Khartoum massacre | |
---|---|
Part of Sudanese Revolution | |
Location | Khartoum, Sudan |
Date | 3 June 2019 |
Target | Sudanese protesters |
Attack type | Mass murder |
Deaths | 128+ [1] |
Injured | 650+ injured [2] and 70 raped [3] [4] |
Perpetrators | Rapid Support Forces (RSF), [5] Janjaweed militias [4] and TMC security forces [4] |
Motive | Dispersing sit in camp |
The Khartoum massacre occurred on 3 June 2019, when the armed forces of the Sudanese Transitional Military Council, headed by the Lieutenant-General Abdel Fattah al Burhan of the Sudan Armed Forces and his deputy, Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the immediate successor organisation to the Janjaweed militia, [6] used heavy gunfire and tear gas to disperse a sit-in by protestors in Khartoum, killing over 100 people, [7] with difficulties in estimating the actual numbers. [8] [9] [10] At least forty of the bodies had been thrown in the River Nile. [11] Hundreds of unarmed civilians were injured, hundreds of unarmed citizens were arrested, many families were terrorised in their home estates across Sudan, [12] [8] and the RSF raped more than 70 women and men. [3] [4] The Internet was almost completely blocked in Sudan in the days following the massacre, making it difficult to estimate the number of victims. [13] [14]
In October 2019, during the 39-month planned transition to democracy, an official Khartoum massacre investigation commission was created as required under Article 7. (16) of the Sudanese August 2019 Draft Constitutional Declaration, [15] [16] under the authority of transition period Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok. [17] The commission is led by human rights lawyer Nabil Adib or Nabil Adib Abdalla and with no female members, to the objection of the No to Oppression against Women Initiative. [18]
Sudanese protests started in December 2018 after which the military removed Omar al-Bashir and established a Transitional Military Council which is headed by the Lieutenant-General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan.
On 11 April 2019, the military removed al-Bashir from power in a coup d'état and created a Transitional Military Council (TMC). Following intense protests, Awad Ibn Auf announced his resignation and said that he had chosen Lieutenant-General Abdel Fattah Abdelrahman Burhan to lead the TMC. [19] [20] Protesters supported by the Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) [21] [22] and democratic opposition groups engaged in street demonstrations, calling on the ruling Transitional Military Council to "immediately and unconditionally" step aside in favour of a civilian-led transitional government, and urging other reforms in Sudan. [23] For about two months the TMC engaged the SPA in dialogue and discussion on how to shift to a transitional government, disagreeing over whether the transitional government should be civilian-led or military-led. [24] And during the official discussions, there were many attempts on the TMC’s part to disperse protesters and clear the sit-in in front of the Military HQ in Khartoum. [25] [26] [27]
On 30 May, the SPA expressed concern that a lethal attack by the TMC was intended, stating that on 29 May, "two citizens including a pregnant lady were shot dead by the TMC forces." The SPA warned that military trucks of NISS, the RSF, and other state security forces were accumulating around the area of the sit-in. [28] On 1 June, the SPA said that it had reason to believe that the TMC was "planning and working to end the peaceful sit-in at the headquarters with excessive force and violence" after three people were killed in incidents on the fringes of the demonstration during the previous week. [29]
On 3 June 2019, the military armed forces of the TMC headed by the Sudan Armed Forces and the Rapid Support Forces, the succeeding front organization to the Janjaweed militia and NISS, together with other TMC forces [30] used heavy gunfire and tear gas as well as sound bombs aiming at dispersing the sit-in killing more than 100 [7] people with difficulties in estimating the actual number. [31]
Estimating the number of victims was difficult in the days following the massacre because of Internet blockage and the deployment of brutal military forces across the capital. The Internet in Sudan was almost completely blocked during and following the massacre, a signature move of the TMC, [13] [14] on which the Janjaweed militias had a wide presence throughout Khartoum and prevented documenting the number of victims. [32]
As of the evening of 4 June 2019, there were reports of a large number of victims in the field of the sit-in with difficulty evacuating them. There were several reports of bodies thrown into the Nile. [33] Hundreds of unarmed civilians were injured, hundreds of unarmed citizens were arrested, and many families were terrorized in their home estates across Sudan. [34] Seventy women and men were raped by the RSF according to doctors in Khartoum hospitals. [3]
On 9 June, witnesses reported the smell of rotten corpses coming from drainage channels and suspected that soldiers had thrown victims there.[ citation needed ]
In total, more than 200 military vehicles were used in the attack, with more than 10,000 soldiers and other unidentified personnel in police uniforms.[ citation needed ]
The following is a timeline of what took place in the Khartoum sit-in camp:
