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Constitutional crisis in Somalia | |||
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Part of Somali Civil War and the Somali Civil War (2009–present) | |||
Date | 30 March 2024 – present (1 year, 4 months and 3 weeks) (UTC+3) | ||
Location | |||
Status | Ongoing
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Parties | |||
Lead figures | |||
Former president Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed (Farmaajo) Contents
Former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed |
A constitutional crisis emerged in Somalia on 30 March 2024, when the Federal Parliament of Somalia approved a series of constitutional amendments aimed at establishing a more "stable political system". These changes included a return to universal suffrage, replacing the decades-old clan-based electoral system, and granting the president authority to appoint the prime minister without requiring parliamentary approval. Critics argued that the reforms significantly expanded executive power. In response, the semi-autonomous state of Puntland announced the following day that it was withdrawing its recognition and confidence in the Federal Government of Somalia. It called for a "mutually accepted Somali constitution that is subject to a public referendum" and declared that, until such a constitution is in place, it would operate independently. [1] [2]
On 28 November 2024, the semi-autonomous government of Jubaland suspended relations and cooperation with the federal government after the latter issued an arrest warrant for Jubbaland President Ahmed Madobe, accusing him of treason and revealing classified information to foreign entities. [3]
The Provisional Constitution of the Federal Republic of Somalia, adopted in 2012, established a federal system of government consisting of two levels: the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) and the semi-autonomous Federal Member States (FMS). Intended to prevent the reemergence of an authoritarian central government, such as that under former President Siad Barre, and to address historical grievances by devolving powers to member states, the provisional constitution provides limited provisions for implementing federalism, forcing the FGS to negotiate with the FMS. Coupled with the ambiguity of the document and disputes over power and resources, has led to competing interpretations of federal governance. Some state governments favor greater autonomy, even asserting control of powers designated for the FGS, while others support a stronger central government. These disagreements have contributed to recurring tensions between the federal and state governments over the past two decades. [4]
On 28 May 2023, following a four-day conference held in Mogadishu, the National Consultative Council (NCC) proposed replacing the decades-old clan-based electoral system with universal suffrage by 2024. The proposal also recommended limiting elections to two main political parties, extending presidential terms from four to five years, and abolishing the position of prime minister in favor of a deputy president. The recommendations faced criticism from several political figures, including former prime ministers and former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed, who viewed the plan as a premature and power-driven initiative, calling for broader consultations. Puntland President Said Abdullahi Deni, who failed to attend the meeting, opposed the electoral change as he considered it to be impossible due to the current situation. According to The Africa Report, most Somalis expressed support for the shift, welcoming the prospect of gaining the right to vote for the first time in 53 years. [5]
On 19 March 2024, more than 70 members from both chambers of the Federal Parliament of Somalia announced their opposition to President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud's constitutional reform plans, following a meeting held the previous evening. They argued that the current process resembled drafting an entirely new constitution rather than amending the existing provisional one. [6]
On 29 March 2024, Human Rights Watch urged the parliament to reject any constitutional amendments that could weaken protections for children's rights, including a proposed amendment that would redefine a child as "to a person under the age of 15 years of maturity while the age of responsibility is 18 years, as defined in the law of the Federal Republic of Somalia," warning that it would contravene the Convention on the Rights of the Child. [7]
On 27 November 2023, a group of parliamentarians announced the formation of the National Correction Caucus, aimed at safeguarding Somalia's constitutional framework. Complaints included the proposed shift to a two-party system instead of a multiparty system and the potential increase in executive powers. [8]
