North Carolina is currently divided into 14 congressional districts, each represented by a member of the United States House of Representatives. After the 2000 census, the number of North Carolina's seats was increased from 12 to 13 due to the state's increase in population. In the 2022 elections, per the 2020 United States census, North Carolina gained one new congressional seat for a total of 14. [1]
List of members of the United States House delegation from North Carolina, their terms, their district boundaries, and the district political ratings according to the CPVI. The delegation has a total of 14 members, with 7 Republicans, and 7 Democrats.
Current U.S. representatives from North Carolina | |||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|
District | Member (Residence) [2] | Party | Incumbent since | CPVI (2022) [3] | District map |
1st | Don Davis (Snow Hill) | Democratic | January 3, 2023 | D+2 | |
2nd | Deborah Ross (Raleigh) | Democratic | January 3, 2021 | D+12 | |
3rd | Greg Murphy (Greenville) | Republican | September 17, 2019 | R+15 | |
4th | Valerie Foushee (Hillsborough) | Democratic | January 3, 2023 | D+16 | |
5th | Virginia Foxx (Banner Elk) | Republican | January 3, 2005 | R+13 | |
6th | Kathy Manning (Greensboro) | Democratic | January 3, 2021 | D+4 | |
7th | David Rouzer (Wilmington) | Republican | January 3, 2015 | R+8 | |
8th | Dan Bishop (Waxhaw) | Republican | September 17, 2019 | R+20 | |
9th | Richard Hudson (Southern Pines) | Republican | January 3, 2013 | R+6 | |
10th | Patrick McHenry (Lake Norman of Catawba) | Republican | January 3, 2005 | R+22 | |
11th | Chuck Edwards (Flat Rock) | Republican | January 3, 2023 | R+8 | |
12th | Alma Adams (Charlotte) | Democratic | November 4, 2014 | D+13 | |
13th | Wiley Nickel (Cary) | Democratic | January 3, 2023 | R+2 | |
14th | Jeff Jackson (Charlotte) | Democratic | January 3, 2023 | D+6 | |
In 1981, the North Carolina General Assembly proposed a congressional redistricting plan that split Moore County between two districts, the first time a county in North Carolina had ever been thus divided. The Attorney General of North Carolina recommended revising the plan. [4]
After the 1990 census, the US Department of Justice directed North Carolina under VRA preclearance to submit a map with two majority-minority districts. The resultant map with two such congressional districts, the 1st and 12th, was the subject of lawsuits by voters who claimed that it was an illegal racial gerrymander. A three-judge panel of the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of North Carolina dismissed the suit, which was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court. On June 28, 1993, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Shaw v. Reno , found that the 12th congressional district was an unlawful racial gerrymander. Justice Sandra Day O'Connor's opinion found that if a district's shape, like the 12th's, was "so bizarre on its face that it is 'unexplainable on grounds other than race'", that it would be subject to strict scrutiny as a racial gerrymander, and remanded the case to the Eastern District of North Carolina.
On August 22, 1994, the Eastern District of North Carolina on remand in Shaw v. Hunt found that the 12th congressional district was a racial gerrymander (as the U.S. Supreme Court had directed), but ruled that the map satisfied strict scrutiny due to the compelling interest of compliance with the Voting Rights Act and increasing black political power. [5] This was again appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which reversed the Eastern District of North Carolina on June 13, 1996, and found that the North Carolina plan violated the Equal Protection Clause and that the 12th congressional district did not satisfy a compelling interest. [6]
North Carolina drew a new map following Shaw v. Hunt, and the new maps were challenged in turn. A three-judge panel of the Eastern District of North Carolina granted summary judgment that the new boundaries were an illegal racial gerrymander. [7] This was appealed to the U.S. Supreme Court, which in Hunt v. Cromartie on May 17, 1999, unanimously ruled that the Eastern District of North Carolina was in error to grant summary judgment and remanded the case for the court to hold a trial.
After the ensuing trial, the Eastern District of North Carolina ruled that the 12th district was an illegal racial gerrymander on March 7, 2000. [8] This was again appealed, now as Easley v. Cromartie . The U.S. Supreme Court on April 18, 2001, reversed the Eastern District of North Carolina and ruled that the 12th district boundaries were not racially based but was a partisan gerrymander. They said this was a political question that the courts should not rule upon. Justice O'Connor, the author of Shaw v. Hunt, was the swing justice who switched sides to uphold the district boundaries.
