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The Indian burial ground trope is frequently used to explain supernatural events and hauntings in American popular culture. [1] The trope gained popularity in the 1980s, making multiple appearances in horror film and television after its debut in The Amityville Horror (1979). Over time the Indian burial ground trope has become viewed as a cliche and in its current usage it commonly functions as a satirical element. [1]
Many variations of the Indian burial ground trope exist, but generally, the Indian burial ground trope follows two archetypes. [1] The first archetype occurs when a building is erected on an ancient Indian burial ground, and the haunted building is soon filled with evil spirits that terrorize its inhabitants. [1] The Amityville Horror (1979) is the paradigmatic example of this first archetype. The second occurs when a person disturbs a burial ground, and a curse is placed upon them. [1] This curse usually follows them around until they placate the spirits by returning the burial ground to its previous, undisturbed state. [1]
Less frequently in popular culture, the discovery of an Indian burial ground is akin to discovering gold or buried treasure. [1] Such interpretations appear in Our Miss Brooks and Petticoat Junction ; in these representations, the characters are delighted to have stumbled upon Indian burial grounds and ancient artifacts as they could potentially bring revenue or notoriety. [1]
Attitudes towards death and burial practices vary greatly across Indigenous cultures in the United States. Most Native American cultures believe that it is improper to have contact with the remains of the deceased. In some Indigenous cultures, the disruption of a dead body may prevent the spirit from peacefully moving into the afterlife. These views, however, are not exclusive to Indigenous cultures, as multiple other cultures, including Ashkenazi, Thai, and various European cultures, believe that the remains of the dead should be respected and remain undisturbed.
Traditional Native Hawaiians believe that the spirit of the deceased remains in their bones following their death. [2] The remains of the deceased are believed to be sacred, and great care is taken to respect and honor them. [2] Through their burial, the deceased provided their descendants with spiritual growth and sustenance as their remains became one with the earth. [2] Any disturbance to the burial site is considered greatly disrespectful and is said to bring suffering to the descendants of the deceased. [2]
The Navajo believe a body must be properly buried so that the spirit can move on. [3] If it is buried improperly, the spirit may remain in the physical world. However, contrary to the Indian burial ground trope, the Navajo do not believe that the spirit returns to wreak havoc on the living. [3] Rather, the Navajo want the spirit to move on to that it may find peace in the afterlife. [3]
The Sioux believe that the dead must receive a proper burial to reconnect with the earth and nature. [4] However, spirits are not to be feared, the Sioux will also often seek out guidance from spirits who have moved on. [4]
A unified notion of an "Indian burial ground" or philosophy on death does not exist, and while many tribes condemn the excavation and disruption of burial grounds, the vast majority do not believe in the return of evil spirits. These beliefs have largely been imposed upon Indigenous representations by European settlers as a result of their ignorance and general racism towards Indigenous peoples.
The destruction of Indigenous heritage is often considered a form of violence against Indigenous peoples. [5] In order to combat the ongoing desecration of Indian burial grounds, Indigenous activists such as Maria Pearson pushed to expand protections of Indian burial grounds and other sites in the late twentieth century. [6] Their efforts culminated in the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA) of 1990, a bill passed to protect Indigenous cultural sites and respect the human remains and other sacred funerary items of Indigenous peoples. [6] Under NAGPRA, all federally funded government organizations are required to consult with the relevant Indigenous groups before beginning development on sites or after any unexpected cultural items are found. [6] Descendants of the relevant Indigenous groups must prove first their lineage, which has limited the scope and enforceability of NAGPRA. [6]
For many years, archaeologists have exploited Indigenous cultural sites without permission of the relevant tribes. [6] Human remains and other cultural items have been excavated and used for research and museum exhibitions. [6] Indigenous groups have argued that such excavations violate their right to self-determination. [7] NAGPRA has limited historians', archaeologists', and researchers' access to Indigenous cultural items; however, there are disputes over which items are covered under NAGPRA. [6] There must be compelling evidence that the objects are culturally relevant or associated with the burial process. [6] This can be challenging due to natural movement of objects over time in addition to the vagueness of the language in NAGPRA. [6]
Historically, developers in the United States have desecrated traditional Native American land including burial grounds to build homes, businesses, or exploit resources. In recent years, there has been a push to excavate and relocate Indigenous artifacts and bodies before developing on the land.