On 30 March 2024, the federal parliament approved a series of constitutional amendments aimed at establishing a more "stable political system". These changes were a return to universal suffrage, the extension of federal terms from four to five years, the introduction of a three-party limit, and granting the president the authority to appoint a prime minister without parliamentary approval. Critics argued that the reforms significantly expanded executive power. In response, Puntland announced the following day that it was withdrawing its recognition and confidence in the Federal Government of Somalia. It called for a "mutually accepted Somali constitution that is subject to a public referendum" and declared that, until such a constitution is in place, it would operate independently. [9] [10]
Amid rising tensions with the FGS, Puntland signed a new cooperation agreement with Ethiopia on 3 April 2024. The following day, the FGS expelled the Ethiopian ambassador in Mogadishu and ordered the closure of two Ethiopian consulates, the one in Puntland and the one in Somaliland, accusing Ethiopia of "repeatedly violating Somalia's national, territorial independence". In response, Puntland declared that "Mogadishu has failed to eradicate terrorist groups and spread governance across the country and now it is trying to impose its decisions on a peaceful region that does not run with its orders. It cannot close a consulate in Puntland." [11]
In October, the National Consultative Council (NCC) convened federal and state officials to discuss democratisation and security. During the meeting, the federal government reaffirmed its commitment to advancing electoral reforms. The NCC proposed a one-year extension of the terms of all state presidents until the universal suffrage system could be implemented, which was accepted by the leaders of Hirshabelle, Galmudug, and South West states. The proposal and constitutional amendments were rejected by Jubaland President Ahmed Mohamed Islam, known as Ahmed Madobe, who believed they would undermine regional autonomy. [4]
On 10 November, Jubaland suspended cooperation with the federal government, citing constitutional violations. [12] Defying the federal government, Jubaland amended its own constitution to override the two-term limit set by the FGS, extended presidential terms from four to five years, and proceeded with the presidential election on 25 November 2024, in which Madobe won a third term. [4] On 27 November, the Banadir Regional Court in Mogadishu issued an arrest warrant for Madobe, accusing him of treason, violating the constitutional framework, leaking classified information to foreign actors, and undermining national unity. [4] [13]
The following day, the government of Jubaland suspended relations with the federal government. [14] Furthermore, a court in Kismayo, the regional capital of Jubaland, announced a $100,000 reward for the arrest of Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, accusing him of treason, undermining national unity, and conspiring with Al-Shabaab militia. [15] [16]
On 11 December 2024, Somali forces launched a failed attack on Jubaland regional forces in the Marnani area near Ras Kamboni. [17] After federal government deployed Somali troops from Mogadishu, Banadir region to Lower Juba region in an attempt to throw out President Ahmed Madobe. [18] [19] At the end of the battle, Jubaland captured hundreds of Somali soldiers and took back Ras Kamboni, Lower Juba. [20] [21]
On 20 November 2024, International community expressed concern over the escalating tensions between the FGS and the Jubaland administration, [22] urging both sides to engage in inclusive dialogue to resolve ongoing electoral disputes and calling on Jubaland to restore relations with the central government to prevent further escalation. [23]
The breakaway state of Somaliland distanced itself from the controversy as it does not consider itself a part of Somalia. [24]
Portrait | Name | Term of Office | Political Party | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Ruling Party of Somalia | ||||
![]() | Hassan Sheikh Mohamud | 2023 | Incumbent | UPD |
Salah Jama | 2023 | Incumbent | UPD | |
![]() | Hamza Abdi Barre | 2023 | 2025 | UPD |
![]() | Aden Madobe | 2023 | Incumbent | UPD |
![]() | Yusuf Hussein Jimaale | 2023–2024 | — | UPD |
![]() | Ali Abdullahi Hussein | 2023 | Incumbent | UPD |
![]() | Ahmed Abdi Karie | 2023 | Incumbent | UPD |
Portrait | Name | Term of Office | Political Party | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Chairman of Somali | ||||
![]() | Said Abdullahi Deni | 2023 | Incumbent | Kaah Political Association |
![]() | Ahmed Mohamed Islam | 2023 | Incumbent | Raskamboni Movement |
![]() | Sharif Sheikh Ahmed | 2023 | Incumbent | Himilo Qaran |
![]() | Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo | 2023 | Incumbent | Tayo party |
![]() | Abdirahman Abdishakur Warsame | 2023 | Incumbent | Wadajir Party |
![]() | Hassan Ali Khaire | 2023 | Incumbent | Tayo party |
![]() | Abdiweli Gaas | 2023 | Incumbent | UDAD |
![]() | Omar Sharmarke | 2023 | Incumbent | Independent |
![]() | Mohamed Hussein Roble | 2023 | Incumbent | Independent |