In February 2016, a three-judge panel of U.S. Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit and Middle District of North Carolina judges ruled that the 1st and 12th congressional districts' boundaries were unconstitutional and required new maps to be drawn by the legislature to be used for the 2016 election. [9] On 22 May 2017, the U.S. Supreme Court, in Cooper v. Harris , agreed that the 1st and 12th congressional district boundaries were unlawful racial gerrymanders, the latest in a series of cases dating back to 1993 by different parties challenging various configurations of those districts since their first creation. [10] [11]
In January 2018 a federal court struck down North Carolina's congressional map, declaring it unconstitutionally gerrymandered to favor Republican candidates. The court ordered that the General Assembly must redraw the district maps prior to the 2018 elections. [12] However, the U.S. Supreme Court stayed the federal court order pending review, [13] and in June 2019, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in Rucho v. Common Cause , by a 5–4 vote, that partisan gerrymandering is a "political question" that the federal courts have no place to rule on. [14] [15]
On September 3, 2019, a three-judge panel in a 357-page ruling unanimously struck down the Republican-led state legislature drawn 2017 enacted maps, [17] which were drawn to replace the 2011 maps which were also ruled unconstitutional and thrown out on racial grounds. [18] The court ruled that the state House and state Senate districts maps were such an extreme partisan gerrymander that they violated the state constitution. In the ruling the state legislature was ordered by the court to immediately start drawing new maps; the court demanded that they be drawn based on criteria like population, contiguity, and county lines. Districts had to be drawn without "partisan considerations and election results data," and done so in plain view, a departure from the closed-door processes the ruling eschews. "At a minimum, that would require all map drawing to occur at public hearings, with any relevant computer screen visible to legislators and public observers." The judges said the new maps had to be completed in two weeks; they also said they reserved the right to move the 2020 primary election if needed. [19]
In October 2019, a panel of three judges ruled that the map was an unfair partisan gerrymander and had to be redrawn. [20] On November 15, 2019, the General Assembly passed a bill that drew new districts that were used for the 2020 elections. The 2nd and 6th congressional districts were drawn to be more favorable to Democrats under the new proposal. [21] On December 2, 2019, a three-judge panel ruled that newly Republican-drawn congressional district maps completed in November 2019 would stand for federal elections in 2020. The maps allowed to stay in place would only be used once. After the 2020 census, the congressional districts would have to be redrawn again. [22]
On February 4, 2022, the North Carolina Supreme Court struck down the congressional and state legislative district maps drawn by the GOP-controlled General Assembly as an unconstitutional partisan gerrymander in a 4–3 ruling, after a testimony had shown that Republicans were likely to win 10 out of 14 U.S. House seats under the proposed map, an increase from the eight out of 13 that they won in the 2020 elections. New maps, which were ordered to be fair in partisan composition, had to be drawn by the General Assembly within two weeks, under state law. [23]
On February 23, 2022, a panel of three former judges chosen by the Wake County Superior Court drew and approved a new remedial congressional map after the court, earlier that day, struck down the congressional district maps passed by the General Assembly on February 17, 2022, as not meeting standards of partisan fairness. The new maps, which were upheld by the North Carolina Supreme Court later in the night, would apply for the 2022 elections. The General Assembly would then be able to redraw new congressional maps for use in 2024 and subsequent elections until new maps will have to be redrawn for 2032. [24] [25]
On April 28, 2023, the North Carolina Supreme Court—after Republicans gained a majority in the court following the 2022 judicial elections—overturned the same ruling in a 5–2 decision, which cleared the way for gerrymandering in the next redistricting cycle. [26] [27] On October 25, 2023, new maps were approved by the General Assembly. All three new maps heavily favor the GOP, with allegations of racial bias made against the maps as well. Compared to the congressional map used in the 2022 elections, the GOP is expected to at least gain three seats in the House. [28] [29] [30]
In December 2023, two lawsuit were filed in the Middle District of North Carolina, with the first challenging the 1st, 6th, 12th, and 14th congressional districts in the map, [31] [32] and the second, challenging multiple specific districts in the congressional and state legislative district maps, as racial gerrymanders. [33] [34] [35] Both lawsuits were consolidated together in March 2024. [36] [37]
Table of United States congressional district boundary maps in the State of North Carolina, presented chronologically. [38] All redistricting events that took place in North Carolina between 1973 and 2013 are shown, congressional composition is listed on the right.
Hunt v. Cromartie, 526 U.S. 541 (1999), was a United States Supreme Court case regarding North Carolina's 12th congressional district. In an earlier case, Shaw v. Reno, 509 U.S. 630 (1993), the Supreme Court ruled that the 12th district of North Carolina as drawn was unconstitutional because it was created for the purpose of placing African Americans in one district, thereby constituting illegal racial gerrymandering. The Court ordered the state of North Carolina to redraw the boundaries of the district.
Ohio is divided into 15 congressional districts, each represented by a member of the United States House of Representatives. After the 2010 census, Ohio, which up until then had 18 districts, lost two House seats due to slow population growth compared to the national average, and a new map was signed into law on September 26, 2011. Starting in the 2022 midterms, per the 2020 United States census, Ohio lost its 16th congressional seat, ending up with its current 15 districts.
South Carolina's 1st congressional district is a coastal congressional district in South Carolina, represented by Republican Nancy Mace since January 3, 2021. She succeeded Democrat Joe Cunningham, having defeated him in the 2020 election. Cunningham was the first Democrat to represent the district since the 1980s.
There are currently seven United States congressional districts in South Carolina. There have been as few as four and as many as nine congressional districts in South Carolina. The 9th district and the 8th district were lost after the 1840 census. The 5th district and the 6th district were also briefly lost after the Civil War, but both had been regained by the 1880 census. Because of the state population growth in the 2010 census, South Carolina regained its 7th district, which had remained unused since the Civil War.
