The Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity, Inc. (METCO, Inc.), based primarily in the metropolitan Boston, Massachusetts area, is the largest and second-longest continuously running voluntary school desegregation program in the United States. Begun in 1966, it is a national model for the few other voluntary desegregation busing programs operating in the early decades of the 21st century. [1] The program enrolls Boston resident students in Kindergarten through 12th grade into available seats in suburban public schools.
Conceived by Boston activists Ruth Batson and Betty Johnson, and Brookline School Committee Chair Dr. Leon Trilling, METCO launched in 1966 as a coalition of seven school districts, placing 220 students. The Massachusetts Racial Imbalance Act (RIA) of 1966, amended in 1974, is the legal basis for voluntary interdistrict transfers for the purpose of desegregation (such as METCO). Funding is almost entirely provided by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Over the years, the academic and social outcomes of the program have been praised, while the increasing gap between cost and funding, [2] and the negative experiences reported by students of color have been the subject of criticism.
As defined by the original METCO Grant, the purpose of the program is "to expand educational opportunities, increase diversity, and reduce racial isolation by permitting students in Boston and Springfield to attend public schools in other communities that have agreed to participate. The program provides students of participating school districts the opportunity to experience the advantages of learning and working in a racially, ethnically, and linguistically diverse setting." [3] The mission of METCO is two-fold: to give students from Boston's under-performing school districts the opportunity to attend a high-performing school and increase their educational opportunities, and to decrease racial isolation and increase diversity in the suburban schools.
Each suburban district operates its METCO program independently, [4] at the discretion of each city or town's School Committee. The METCO program is funded predominantly by a state line item allocated by the Legislature every year and distributed to each participating district by a formula related to the number of students enrolled. [5] The Department of Elementary and Secondary Education administers the grant and related reporting. The city of Boston does not contribute any money to METCO operations.
The majority of the funding goes to transportation, which is organized by each suburban school district. Other major budget items are salaries of dedicated METCO personnel in each district, and the central administration at METCO, Inc. [6] METCO, Inc. is the Boston-based 501(c)3 that oversees the recruitment, eligibility screening, and school assignment of Boston students. It also provides support services in Boston to METCO families.
Districts determine the number of “marginal seats” available in each grade, and request a corresponding number of student applicants from the METCO, Inc. central office. The METCO application policy was revised in 2019 to clarify eligibility for the program and the process by which students are referred from Boston to a participating school district, as well as the basis by which a district places students in open seats.
METCO Directors from each district formed an independent non-profit membership organization, the METCO Directors Association, for mutual support and professional development.
Some communities have active resident groups to provide funding and social support to Boston students. [7]
METCO was developed during a period of activism by Black parents, primarily mothers, in Boston to achieve educational equity through school desegregation. In 1963, the Boston branch of the NAACP demanded that the School Committee of Boston Public Schools acknowledge de facto segregation and commit to a series of reforms. The demands were presented by the chair of the Education Committee of the NAACP, activist Ruth Batson. A series of protests gained publicity; they included sit-ins, boycotts, and a self-funded desegregation program within the city called Operation Exodus. However, the Boston Public Schools continued to either deny that racial disparities existed, or to deny responsibility for them. [8]
The state of Massachusetts, on the other hand, did provide legal support for the protestors. The Racial Imbalance Bill was filed by State Representative Royal L. Bolling and passed in 1965 as Massachusetts General Law Chapter 76, Section 12A. This law authorized the withholding of funds from any public school deemed to be perpetuating “racial imbalance,” which was defined as having more than 50% non-white students. The law also enabled city and town school committees and districts to "help alleviate racial isolation" (defined as any public school where more than 70% of the student population is white) through voluntary cross-district enrollment.