According to local resident and PhD student Mohammed Elnaiem, the first phase of the attack included discussion between RSF members and the regular army, and in the second phase, the army vehicles departed while RSF vehicles "drove through the barricades. [37] Following the massacre, some bodies were recovered that wore uniforms belonging to the Sudanese Army. Activists concluded that there had been army soldiers who refused to attack the protestors or had attempted to protect them, whereupon they too had been murdered. [38] Nahid Jabrallah attributed the murders to the RSF. [38] After the main attack, the RSF shot wounded protestors in three Khartoum hospitals. [37]
Sit-ins in Port Sudan, el-Gadarif and Sinja were also "raided and attacked by the RSF" on 3 June. [37]
France 24 documented evidence that the rapes of 70 women and men during the massacre [3] [4] were a deliberate campaign to "break the girls". [39] Nahid Jabrallah, founder of the Sima Centre for Women and Children's Studies, and other activists and journalists, stated that there were extensive testimonies of gang rapes and other sexual violence by the RSF during the 3 June attacks. Huma, an activist, said that RSF soldiers humiliated women by asking them to remove their underwear. [39] Online social network images showing women's underwear on a pole and a room full of women's clothing were considered "unverified" as of 20 June 2019 [update] . [39] Jabrallah stated that "everyone was threatened with being raped if they resisted the RSF's orders." [38]
International criminal lawyer Celine Bardet of We are not Weapons of War said that evidence gathering for the systematic use of sexual violence as a tool of war needed separate consideration to other evidence gathering, because of social stigma against women testifying about the events. Bardet said that, as of June 2019 [update] , evidence was being collected about "a fair amount of sexual violence" that might be used as evidence of an international crime, if the sexual violence were "systematic, targeted and [had] a specific objective". [39] Activist Dalia El Roubi stated that "the symbolism behind the rape of women is very substantial, it's aimed at breaking society" and that the sexual violence of the 3 June massacre was a deliberate action by the RSF to "break" communities in a similar way to which communities were "broken" in Darfur. [39]
Pramila Patten from the United Nations (UN) called for a UN human rights monitoring team to be sent to Sudan and for "rapes and gang rapes of protesters, women's rights defenders and women medical personnel working in hospitals near the sit-in" to stop. [40]
Hala al-Karib, writing in Al Jazeera English , said that local activists provided systematic support for the rape victims, "[extending] their hands to the hundreds of male and female sexual violence survivors and the families of those who were killed" with "discipline and the commitment to support the survivors of violence". [41] Al-Karib said that the activists "understood the root causes and politics behind sexual violence" and "approached sexual violence as a crime connected [to] power relations", while "not [undermining] how personal it is as a crime". Al-Karib criticised the lack of support from international "multimillion-dollar agencies and NGOs" with "fancy conference rooms to strategise in", stating that the "actors that are traditionally tasked with addressing sexual violence [remained] unable or unwilling to end Sudan's sexual violence epidemic and help its survivors achieve justice." [41]
On 12 June 2019, the Sudanese Doctors' Syndicate published a list of 104 people that were killed on or after 3 June, including 12 children. [42] The majority of the victims were killed by gunfire, while others were stabbed to death, burned, or had their skulls crushed after being run over by Janjaweed pick-up trucks. The list below includes the name of the victim (some unidentified), the date of death, age, hospital and cause of death as indicated by the Sudanese Doctors' Syndicate: [43]
No. | Name | Date of death | Age | Hospital | Cause of death |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Abdel Salam Keisha Adel Salam | 3 June | 25 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
2 | Mujtaba Salah Ahmed al-Hadi | 3 June | No data | Sit-in Field Clinic | Gunshot |
3 | Ali Mohammed al-Noor | 3 June | 25 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
4 | Said Mohammed Said | 3 June | 39 | Ibrahim Malik Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
5 | Mohammed Hashem Salah Matar (also: Mohamed Mattar) [44] | 3 June | 26 | No data | Gunshot |
6 | Salah Uddin Said al-Dawleh Abdurrahman Ali Taha | 3 June | 26 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
7 | Al-Numan Ragab Kafi | 3 June | 29 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
8 | Ahmed Mohammed Al-Faki | 3 June | 29 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
9 | Faiza Ahmed Othman | 3 June | 60 | Al Jawda Hospital | Gunshot |
10 | Murad al-Tijani Mohammed Haj al-Khader | 3 June | 6 | Alazhari | Gunshot |
11 | Huzaifa Mohammed Abdullah | 3 June | 15 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
12 | Burai Mutasem Saifuddin | 3 June | 18 | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
13 | Faisal Abdel Aziz Abdullah | 3 June | 38 | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
14 | Abbas Farah Abbas | 3 June | 27 | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