The Walmart corporation has been consistently criticized for their destruction of Indigenous cultural sites. [8] In 1998, the Wal-mart corporation discovered that they were constructing a new super-center on a mass grave of 154 Indigenous people. [8] [9] No care was taken towards the preservation of the site or bodies, and the bodies were removed as construction continued. [8] In 2015, 64 Indigenous bodies were found during Wal-mart construction in Hawaii, and the remains waited in a trailer for over 3 years before they were eventually reburied. [8]
In February 2020, President Donald Trump was criticized for blasting in the Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument in southwestern Arizona near the border of the United States and Mexico to clear the way for his border wall. [10] The site contains burial grounds and cultural sites belonging to the Tohono O’odham tribe and has been recognized by UNESCO as an ecological preserve. [10] The Trump Administration circumvented NAGPRA protections through federal waivers and did not consult with the Tohono O’odham tribe prior to beginning development. [10] In response to their actions, Ned Norris Jr, a representative of the Tohono O’odham asked "How would you feel if someone brought a bulldozer to your family graveyard and started uprooting the graves there? That is the relationship, the significance, that is the impact that we see happening here in that way." [10] He and other members of the tribe have called for buffer zones that would prevent further development on cultural and burial sites. [10]
Western culture often stereotypes Indigenous cultures as ancient and mystical, making them suitable agents to bring evil spirits, bad luck, and curses. [1] The first appearance of the Indian burial ground trope appeared in the novel The Amityville Horror by Jay Ansen (1977). The Amityville Horror was allegedly based on true events that occurred in Amityville, New York.[ citation needed ] Many of the first appearances of the Indian burial ground trope, such as in The Shining , are only briefly mentioned. [11] However, over time, the trope became more explicit in the plot of movies. [11]
After gaining popularity in the horror genre in the 1980s, the Indian burial ground trope became a source of irony, often referred to as a dead horse trope. [1]
The Lake Shawnee Amusement Park was founded in 1926 in West Virginia, and was a popular source of entertainment for the local coal mining population. The first known European settlers on that plot of land were the Clay family in late eighteenth century. [12] In 1783, three of the Clay children were killed by a Native American tribe. The Clay family sought vengeance and killed several Native Americans in retaliation. [12] Accidental deaths at the amusement park during the 1950s, and its closure after failing a health inspection, are claimed by paranormal enthusiasts to be the result of a supernatural curse on the land. [12] During the 1990s, workers found Native American artifacts on the site, and archeologists subsequently unearthed a total of 13 Native American bodies. The park now holds guided tours of the allegedly haunted location. [13] [14] [15] [16] The park was featured on several television shows such as Scariest Places on Earth (2002), Most Terrifying Places in America (2010), Most Terrifying Places (2019), [17] and Portals to Hell (2019). [18]
Critics of the Indian burial ground trope argue that it is deeply rooted in stereotypes and misrepresents Indigenous cultures. The Indian burial ground trope reinforces the outdated notion that Indigenous peoples are ancient, mystical, and prone to conjuring bad luck and evil spirits. Furthermore, it misrepresents the historic seizure of Indigenous lands and violence towards Indigenous bodies, artifacts and cultural sites.
Native American scholar Terri Jean speculates that the Indian burial ground trope gained popularity through five theories. [19] Her first theory is simply that the Indian burial ground trope was so successful in its early appearance, that others continued to use it as a reliable and lucrative plot device. [19] The second theory contrasts an Indian burial ground to a marked cemetery; it is much easier to unwittingly stumble upon an unmarked burial ground than a cemetery, so screenwriters use the trope out of convenience. [19] The third theory is that the trope grew out of deeply rooted racism toward Indigenous peoples and the belief that Indigenous people are evil and intruding upon the land that settlers stole from them. [19] The fourth theory states that the people fear the unknown, and since most people knew very little about Indigenous cultures in the twentieth century, the American people became wary and superstitious towards them. [19] The fifth and final theory argues that the Indian burial ground trope grew out of the excessive guilt of white settlers for the destruction of Indigenous peoples and cultures. [19] In this theory, the Indian burial ground trope is a manifestation of the fear that Indigenous groups will seek retribution for the atrocities committed over the past several centuries.
Other critics warn that stereotyping Indigenous groups results in ignorance and contributes to violence against these groups. [20]
The Tohono Oʼodham are a Native American people of the Sonoran Desert, residing primarily in the U.S. state of Arizona and the northern Mexican state of Sonora. The United States federally recognized tribe is the Tohono Oʼodham Nation. The Ak-Chin Indian Community also has Tohono O'odham members.
The Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA), Pub. L. 101-601, 25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq., 104 Stat. 3048, is a United States federal law enacted on November 16, 1990.
The Akimel O'odham, also called the Pima, are an Indigenous people of the Americas living in the United States in central and southern Arizona and northwestern Mexico in the states of Sonora and Chihuahua. The majority population of the two current bands of the Akimel O'odham in the United States is based in two reservations: the Keli Akimel Oʼodham on the Gila River Indian Community (GRIC) and the On'k Akimel O'odham on the Salt River Pima-Maricopa Indian Community (SRPMIC).
The Hia C-eḍ Oʼodham, also known as Areneños or Sand Papagos, are a Native American peoples whose traditional homeland lies between the Ajo Range, the Gila River, the Colorado River, and the Gulf of California. They are currently unrecognized at both the state and federal level in the United States and Mexico, although the Tohono Oʼodham Nation has a committee for issues related to them and has land held in trust for them. They are represented by a community organization known as the Hia-Ced Oʼodham Alliance. The Hia C-eḍ Oʼodham are no longer nomadic, and the majority today live in or near Ajo, Arizona, or the small settlements of Blaisdell and Dome near Yuma.