In response to Civil Rights protests in the Southern United States, groups in the Boston suburbs (such as fair housing advocates, civil rights committees, the League of Women Voters, churches, and members of School Committees) began to conceive of programs to enroll Black students allowed under the Racial Imbalance Act. A group led by MIT Professor Dr. Leon Trilling (Chair of Brookline's School Committee) presented what they called the METCO initiative to Ruth Batson, then the director of the Massachusetts Commission Against Discrimination. She agreed to support the program as associate director alongside Joseph Killory, who took a leave from the Massachusetts Department of Education to serve as executive director. [9]
METCO filed for non-profit status in 1966 with Trilling as the chair of the board of directors. Among those also serving on the original Board of Directors were Paul Parks from the NAACP, arts educator Elma Lewis, Boston teacher John D. O'Bryant, Brookline School Superintendent Robert Sperber, Newton Superintendent Charles Brown, and Newton School Committee member Katherine Jones. The group received grants from the Carnegie Corporation and the U.S. Department of Education, and engaged a research group from Harvard to evaluate the program's initial effectiveness. [10]
The first 220 METCO students, individually recruited and interviewed by Batson, rode buses from Roxbury, North Dorchester, and the South End to their first day of school in seven participating school districts in Greater Boston: Arlington, Braintree, Brookline, Lexington, Lincoln, Newton, and Wellesley. [11]
Batson became the executive director of the program in 1968, and the Massachusetts State Legislature began funding the program through a yearly line item. Additional school districts applied to participate in METCO in the late 1960s, with the full cohort of 33 current districts signing on by 1972. Robert C. Hayden served as executive director from 1969 to 1973. [10]
Boston Public Schools teacher and community activist Jean McGuire became the executive director of METCO Inc. in 1973. She held this position for more than four decades, spanning the period of court-mandated desegregation in Boston and multiple waves of funding pressure [12] and local opposition. [4] In response to an order by the Massachusetts Department of Education in the mid-1990s, McGuire began actively recruiting Latino and Asian students to more accurately reflect the changing demographics in Boston .[ citation needed ]
In 2018, Milly Arbaje-Thomas assumed leadership of METCO, Inc. The organization has reformed the application process for families, changing from a waiting list reported to be 12,000 students long to an online lottery system. [13]
As of 2015 there are approximately 3,300 students enrolled in the program, [14] the majority of whom come from the city of Boston (about 150 come from the city of Springfield). As of 2001, approximately 4,300 students have graduated from the program since its founding. [1] In the 2010–2011 school year, 75.2% of METCO pupils were African American, 3.4% were Asian, 16.8% were Hispanic, and the remaining 5% were classified as multi-race or "other." The demographics of Boston's school district in 2003 were 35% African-American, 41% Hispanic, 13% White and 8% Asian. [15] As of 2010–2011, 33 of the 37 receiving districts remained "racially isolated" (over 70% white) while 4 receiving districts are "racially balanced" (50–70% white). [16]
There is evidence that METCO boosts academic success for Boston resident students. Students in the METCO program consistently graduate from high school at the same rate as their suburban classmates (nearly 100%), compared to around 65% of Boston Public Schools students. Around 88% of METCO students enroll in post-secondary education, equaling the graduation rates of receiving districts, above the state average of 81%, and far above the Boston average of 58%. [17] [18]
Grades and standardized test score data are more mixed. [19] [20] During most of its history, METCO did not use a lottery, and the demographic profile of METCO students does not match the profile of minorities in Boston. Without a randomized admission process (including tracking outcomes for those not selected), selection bias effects may account for most outcome differences with the Boston school population.