15 | Ismail Ali Abdel Hadi | 3 June | 42 | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
16 | Adam al-Doma | 3 June | 40 | El Mualim Hospital | Gunshot |
17 | Mahmoud Abdullah al-Amir | 3 June | 22 | Al-Arbaeen Specialized Hospital | Gunshot |
18 | Daw al-Beit Ibrahim Mokhtar | 3 June | 28 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
19 | Othman Abdeen Mahmoud | 3 June | 28 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
20 | Hanafi Abdel Shakour Hanafi | 3 June | 22 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Skull crushed after being run over by pickup truck |
21 | Khater Hussien Khater | 3 June | 21 | Al-Arbaeen Specialized Hospital | Gunshot |
22 | Othman Mohammed Qasem al-Said | 3 June | 20 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
23 | Munzer Yousef al-Amin | 3 June | 28 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot and crushed skull |
24 | Abdelwahab al-Said | 3 June | 54 | Mohamed bin Saleh Al Rajhi Charity Hospital | Gunshot |
25 | Saad Mansour Abdeen | 3 June | 20 | Libya Omdurman | Gunshot |
26 | Amro Ibrahim | 3 June | 25 | Asia Hospital | Stabbed to death |
27 | Oday Bashir Noori | 3 June | 14 | Al-Arbaeen Specialized Hospital | Gun |
28 | Walid Bakheet al-Taib | 3 June | 35 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
29 | Ibrahim Musa | 3 June | 51 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Body crushed after being run over by pickup truck |
30 | Othman Ibrahim Hussein | 3 June | No data | Bashair Teaching Hospital | No data |
31 | Mudther Idris Mohammed Zein | 3 June | 26 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
32 | Eid Farouq Ahmed | 3 June | 32 | Al Tamayoz Hospital | No data |
33 | Othman Hasab-Allah Sadiq | 3 June | 16 | Al Injaz Sudanese German Specialized Hospital | No data |
34 | Mohammed Fathi Ali Ibrahim | 3 June | 13 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | No data |
35 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | Omdurman Hospital | No data |
36 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | El Mualim Hospital | No data |
37 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | El Mualim Hospital | No data |
38 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile |
39 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | Royal Care International Hospital | No data |
40 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | Royal Care International Hospital | No data |
41 | Unidentified Person | 3 June | No data | Sit-in Field Clinic | No data |
42 | Ahmed Jaafar Mustafa Khogaly | 3 June | No data | Sit-in Field Clinic | No post mortem was done |
43 | Awad Said Atayia | 3 June | No data | Al Droshab | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile |
44 | Mahmoud Ahmed Abdelqayoum | 3 June | No data | Sit-in Field Clinic | No post mortem was done |
45 | Yaser | 3 June | No data | Sharg Alneel Hospital | Gunshot |
46 | Al-Wasileh Nader | 3 June | No data | Sharg Alneel Hospital | Gunshot |
47 | Rana Joun (she was pregnant) | 3 June | No data | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
48 | Mustafa al-Taj Mohammed Othman | 4 June | 19 | Rabak – block 5 | Gunshot |
49 | Burai Adam Yousef | 4 June | 19 | Rabak – block 10 | Gunshot |
50 | Al-Haj Suleiman | 4 June | 16 | Rabak | Gunshot |
51 | Moaz Abdullah | 4 June | 20 | Rabak – block 3 | Gunshot |
52 | Ayoub Mohammed Abkar | 4 June | 20 | Rabak – block 21 | Gunshot |
53 | Naji Khandouqy Eissa | 4 June | 8 | Rabak – block 5 | Gunshot |
54 | Mohanad Mohammed Fuad | 4 June | 14 | Hilt Koko | Gunshot |
55 | Haitham Anwar | 4 June | 15 | Royal Care International Hospital | Gunshot |
56 | Musaab Said Shagheel | 4 June | 23 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
57 | Mohammed Abdel Mahmoud Fadel Al-Mawla Said | 4 June | 32 | Best Care Hospital | Gunshot |
58 | Ezuddin Mohammed Bushra | 4 June | 41 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
59 | Sadiq al-Haj Ahmed Abkar | 4 June | 17 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
60 | Omar Mohammed Hussein Bahar | 4 June | 23 | Al-Bagair | Stabbed to death |
61 | Al-Amin Ismail Al-Amin | 4 June | 27 | Um bada Hospital | Gunshot |
62 | Hussam Said Al-Yazal | 4 June | 40 | Best Care Hospital | Gunshot |
63 | Lawal William Pak | 4 June | No data | No data | Gunshot |
64 | Jaddu Mohammed Barka Hamdan | 5 June | 22 | Best Care Hospital | Stabbed to death |
65 | Mujahed Jumaa Ramadan | 5 June | 24 | Sharg Alneel Hospital | Stabbed to death |
66 | Mohammed Al-Sir Khamees Ibrahim | 5 June | 22 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
67 | Amer Adam Yousef Abdelkarim | 5 June | 17 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
68 | Jumaa Ismail Ahmed Sharafuddin | 5 June | 35 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
69 | Mohammed Idris al-Fakki Jaddu | 5 June | 24 | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
70 | Baderuddin Rabei Mohammed Ali | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile |
71 | Unidentified Person | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
72 | Unidentified Person | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
73 | Saber al-Tijani Abdurrahman | 5 June | No data | No data | Gunshot |
74 | Al-Nazeer Abdurrahman | 5 June | No data | No data | Gunshot |
75 | Unidentified Person | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile (stone was tied to his leg) |
76 | Yaser Ali Mohammed Abdullah | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile (stone was tied to his leg) |