The Patawomeck are a Native American tribe based in Stafford County, Virginia, along the Potomac River. Patawomeck is another spelling of Potomac.
Terrol Dew Johnson (1973–2024) was a Tohono O'odham basket maker, sculptor, and health advocate, who promoted Indigenous food sovereignty to promote health and prevent diabetes.
The Association on American Indian Affairs is a nonprofit human rights charity located in Rockville, Maryland. Founded in 1922, it is dedicated to protecting the rights of Native Americans.
The Caddoan Mississippian culture was a prehistoric Native American culture considered by archaeologists as a variant of the Mississippian culture. The Caddoan Mississippians covered a large territory, including what is now Eastern Oklahoma, Western Arkansas, Northeast Texas, Southwest Missouri and Northwest Louisiana of the United States.
During the Pre-Hispanic period the early Filipinos believed in a concept of life after death. This belief, which stemmed from indigenous ancestral veneration and was strengthened by strong family and community relations within tribes, prompted the Filipinos to create burial customs to honor the dead through prayers and rituals. Due to different cultures from various regions of the Philippines, many different burial practices have emerged. For example, the Manobos buried their dead in trees, the Ifugaos seated the corpse on a chari before it was brought to a cave and buried elsewhere. The most common forms of traditional burials are supine pits, earthenware jars, and log coffins, and have been a topic of interest among Philippine archaeologists since the early 20th century.
Indigenous peoples of California, commonly known as Indigenous Californians or Native Californians, are a diverse group of nations and peoples that are indigenous to the geographic area within the current boundaries of California before and after European colonization. There are currently 109 federally recognized tribes in the state and over forty self-identified tribes or tribal bands that have applied for federal recognition. California has the second-largest Native American population in the United States.
Tohono O'odham Community College (TOCC) is a public tribal land-grant community college in Haivana Nakya, Arizona. As of fall 2023, TOCC's student body was 96 percent American Indian/Alaskan Native. Tohono O'odham Community College serves approximately 1174 students. As of 2012, the college's faculty and staff was 57 percent American Indian, half of whom were O'odham.
The Recognition of Native American sacred sites in the United States could be described as "specific, discrete, narrowly delineated location on Federal land that is identified by an Indian tribe, or Indian individual determined to be an appropriately authoritative representative of an Indian religion, as sacred by virtue of its established religious significance to, or ceremonial use by, an Indian religion". The sacred places are believed to "have their own 'spiritual properties and significance'". Ultimately, Indigenous peoples who practice their religion at a particular site, they hold a special and sacred attachment to that land sacred land.
The Greenville Rancheria of Maidu Indians of California is a federally recognized tribe of Maidu people in Plumas and Tehama Counties, California.
Depictions of race in horror films have been the subject of commentary by fans and academics. Critics have discussed the representation of race in horror films in relation to the presence of racist ideas, stereotypes and tropes within them. The horror genre has conversely also been used to explore social issues including race, particularly following popularization of social thrillers in the 2010s.
The Indigenous peoples of the North American Southwest are those in the current states of Colorado, Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and Nevada in the western United States, and the states of Sonora and Chihuahua in northern Mexico. An often quoted statement from Erik Reed (1666) defined the Greater Southwest culture area as extending north to south from Durango, Mexico to Durango, Colorado and east to west from Las Vegas, Nevada to Las Vegas, New Mexico. Other names sometimes used to define the region include "American Southwest", "Northern Mexico", "Chichimeca", and "Oasisamerica/Aridoamerica". This region has long been occupied by hunter-gatherers and agricultural people.
Donna L. Moody was a scholar, author, teacher, public speaker, Abenaki Repatriation and Site Protection Coordinator, and founder of the Winter Center for Indigenous Traditions.
Several Indigenous peoples who live on the United States–Mexico border have objected to the construction of a border wall on their territories and the militarization of the border by the United States government. The US–Mexico border crosses several Indigenous territories and divides these communities. The barrier erected between the United States and Mexico cuts through and/or affects at least 29 Indigenous tribes, which include Kumeyaay Nation and Tohono O'odham.
Funerary archaeology is a branch of archaeology that studies the treatment and commemoration of the dead. It includes the study of human remains, their burial contexts, and from single grave goods through to monumental landscapes. Funerary archaeology might be considered a sub-set of the study of religion and belief. A wide range of expert areas contribute to funerary archaeology, including epigraphy, material culture studies, thanatology, human osteology, zooarchaeology and stable isotope analysis.
Wana the Bear v. Community Construction (1982) was a court case decision by the California Court of Appeals that upheld the non-protected status of Native American burial grounds. The decision effectively allowed for the continued mass desecration of Native American burial sites, including looting, since they were not legally protected as cemeteries. The case is often referred to as a display of ethnocentrism in legal decisions.
Cal NAGPRA was an act created by the state of California which was signed into law in 2001. The act was created to implement the same repatriation expectations for state-funded institutions, museums, repositories, or collections as those federally supported through NAGPRA. Cal NAGPRA also supports non-federally recognized tribes within California that were exempt from legal rights to repatriation under the federal NAGPRA act.
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