It has been reported both qualitatively and quantitatively that most families enrolled in METCO districts weigh the opportunity for an excellent education as far more important than decreasing racial isolation, although they acknowledge that as an important side factor. [21]
When METCO was initiated in 1966, receiving districts received a state grant covering transportation costs for students, and a tuition assessment set by receiving districts. Over time, the financial system evolved from one where receiving districts set tuition rates, to a "grant" system where a standard per-pupil grant of $3,925 (FY2017) is provided to receiving districts, almost all of which is used to fund METCO direct services with no money available for indirect general educational expenses. [22] The Boston School Committee does not pay METCO financial expenses, having passed a resolution supporting METCO upon the condition that Boston not contribute financially. [23] The consequence is that receiving districts must make up the gap in costs. [24] [25] [26]
Alumni of the program have frequently written and spoken about the adverse effects of long bus rides; being considered "other" compared to the white, resident students; racial microaggressions, slurs, and assaults; and lack of teachers of color to serve as role models. [27]
Alumni of the METCO program include politician John Barros, singer Michael Bivins, professional basketball player Bruce Brown, journalist Audie Cornish, [27] [4] politician Tito Jackson, politician Kim Janey, filmmaker Mike Mascoll, [4] politician Marilyn Mosby, [27] [4] author Danzy Senna, [28] and TEDx speaker Kandice Sumner.
Boston and Springfield are the two districts that send students to receiving communities.
A subset of school districts in the Boston area participate in METCO, typically those districts that are more affluent (and can subsidize the program).
Anna Louise Day Hicks was an American politician and lawyer from Boston, Massachusetts, best known for her staunch opposition to desegregation in Boston public schools, and especially to court-ordered busing, in the 1960s and 1970s. A longtime member of Boston's school board and city council, she served one term in the United States House of Representatives, succeeding Speaker of the House John W. McCormack.
Desegregation busing was a failed attempt to diversify the racial make-up of schools in the United States by sending students to school districts other than their own. While the 1954 U.S. Supreme Court landmark decision in Brown v. Board of Education declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional, many American schools continued to remain largely racially homogeneous. In an effort to address the ongoing de facto segregation in schools, the 1971 Supreme Court decision, Swann v. Charlotte-Mecklenburg Board of Education, ruled that the federal courts could use busing as a further integration tool to achieve racial balance.
John Anthony Volpe was an American businessman, diplomat, and politician from Massachusetts. A son of Italian immigrants, he founded and owned a large construction firm. Politically, he was a Republican in increasingly Democratic Massachusetts, serving as its 61st and 63rd Governor from 1961 to 1963 and 1965 to 1969, as the United States Secretary of Transportation from 1969 to 1973, and as the United States Ambassador to Italy from 1973 to 1977. As Secretary of Transportation, Volpe was an important figure in the development of the Interstate Highway System at the federal level.
John Frederick Collins was an American lawyer who served as the mayor of Boston from 1960 to 1968. Collins was a lawyer who served in the Massachusetts Legislature from 1947 to 1955. He and his children caught polio during a 1955 outbreak. He was reliant on a wheelchair and crutches the rest of his life. After partially recovering, he ran for mayor in 1959 as an underdog. He successfully portrayed himself as outside corrupt "machine politics" and was elected.
Kevin Hagan White was an American politician best known for serving as the mayor of Boston for four terms from 1968 to 1984. He was first elected to the office at the age of 38. He presided as mayor during racially turbulent years in the late 1960s and 1970s, and the start of desegregation of schools via court-ordered busing of school children in Boston. White won the mayoral office in the 1967 general election in a hard-fought campaign opposing the anti-busing and anti-desegregation Boston School Committee member Louise Day Hicks. Earlier he had been elected Massachusetts Secretary of the Commonwealth in 1960 at the age of 31, and he resigned from that office after his election as Mayor.
Restore Our Alienated Rights (ROAR) was an organization formed in Boston, Massachusetts by Louise Day Hicks in 1974. Opposed to desegregation busing of Boston's public school students, the group protested the federally-mandated order to integrate Boston Public Schools by staging formal, sometimes violent protests. It remained active from 1974 until 1976.
Boston Public Schools (BPS) is a school district serving the city of Boston, Massachusetts, United States. It is the largest public school district in the state of Massachusetts.
Ruth Marion Batson was an American civil rights activist and outspoken advocate of equal education. She spoke out about the desegregation of Boston Public Schools. She served as Chairman of the Public Education Sub-Committee of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) in 1953. Later, she served as the executive director of the Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity (METCO).