77 | Unidentified Person | 5 June | No data | No data | Gunshot |
78 | Mujahed Ezuddin Mohammed Naser | 5 June | No data | Al-Shifa Hospital | Gunshot |
79 | Othman Said Ahmed | 5 June | No data | No data | Gunshot |
80 | Mohammed Al-Mujtaba Abdurrahman Daweina | 5 June | No data | No data | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile |
81 | Mustafa Suleiman Abdullah Raoumeh | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot |
82 | Ali Fadel Al-Ati Ali | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot |
83 | Ali Saboun Hassan | 5 June | No data | Um bada Hospital | Gunshot |
84 | Sadiq Ibrahim Othman | 5 June | No data | Armed Forces Hospital (Al-Silah Al-Tibi Hospital – Khartoum) | Gunshot |
85 | Unidentified Person | 5 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot and body was pulled from the Nile |
86 | Mohammed Taj al-Sir Mohammed | 6 June | No data | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Stabbed to death |
87 | Abdel Aziz Said Amin | 6 June | No data | Sharg Alneel Hospital | Stabbed to death |
88 | Ghaboush Mubarak Adam | 6 June | No data | Um bada | Gunshot |
89 | Essam Mohammed Noor (Police officer) | 7 June | No data | Um bada – killed inside his house | Stabbed to death |
90 | Amro Anas Mohammed Al-Safi (Child) | 8 June | No data | Omdurman | Gunshot |
91 | Walid Abdurrahman Salem | 8 June | 37 | Bahri | Gunshot |
92 | Ayman Ousama | 9 June | 17 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
93 | Jaber-Allah Mohammed Muala | 7 June | 20 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Stabbed to death |
94 | Al-Maleeh Mohammed Muala | 7 June | 18 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Stabbed to death |
95 | Tajuddin al-Awal Darman | 7 June | 30 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Stabbed to death |
96 | Mohammed Suleiman Galfour | 7 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot |
97 | Mohammed Abdullah Mohammed | 8 June | 21 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Gunshot |
98 | Ibrahim Saleh Omar | 8 June | No data | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Stabbed to death |
99 | Othman Ibrahim Ishaq al-Qouni | 10 June | 12 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Hit by Machete |
100 | Al-Hasan | 10 June | No data | Royal Care International Hospital | 90% burns – 3 June |
101 | Samuel Emanuel | 10 June | No data | No data | No post mortem was done |
102 | Zamran Hasan Yousef | 10 June | 21 | Omdurman Teaching Hospital Mortuary | Skull crushed |
103 | Magdy Adam Babaker | 10 June | 22 | Bashair Teaching Hospital | Gunshot |
104 | Al-Moez Suleiman | 10 June | No data | Royal Care International Hospital | Buttstroke with a rifle on the head |
The military armed forces of the Transitional Military Council (TMC), including the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) led by Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo ("Hemedti"), [45] the immediate successor organisation to the Janjaweed militia, and others are widely attributed as being responsible for the attack. The Daily Beast attributed responsibility directly to RSF under Hemedti's command, based on videos, [46] testimonies by witnesses and interviews with civilian activists. [47] Three separate enquiries released statements to the media in late July 2019. On 27 July, an Attorney-General enquiry requested by the TMC attributed responsibility to "at least eight high-ranking officers" and stated a death toll of 87 and no rapes. [48] On 30 July, enquiries by the Darfur Bar Association and the National Umma Party attributed responsibility directly to the TMC, [49] [50] confirmed the occurrences of rapes as part of the event, [49] and stated a total death toll of 124 (from 3 to 20 June). [50]
On 27 July, Fathelrahman Saeed, the head of a committee appointed by the Attorney-General at the request of the TMC to investigate the massacre, stated that 87 people had been killed, 168 injured, no rapes had occurred and no tents had been burnt. Saeed stated that legal cases for crimes against humanity had been launched against eight unnamed high-ranking security officers. [48] The Sudan Forensic Doctors Union described the result of the enquiry as "poor and defective", and the FFC, the Sudanese Women's Union, the Sudanese Professionals Association and the Democratic Lawyers' Alliance rejected the report. Street protests took place in Khartoum in response to the report. [48]
The Darfur Bar Association (DBA) created a Truth and Fact-finding Committee to investigate the massacre, primarily the incidents of rape. [49] On 30 July, the DBA committee stated that eight rape victims were receiving psychological therapy; one in Omdurman had committed suicide as a result of the rape; one rape victim had been forced by social stigma to search for another home for her and her family. The DBA claimed that it had "ample evidence" of responsibility of TMC for the massacre and that the "decision to disband the sit-in" took place at a meeting including all TMC members, the Attorney-General, police chiefs and security directors. [49] The DBA committee argued that the Attorney-General enquiry was neither professional, independent nor impartial. [49]
The National Umma Party formed an enquiry committee led by Yousef El Amin. [50] On 30 July, El Amin stated that the sit-in was disbanded by "a large military force wearing RSF uniforms and riot police" and that the massacre had been "premeditated and planned". He stated that 47 victims of the massacre died on 3 June, with a total of 124 dying from 3 to 20 June. He confirmed rapes, throwing of bodies into the Nile, and burning of tents. [50]