After the 2000 census, the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania was divided into 19 congressional districts, decreasing from 21 due to reapportionment.
Florida is divided into 28 congressional districts, each represented by a member of the United States House of Representatives. After the 2020 census, the number of Florida's seats was increased from 27 to 28, due to the state's increase in population, and subsequent reapportionment in 2022.
Virginia is currently divided into 11 congressional districts, each represented by a member of the United States House of Representatives.
North Carolina's 1st congressional district is located in the northeastern part of the state. It consists of many Black Belt counties that border Virginia and it extends southward into several counties of the Inner Banks and the Research Triangle. It covers many rural areas of northeastern North Carolina, among the state's most economically poor, as well as outer exurbs of urbanized Research Triangle. It contains towns and cities such as Greenville, Rocky Mount, Wilson, Goldsboro, Henderson, and Roanoke Rapids.
North Carolina's 12th congressional district is a congressional district located in the northern and eastern portions of Charlotte as well as surrounding areas in Mecklenburg County and Cabarrus County represented by Democrat Alma Adams. Prior to the 2016 elections, it was a gerrymandered district located in central North Carolina that comprised portions of Charlotte, Winston-Salem, Greensboro, Lexington, Salisbury, Concord, and High Point.
Gerrymandering is the practice of setting boundaries of electoral districts to favor specific political interests within legislative bodies, often resulting in districts with convoluted, winding boundaries rather than compact areas. The term "gerrymandering" was coined after a review of Massachusetts's redistricting maps of 1812 set by Governor Elbridge Gerry noted that one of the districts looked like a mythical salamander.
The National Democratic Redistricting Committee (NDRC) is a US organization that focuses on redistricting and is affiliated with the Democratic Party. The organization coordinates campaign strategy, directs fundraising, organizes ballot initiatives and files lawsuits against state redistricting maps. At launch, the organization announced that it intends to support Democratic candidates for local and state offices in order for them to control congressional map drawing in the redistricting cycle following the 2020 United States census.
The 2020 United States redistricting cycle is in progress following the completion of the 2020 United States census. In all fifty states, various bodies are re-drawing state legislative districts. States that are apportioned more than one seat in the United States House of Representatives are also drawing new districts for that legislative body.
REDMAP is a project of the Republican State Leadership Committee of the United States to increase Republican control of congressional seats, as well as state legislatures, largely through manipulating electoral district boundaries. The project has made effective use of partisan gerrymandering by relying on previously unavailable mapping software, such as Caliper Corporation's Maptitude to improve the precision with which district lines are strategically drawn. The strategy was focused on swing blue states like Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, North Carolina, and Wisconsin, where there was a Democratic majority, but which they could swing towards Republican with appropriate redistricting. The project was launched in 2010 and estimated to have cost the Republican party around US$30 million.
Benisek v. Lamone, 585 U.S. ____ (2018), and Lamone v. Benisek, 588 U.S. ____ (2019), were a pair of decisions by the Supreme Court of the United States in a case dealing with the topic of partisan gerrymandering arising from the 2011 Democratic party-favored redistricting of Maryland. At the center of the cases was Maryland's 6th district which historically favored Republicans and which was redrawn in 2011 to shift the political majority to become Democratic via vote dilution. Affected voters filed suit, stating that the redistricting violated their right of representation under Article One, Section Two of the U.S. Constitution and freedom of association of the First Amendment.
Rucho v. Common Cause, No. 18-422, 588 U.S. 684 (2019) is a landmark case of the United States Supreme Court concerning partisan gerrymandering. The Court ruled that while partisan gerrymandering may be "incompatible with democratic principles", the federal courts cannot review such allegations, as they present nonjusticiable political questions outside the jurisdiction of these courts.
Thomas Brooks Hofeller was a Republican political strategist primarily known for his involvement in gerrymandering electoral district maps favorable for Republicans. David Daley of The New Yorker referred to Hofeller as "the master of the modern gerrymander." According to The New York Times, Hofeller's "mastery of redistricting strategy helped propel the Republican Party from underdog to the dominant force in state legislatures and the United States House of Representatives."
Redistricting in North Carolina has been a controversial topic due to allegations and admissions of gerrymandering.
Moore v. Harper, 600 U.S. 1 (2023), is a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States that rejected the independent state legislature theory (ISL), a theory that asserts state legislatures have sole authority to establish election laws for federal elections within their respective states without judicial review by state courts, without presentment to state governors, and without constraint by state constitutions. The case arose from the redistricting of North Carolina's districts by its legislature after the 2020 United States census, which the state courts found to be too artificial and partisan, and an extreme case of gerrymandering in favor of the Republican Party.
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Alexander v. South Carolina State Conference of the NAACP, 602 U.S. ___ (2024), was a United States Supreme Court case regarding racial gerrymandering and partisan gerrymandering within South Carolina's 1st congressional district, which includes most of Charleston.