Freedom House is a nonprofit community-based organization in Roxbury, Massachusetts. Freedom House is located in an area sometimes referred to as Grove Hall that lies along Blue Hill Ave. at the border between the Roxbury and Dorchester neighborhoods of Boston. Although it was historically identified with Roxbury, Freedom House currently refers to itself as being located either in Dorchester or in Grove Hall.
Wendell Arthur Garrity Jr. was a United States district judge of the United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts notable for issuing the 1974 order in Morgan v. Hennigan which mandated that Boston schools be desegregated by means of busing.
Morgan v. Hennigan was the case that defined the school busing controversy in Boston, Massachusetts during the 1970s. On March 14, 1972, the Boston chapter of the NAACP filed a class action lawsuit against the Boston School Committee on behalf of 14 black parents and 44 children. Tallulah Morgan headed the list of plaintiffs, and James Hennigan, then chair of the School Committee, was listed as the main defendant.
The desegregation of Boston public schools (1974–1988) was a period in which the Boston Public Schools were under court control to desegregate through a system of busing students. The call for desegregation and the first years of its implementation led to a series of racial protests and riots that brought national attention, particularly from 1974 to 1976. In response to the Massachusetts legislature's enactment of the 1965 Racial Imbalance Act, which ordered the state's public schools to desegregate, W. Arthur Garrity Jr. of the United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts laid out a plan for compulsory busing of students between predominantly white and black areas of the city. The hard control of the desegregation plan lasted for over a decade. It influenced Boston politics and contributed to demographic shifts of Boston's school-age population, leading to a decline of public-school enrollment and white flight to the suburbs. Full control of the desegregation plan was transferred to the Boston School Committee in 1988; in 2013 the busing system was replaced by one with dramatically reduced busing.
The Citywide Educational Coalition (CWEC) is a tax-exempt, non-profit educational reform organization whose goal is to provide reliable and objective information on the Boston Public Schools to parents and citizens, enabling citizens to participate in policy making directly and through their school committee and increasing support for public education in Boston, Massachusetts.
Paul Parks was an American civil engineer. Parks became the first African American Secretary of Education for Massachusetts, and was appointed by Governor Michael Dukakis to serve from 1975 until 1979. Mayor Raymond Flynn appointed Parks to the Boston School Committee, where he was also the first African American.
Jean McGuire is an American educator and civil rights leader. She was the first African American woman to be elected to a seat on the Boston School Committee in 1981, during the Boston busing desegregation era. She helped found the Metropolitan Council for Educational Opportunity (METCO) in 1966 and served as its executive director from 1973 to 2016.
From 1974 to 1976, the court-ordered busing of students to achieve school desegregation led to sporadic outbreaks of violence in Boston's schools and in the city's largely segregated neighborhoods. Although Boston was by no means the only American city to undertake a plan of school desegregation, the forced busing of students from some of the city's most impoverished and racially segregated neighborhoods led to an unprecedented level of violence and turmoil in the city's streets and classrooms and made national headlines.
Royal Lee Bolling was a Massachusetts politician and head of a prominent African-American political family. While serving in the Massachusetts House of Representatives in 1965, he sponsored the state's Racial Imbalance Act, which led to the desegregation of Boston's public schools.
Florence Ruth LeSueur was an African-American civic leader, activist and the first woman president of an NAACP chapter. She was a champion of black rights in employment and education.
Leon Trilling, an aeronautical engineer and historian of technology, was professor emeritus in MIT’s Department of Aeronautics and Astronautics and the Program in Science, Technology, and Society, and co-founder of the Massachusetts Department of Education's statewide METCO Program. He retired from MIT in 1994 and in 1996, received the university's Martin Luther King Leadership Award “in recognition of his deep and enduring commitment to improving the quality of education for people of color.”
William Henry Ohrenberger was an American educator who served as superintendent of Boston Public Schools from 1963 to 1972.
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