Iyad el-Baghdadi, a human rights activist who became famous during the Arab Spring, argued that the governments of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) and Egypt supported the carrying out of the massacre. [51] Some of the military vehicles and equipment used in the massacre were manufactured in the UAE. [52] [51] The late May visits by TMC leader al-Burhan to the Egyptian president el-Sisi and to the de facto ruler of the UAE, Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan, and of the TMC deputy leader Dagalo to Mohammad bin Salman, the de facto ruler of Saudi Arabia, were interpreted by el-Baghdadi as encouragements for the TMC to cancel negotiations with the opposition and to carry out a massacre. [51] El-Baghdadi situates this in the general context of Saudi, UAE and Egyptian leaders being afraid of democratic movements. [51] Mahmoud Elmutasim, a political activist and doctor who graduated from the University of Khartoum, stated that Saudi Arabia and the UAE are opposed to the existence of democracies in the Middle East, since if "the idea of democracy itself [should] ever take root, or become widespread in the Middle East," then it would constitute a threat to the governmental systems of Saudi Arabia and the UAE. [52]
The New Arab and Middle East Eye similarly argued that "The blooded assault was launched shortly after top Sudanese generals visited Riyadh, Abu Dhabi and Egypt to secure support for their takeover, with observers arguing the transitional military council received a green light from the three powerful Arab states for their move". [53] [54] [55]
After news of the massacre, Egypt called for restraint and the UAE called for dialogue and an investigation into the massacre. Emirati Minister of Foreign Affairs Anwar Gargash stated "We are concerned about the massacre we've seen. We support calls for proper investigation". Gargash also called for dialogue which he hoped would prevail in Sudan, stating "The regional experience has taught us that the orderly and conservative transition of the state and its institutions is the only way to avoid years of chaos and loss". [56] [57]
The Political Agreement between the TMC and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) alliance for a Sudanese transition to democracy, which was initially agreed on verbally on 5 July 2019 [58] [59] and signed on 17 July, [60] [61] includes a plan for an independent Sudanese investigation into the 3 June Khartoum massacre "and related incidents of human rights violations committed against civilians or militaries". [61]
According to an anonymous military official present at negotiations for the initial verbal deal, quoted by The Christian Science Monitor , US negotiators led by Donald E. Booth proposed that TMC members be guaranteed immunity from prosecution in the investigation. The military official stated, "The Americans demanded a deal as soon as possible. Their message was clear: power-sharing in return for guarantees that nobody from the council will be tried." [62] In late July, the FFC requested that the constitutional declaration, a document intended to add details complementary to the political agreement, should give no immunity against prosecution to any civilian or military leaders of the transition institutions. [63]
The Draft Constitutional Declaration signed in August 2019 confirmed the creation of an independent investigation, and gave "procedural" immunity to all senior members of the transition institutions, which can be removed by a simple majority vote of the Transitional Legislative Council. On 21 September 2019, the transition period prime minister, Abdalla Hamdok, issued a decision to initiate the official Khartoum massacre investigation with a 7-member committee of lawyers, independent from all other state bodies, to be assigned to carry out the investigation. [64] The members of the men-only commission, headed by human rights lawyer Nabil Adib, were nominated on 20 October. [17] The No to Oppression against Women Initiative objected to the absence of women members on the commission. [18]
On 5 March 2020, an investigation by Physicians for Human Rights (PHR) stated that Sudanese security forces had planned the attack against pro-democracy stagings in Khartoum. The report said that the 3 June massacre was carried out using techniques by the Sudanese authorities in which they "purposefully pre-positioned" their units and armed them with tear gas and assault rifles before the attack was initiated. PHR stated, "Security forces' horrific tactics – sexual violence, including rape, use of tear gas, whips, batons, and live ammunition – killed and critically injured hundreds of civilians." [65]
On 4 June, the Transitional Military Council (TMC) cancelled all agreements reached during talks with the main opposition alliance on setting up a transitional administration. The sides had agreed on forming a parliament and a government that would prepare for elections after three years. [66] The leaders of the Declaration of Freedom and Change Forces (DFCF) opposition alliance, said an open-ended civil disobedience campaign would continue to try to force the council from power. [67] [66] [68] The leaders also added that there is no room for negotiations," as military leaders attempted to do damage control in the face of international criticism of Monday's indiscriminate killings. [4] [67]
