly upper-class Maderistas, including his wife for the post in the treasury. [4] He also maintained the existing federal system by keeping the sitting judges of the Supreme Court, the legislators in federal and state assemblies and the bureaucrats of the various federal agencies. [4] Venustiano Carranza, who was going to become a major revolutionary in his own right and a future president of Mexico, stated that, after the treaty, Madero had "deliver[ed] to the reactionaries a dead revolution which will have to be fought over again". [4] Díaz, after leaving for exile in France, observed that "Madero has unleashed a tiger, let us see if he can control him". [4]
Orozco, who saw himself as being instrumental in Madero's victory over Díaz, was merely appointed a commander of the rurales in Chihuahua, which increased his resentment. [14] When he tried to run for governor of the state, Madero supported his opponent, Abraham González, and eventually pressured Orozco to drop out of the race. [14] When, in the aftermath of the Plan of Ayala, Madero ordered Orozco to lead federal troops to suppress Zapata, Orozco refused. [14] In March 1912 Orozco issued his Plan of Empacadora and formally declared himself in rebellion against Madero. [14]
Francisco Ignacio Madero González was a Mexican businessman, revolutionary, writer and statesman, who became the 37th president of Mexico from 1911 until he was deposed in a coup d'état in February 1913, and assassinated.
Emiliano Zapata Salazar was a Mexican revolutionary. He was a leading figure in the Mexican Revolution of 1910–1920, the main leader of the people's revolution in the Mexican state of Morelos, and the inspiration of the agrarian movement called Zapatismo.
The Mexican Revolution was an extended sequence of armed regional conflicts in Mexico from approximately 1910 to 1920. It has been called "the defining event of modern Mexican history". It resulted in the destruction of the Federal Army and its replacement by a revolutionary army, and the transformation of Mexican culture and government. The northern Constitutionalist faction prevailed on the battlefield and drafted the present-day Constitution of Mexico, which aimed to create a strong central government. Revolutionary generals held power from 1920 to 1940. The revolutionary conflict was primarily a civil war, but foreign powers, having important economic and strategic interests in Mexico, figured in the outcome of Mexico's power struggles; the United States involvement was particularly high. The conflict led to the deaths of around three million people, mostly combatants.
José Victoriano Huerta Márquez was a general in the Mexican Federal Army and 39th President of Mexico, who came to power by coup against the democratically elected government of Francisco I. Madero with the aid of other Mexican generals and the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico. His violent seizure of power set off a new wave of armed conflict in the Mexican Revolution.
Pascual Orozco Vázquez, Jr. was a Mexican revolutionary leader who rose up to support Francisco I. Madero in late 1910 to depose long-time president Porfirio Díaz (1876-1911). Orozco was a natural military leader whose victory over the Federal Army at Ciudad Juárez was a key factor in forcing Díaz to resign in May 1911. Following Díaz's resignation and the democratic election of Madero in November 1911, Orozco served Madero as leader of the state militia in Chihuahua, a paltry reward for his service in the Mexican Revolution. Orozco revolted against the Madero government 16 months later, issuing the Plan Orozquista in March 1912. It was a serious revolt which the Federal Army struggled to suppress. When Victoriano Huerta led a coup d'état against Madero in February 1913 during which Madero was murdered, Orozco joined the Huerta regime. Orozco's revolt against Madero somewhat tarnished his revolutionary reputation, but his subsequent support of Huerta compounded the repugnance against him.
José Venustiano Carranza de la Garza was a Mexican wealthy land owner and politician who was Governor of Coahuila when the constitutionally elected president Francisco I. Madero was overthrown in a February 1913 right-wing military coup.
Francisco León de la Barra y Quijano was a Mexican political figure and diplomat who served as 36th President of Mexico from May 25 to November 6, 1911. He was known to conservatives as "The White President" or the "Pure President."
The Plan of Ayala was a document drafted by revolutionary leader Emiliano Zapata during the Mexican Revolution. In it, Zapata denounced President Francisco Madero for his perceived betrayal of the revolutionary ideals embodied in Madero's Plan de San Luis Potosí, and set out his vision of land reform. The Plan was first proclaimed on November 28, 1911 in the town of Ayala, Morelos, and was later amended on June 19, 1914. The Plan of Ayala was a key document during the revolution and influenced land reform in Mexico during the 1920s and 1930s. It was the fundamental text of the Zapatistas.