On 5 June, Khartoum was tense with many roads barricaded by protesters, shops shut and streets mostly empty. Rapid Support Forces (RSF) vehicles were patrolling the streets in Omdurman, on the other side of the River Nile from Khartoum and firing into the air. [29] [69]
On 5 June, the United Nations Security Council met on at the request of Britain and Germany to hear a briefing from UN envoy Nicholas Haysom, who has been working with the African Union (AU) on a solution to the crisis in Sudan. But China, backed by Russia, blocked a bid to condemn the killing of civilians and issue an urgent call from world powers for an immediate halt to the violence. [70] The DFCF called on all countries and international organisations to stop dealing with Sudan's Transitional Military Council. They also called on the international community to start looking into "the ongoing violations and crimes committed by (TMC) in all cities and towns and to stop it immediately." As reported by the Central Committee of Sudan Doctors (CCSD), an organisation of medical volunteers, dozens of bodies were pulled from the Nile Wednesday and doctors said they had been weighed down with rocks in an attempt to hide the true death toll. [67] [11] [71] [72]
On 6 June, the African Union Peace and Security Department issued a statement suspending the participation of Sudan in all AU activities with immediate effect – "until the effective establishment of a civilian-led transitional authority," which it described as the only way to "exit from the current crisis". [73] [74]
On 9 June, normally a regular working day in Sudan, protesters launched a civil disobedience campaign aiming at removing the TMC. Four people were shot dead by the TMC forces in Khartoum. [75] [76] As roads were blocked, almost all formal and informal businesses were closed, including, banks, public transport and Khartoum International Airport, where several airlines cancelled their Sudan flights following the massacre and passengers were left waiting outside airport's departures terminal. [77] [78] [79] [80] The general strike was followed by about 60–100% of workers, varying between sectors, for a total of 3 days [81] [82] and was followed on 12 June by an agreement between the TMC and the opposition to free political prisoners, stop the strike, and resume negotiations. [82]
An online social media trend with the hashtag #BlueForSudan started several days after the massacre, representing solidarity for the protest movement, with blue signifying the favorite color of Mohamed Mattar, one of the victims of the massacre. [44]
Two were killed on the second anniversary of the massacre, the killing took place in front of the military headquarter, the Sudanese military issued a statement calling it an "unfortunate event". [83] Sudanese prime minister Abdallah Hamdok said he was shocked by the killings, calling it a "crime to use live bullets against peaceful protesters". [84]
The United Nations Secretary-General, António Guterres, condemned the use of excessive force by Sudan's security agents and said he was "alarmed" by reports that forces had opened fire inside a hospital.
On 4 June, Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States issued a statement on developments in Sudan. [85] "The Troika condemns the violent attacks in Sudan on 3rd June, which resulted in the killing and injuring of many peaceful civilian protesters. By ordering these attacks, the Transitional Military Council has put the transition process and peace in Sudan in jeopardy. We call for an agreed transfer of power to a civilian-led government as demanded by the people of Sudan. We welcome the statement of the Chairperson of the African Union (AU) and support the important role of the AU in solving the crisis in Sudan, including its demand for an immediate handover to a civilian-led government". "The Troika also expresses its serious concern over the TMC’s announcement that it will cease negotiations with the Forces for Freedom and Change, retract all previous agreements with them on formation of an interim government, and will hold elections within nine months. The people of Sudan deserve an orderly transition, led by civilians, that can establish the conditions for free and fair elections, rather than have rushed elections imposed by the TMC’s security forces". [86] [87]
On 3 June, the African Union issued the following statement "The Chairperson of the African Union Commission, Moussa Faki strongly condemns the violence that erupted today which led to reported deaths and several civilian injuries. In this regard, he calls for an immediate and transparent investigation in order to hold those all responsible accountable. The Chairperson calls on the Transitional Military Council to protect the civilians from further harm". "the Chairperson calls on all international partners to reinforce common efforts towards the immediate cessation of the violence and rapid resumption of negotiations for a political settlement. [88]
Many Sudanese artists designed and created pieces of art that show the scale of the massacre. Khalid Kodi from Boston College, United States, made a painting that depicts a Sudanese woman in front of the military headquarters, with the woman symbolising the women who were raped [3] by the RSF [38] during the massacre.