The Liberation Army of the South was a guerrilla force led for most of its existence by Emiliano Zapata that took part in the Mexican Revolution from 1911 to 1920. During that time, the Zapatistas fought against the national governments of Porfirio Díaz, Francisco Madero, Victoriano Huerta, and Venustiano Carranza. Their goal was rural land reform, specifically reclaiming communal lands stolen by hacendados in the period before the revolution. Although rarely active outside their base in Morelos, they allied with Pancho Villa to support the Conventionists against the Carrancistas. After Villa's defeat, the Zapatistas remained in open rebellion. It was only after Zapata's 1919 assassination and the overthrow of the Carranza government that Zapata's successor, Gildardo Magaña, negotiated peace with President Álvaro Obregón.
The Mexican Federal Army, also known as the Federales in popular culture, was the military of Mexico from 1876 to 1914 during the Porfiriato, the long rule of President Porfirio Díaz, and during the presidencies of Francisco I. Madero and Victoriano Huerta. Under President Díaz, a military hero against the French Intervention in Mexico, the Federal Army was composed of senior officers who had served in long ago conflicts. At the time of the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution most were old men and incapable of leading men on the battlefield. When the rebellions broke out against Díaz following fraudulent elections of 1910, the Federal Army was incapable of responding. Although revolutionary fighters helped bring Francisco I. Madero to power, Madero retained the Federal Army rather than the revolutionaries. Madero used the Federal Army to suppress rebellions against his government by Pascual Orozco and Emiliano Zapata. Madero placed General Victoriano Huerta as interim commander of the military during the Ten Tragic Days of February 1913 to defend his government. Huerta changed sides and ousted Madero's government. Rebellions broke out against Huerta's regime. When revolutionary armies succeeded in ousting Huerta in July 1914, the Federal Army ceased to exist as an entity, with the signing of the Teoloyucan Treaties.
José Inés Salazar was a leading Orozquista General in the Mexican Revolution who later fought with Pancho Villa. He was a native of Casas Grandes, Chihuahua.
The Monument to the Revolution is a landmark and monument commemorating the Mexican Revolution. It is located in the Plaza de la República, near to the heart of the major thoroughfares Paseo de la Reforma and Avenida de los Insurgentes in downtown Mexico City.
The Battle of Cuautla was a battle between the forces of Emiliano Zapata and the federal army of the Mexican government that took place in the state of Morelos from May 11–19, 1911, during the Mexican Revolution. It has sometimes been described as "six of the most terrible days of battle in the whole Revolution". Eventually, the remains of the defending "Golden Fifth" regiment, the Fifth Cavalry Regiment of the Federal Army, withdrew and Zapata took control of the town. The Zapatista victory convinced Porfirio Díaz to come to terms with Francisco Madero, agree to the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez and resign as president.
Otilio Montaño Sánchez was a Zapatista general during the Mexican Revolution.
The First Battle of Ciudad Juárez took place in April and May 1911 between federal forces loyal to President Porfirio Díaz and rebel forces of Francisco Madero, during the Mexican Revolution. Pascual Orozco and Pancho Villa commanded Madero's army, which besieged Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua. After two days of fighting the city's garrison surrendered and Orozco and Villa took control of the town. The fall of Ciudad Juárez to Madero, combined with Emiliano Zapata's taking of Cuautla in Morelos, convinced Díaz that he could not hope to defeat the rebels. As a result, he agreed to the Treaty of Ciudad Juárez, resigned and went into exile in France, thus ending the initial stage of the Mexican Revolution.
Events from the year 1911 in Mexico.
The Plan Orozquista was issued by Mexican revolutionary General Pascual Orozco on 25 March 1912. It is sometimes called the Plan of the Empacadora, since it was signed in a cotton factory. In it, Orozco repudiated the government of Francisco I. Madero, which he charged had betrayed the Mexican Revolution.
The Battle of Parque was a battle during the Mexican Revolution, where Emiliano Zapata and his supporters rebelling against president Francisco I. Madero, who had recently overthrown the previous president Porfirio Díaz. A group of Zapata's supporters attempted to ambush a train containing 27 Mexican Rurales under the command of the American Soldier of Fortune, Emil Lewis Holmdahl.
The Battle of Cuernavaca was a battle during the Mexican Revolution, where Emiliano Zapata and his supporters rebelling against president Francisco I. Madero, who had recently overthrown the previous president Porfirio Díaz. Zapata was patrolling around his stronghold in the hills of Cuernavaca, where he was ambushed by a government force of Rurales under the command of the American Soldier of Fortune, Emil Lewis Holmdahl.