In 2021, the French book " Soudan. Année Zero " presented a detailed historical and sociological analysis of the weeks during the Sudanese revolution, that preceded the deadly assault and destruction of the site that protestors had occupied in front of the headquarters of the Armed Forces in central Khartoum. Part of this analysis of the Khartoum massacre are numerous pictures by Sudanese photographers who had documented the uprising until that point in time. [89]
The Janjaweed are an Arab nomad militia group from the Sahel region that operates in Sudan, particularly in Darfur, and eastern Chad. They have also been speculated to be active in Yemen. According to the United Nations definition, Janjaweed membership consists of Arab nomad tribes from the Sahel, the core of whom are Abbala Arabs, traditionally employed in camel herding, with significant recruitment from the Baggara.
The Sudan People's Liberation Movement–North, or SPLM–N, is a political party and militant organisation in the Republic of the Sudan, based in the states of Blue Nile and South Kordofan. The group's armed forces are formally known as the Sudan People's Liberation Army–North or SPLA–N. In 2011 when South Sudan broke away from Sudan to form a new country, most of the Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM) and Army (SPLA) left with it, leaving units remaining across the border in Sudan to form the SPLA–N.
The Rapid Support Forces is a paramilitary force formerly operated by the Government of Sudan. The RSF grew out of, and is primarily composed of, the Janjaweed militias which previously fought on behalf of the Sudanese government. Its actions in Darfur qualify as crimes against humanity in the opinion of Human Rights Watch.
The Sudanese Revolution was a major shift of political power in Sudan that started with street protests throughout Sudan on 19 December 2018 and continued with sustained civil disobedience for about eight months, during which the 2019 Sudanese coup d'état deposed President Omar al-Bashir on 11 April after thirty years in power, 3 June Khartoum massacre took place under the leadership of the Transitional Military Council (TMC) that replaced al-Bashir, and in July and August 2019 the TMC and the Forces of Freedom and Change alliance (FFC) signed a Political Agreement and a Draft Constitutional Declaration legally defining a planned 39-month phase of transitional state institutions and procedures to return Sudan to a civilian democracy.
The Transitional Military Council (TMC) was the military junta governing Sudan that was established on 11 April 2019, after the 2019 Sudanese coup d'état that took place during the Sudanese Revolution, and was formally headed by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, Inspector of the Armed Forces, after Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf resigned as leader one day following the coup.
Abdel Fattah al-Burhan Abdelrahman al-Burhan is a Sudanese army general who is the de facto ruler of Sudan. Following the Sudanese Revolution in April 2019, he was handed control of the military junta, the Transitional Military Council, a day after it was formed, due to protesters' dissatisfaction with the establishment ties of initial leader Ahmed Awad Ibn Auf. He served as chairman of the TMC until a draft constitutional declaration signed with civilians went into effect on the 17th of August and a collective head of state Transitional Sovereignty Council was formed, also to be initially headed by al-Burhan.
Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, generally referred to mononymously as Hemedti, Hemetti, Hemeti, or Hemitte, is a Janjaweed leader from the Rizeigat tribe in Darfur, who was the Deputy head of the Transitional Military Council (TMC) following the 2019 Sudanese coup d'état. Since 2013, Hemetti has commanded the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). He was considered by The Economist to be the most powerful person in Sudan as of early July 2019.
A series of political agreements among Sudanese political and military forces for a democratic transition in Sudan began in July 2019. Omar al-Bashir overthrew the democratically elected government of Sadiq al-Mahdi in 1989 and was himself overthrown in the 2019 Sudanese coup d'état, in which he was replaced by the Transitional Military Council (TMC) after months of sustained street protests. Following further protests and the 3 June Khartoum massacre, TMC and the Forces of Freedom and Change (FFC) alliance agreed on 5 July 2019 to a 39-month transition process to return to democracy, including the creation of executive, legislative and judicial institutions and procedures.
The Forces of Freedom and Change is a wide political coalition of civilian and rebel coalitions of Sudanese groups, including the Sudanese Professionals Association, No to Oppression against Women Initiative, MANSAM, the Sudan Revolutionary Front, the National Consensus Forces, Sudan Call, the Unionist Gathering, and the Sudanese resistance committees, created in January 2019 during the 2018–19 Sudanese protests. The FFC drafted a "Declaration of Freedom and Change" and "Freedom and Change Charter" which called for president Omar al-Bashir to be removed from power, which occurred after several more months of protest in the April 2019 Sudanese coup d'état. The FFC continued coordinating protest actions, and in July 2019, negotiated a power-sharing plan with the Transitional Military Council (TMC) for a transition to return to democracy. The agreement was signed on 17 July 2019.
The Darfur Bar Association is a Sudanese lawyers' organisation created in 1995. In 2020, the group received the Democracy Award for supporting marginalized people in advocating for their rights and providing legal assistance to vulnerable activists before and during protests in Sudan.
The Sudanese resistance committees or neighbourhood committees are informal, grassroots neighbourhood networks of Sudanese residents that started organising civil disobedience campaigns against the government of Omar al-Bashir in 2013 and became a major organised network playing a key role during the Sudanese Revolution.
The Transitional Sovereignty Council is the collective head of state of Sudan, formed on 20 August 2019, by the August 2019 Draft Constitutional Declaration. It was dissolved by Chairman Abdel Fattah al-Burhan in the October 2021 Sudanese coup d'état and reconstituted the following month with new membership, effectively changing it from a unity government to a military junta.
The Khartoum massacre investigation is an official investigation of the 3 June, 2019 Khartoum massacre and other human rights violations of the Sudanese Revolution, mandated under Article 7.(16) of the Sudanese August 2019 Draft Constitutional Declaration, to cover "violations committed on 3 June, 2019, and events and incidents where violations of the rights and dignity of civilian and military citizens were committed." The men-only investigation committee of the massacre, rapes and other human rights violations is headed by human rights lawyer Nabil Adib. The No to Oppression against Women Initiative protested against the men-only composition of the commission.
The 2019–2022 Sudanese protests were street protests in Sudan which began in mid-September 2019, during Sudan's transition to democracy, about issues which included the nomination of a new Chief Justice and Attorney General, the killing of civilians by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the toxic effects of cyanide and mercury from gold mining in Northern state and South Kordofan, opposition to a state governor in el-Gadarif and to show trials of Sudanese Professionals Association (SPA) coordinators, and advocating the dismissal of previous-government officials in Red Sea, White Nile, and South Darfur. The protests follow the Sudanese Revolution's street protests and civil disobedience of the early September 2019 transfer of executive power to the country's Sovereignty Council, civilian prime minister Abdalla Hamdok, and his cabinet of ministers. Hamdok described the 39-month transition period as defined by the aims of the revolution.
A civil war between two rival factions of the military government of Sudan, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) under Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) under the Janjaweed leader Hemedti, began during Ramadan on 15 April 2023. Fighting has been concentrated around the capital city of Khartoum and the Darfur region. As of 21 January 2024, at least 13,000–15,000 people had been killed and 33,000 others were injured. As of 5 July 2024, over 7.7 million were internally displaced and more than 2.1 million others had fled the country as refugees, | 2,170,592 refugees and many civilians in Darfur have been reported dead as part of the Masalit massacres.
The battle of Khartoum is an ongoing major battle for control of Khartoum, the capital city of Sudan, with fighting in and around the city between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), and the Sudanese Armed Forces. The battle began on 15 April 2023, after the RSF captured Khartoum International Airport, several military bases, and the presidential palace, starting an escalating series of clashes.
The Geneina massacre, also the Battle of Geneina, was a series of major battles for control of Geneina, the capital of West Darfur in Sudan, between the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and allied militias against Masalit self-defense militias and the Sudanese Alliance. The battles primarily lasted between April 24 and June 14, with major attacks and massacres by the RSF and allied militias on Masalit civilians in the city. After the killing of West Darfur governor Khamis Abakar on June 14, thousands of Masalit civilians were slaughtered in the city between June 14 and June 22 by the RSF and allied militias.
The siege of El Obeid was a siege in El-Obeid, North Kordofan, Sudan, during the 2023 Sudan conflict. The battle began on April 15, and saw the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) capture the El Obeid airport from the Sudanese Army contingent in the city. Throughout April and May, the Sudanese Army repelled several RSF assaults on the city, although by May 30, the RSF fully surrounded the city and laid siege to it.
The Battle of Kutum was a conflict during the War in Sudan which occurred in and around the town of Kutum in North Darfur. The Rapid Support Forces quickly overran the city, and carried out massacres in the city and the neighboring Kassab IDP camp. The group then attacked neighboring villages in early June.
The civil war in Sudan, which started on 15 April 2023, has seen widespread war crimes committed by both the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), with the RSF being singled out by the Human Rights Watch, and the United Kingdom and United States governments for committing ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity.
They say that some of the bodies were of men wearing Sudanese army uniforms," the human rights activist reports. Her analysis: "This means the militiamen also attacked some members of the army who showed solidarity with the demonstrators — either because they'd refused to participate in this crime, or because they were trying to protect women and girls from being raped. And so these men were murdered, too.