Population Control Law | |
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Pyidaungsu Hluttaw | |
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Passed by | Thein Sein |
Passed | 27 April 2015 |
Enacted | 19 May 2015 |
Status: Current legislation |
Religious Conversion Law | |
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Pyidaungsu Hluttaw | |
| |
Enacted by | Thein Sein |
Enacted | 26 August 2015 |
Status: Current legislation |
Interfaith Marriage Law | |
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Pyidaungsu Hluttaw | |
| |
Enacted by | Thein Sein |
Enacted | 26 August 2015 |
Status: Current legislation |
Monogamy Law | |
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Pyidaungsu Hluttaw | |
| |
Enacted by | Thein Sein |
Enacted | 31 August 2015 |
Status: Current legislation |
The 2015 Race and Religion Protection Laws are a series of 4 controversial laws passed in Myanmar. The laws were drafted in 2013 and pushed by the Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion, or Ma Ba Tha. [1] They include the Population Control Law, the Mongogamy Law, the Religious Conversion Law, the Interfaith Marriage Law (also called the Special Marriage Law). [2]
The Buddhist nationalist 969 Movement formed in the early 2010s in opposition to what they see as Islam's expansion in Myanmar, a predominantly Buddhist country. The movement was led by Ashin Wirathu, a Buddhist monk called "The Face of Buddhist Terror" by Time magazine. [3] On 20 March 2013, tensions between Buddhist and Muslim ethnic groups in Meiktila, Mandalay Region turned violent. The 2013 Myanmar anti-Muslim riots quickly escalated with mobs attacking and torching Muslim houses, mosques and schools across Mandalay Region. [4] [5] While these riots may not have been incited by the 969 movement, many nationalistic monks "rode the wave" and began to incite greater tensions between Buddhists and Muslims. [6]
In 2014, the State Sangha Maha Nayaka Committee prohibited the use of '969' for political uses. [7] The committee issued an order on 2 September prohibiting the creation of formal 969 organizations. The committee did not object to the promotion of 969 ideology but found that drafting proposed laws had gone too far. [8] Wirathu rejected the order calling the committee undemocratic citing that the committee was created by the former military regime to control the monkhood. [9] Later, the Committee for the Protection of Race and Religion (Ma Ba Tha) was created and began formally lobbying for laws to regulate religious conversion. [1] Particularly the 969 movement sought to pass a law forbidding Buddhist women from marrying non-Buddhist men without the permission of local officials. [10]
The four laws had been prominent within domestic politics since mid-2013 and reached parliament in late 2014 in the midst of nationalist sentiment. As the November 2015 election approached, President Thein Sein faced pressure to sign them into law from both Ma Ba Tha and his nationalistic Union Solidarity and Development Party. Ma Ba Tha further pressured parliamentarians by asking their congregations not to vote for "traitors" who did not support the laws. [11]
The Health Care in the Adjustment of Population Increase Law (Burmese : လူဦးရေတိုးပွားနှုန်းထိန်းညှိခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ကျန်းမာရေးစောင့်ရှောက်မှုဥပဒေ) was signed by President Thein Sein on 19 May 2015 [12] despite several objections from domestic activists and international organizations. [13]
The law's objectives, as written, are to enable the Ministry of Health to alleviate poverty and provide healthcare relating to "the adjustment of population increase" in socioeconomically underdeveloped regions. The law requires the Ministry of Health to provide assistance, various administrative and healthcare services and medical distribution to areas determined to need healthcare. Areas are determined to need healthcare if population growth, population density, increased fertility rates or migration is currently or expected to be high. [12] Local governments are given the authority to request this assistance to limit reproductive rates in areas where an "imbalance between population and resources" negatively impacts regional development. Of the provisions applied onto the area, the most controversial was that women would be required to space the birth of their children 36 months apart. [2]
The law was criticized by the United Nations Population Fund as coercive birth-spacing requirements could violate women's human rights. [14] Furthermore, the law only imposes these restrictions on certain regions and could be triggered discriminatorily towards areas with a high Muslim population. [15]
The Religious Conversion Law (Burmese : ကိုးကွယ်ရာဘာသာကူးပြောင်းခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေ) was signed by President Thein Sein on 26 August 2015. [16]
The law establishes Scrutiny and Registration Boards in each township and requires any citizen of Myanmar wishing to convert to be (1) at least 18 years old, (2) submit a complete application to the Scrutiny and Registration Board and (3) pass an interview with the Board. [16] The Board can have the applicant engage in religious studies up to 180 days from the application before willing converts are given a certificate of conversion. In Chapter 6, the law further prescribes punishments for forced conversions or converts who convert with the intention of "insulting, degrading, destroying or misusing a religion". [2]
The law's requirement for local government officials to approve conversion applications was a cause for concern to many rights groups. Human Rights Watch called the law discriminatory and incompatible with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. [17] Amnesty International expressed concerns that given the rise of religious tensions, authorities could abuse this law and further harass minorities. [18]
The Myanmar Buddhist Women's Special Marriage Law (Burmese : မြန်မာဗုဒ္ဓဘာသာဝင်မိန်းမများ အထူးထိမ်းမြားခြင်းဆိုင်ရာ ဥပဒေ) was signed into law alongside the Religious Conversion Law by Thein Sein on 26 May 2015. [19] This law was perhaps one of the most controversial as the primary law lobbied for by Ma Ba Tha and as the most explicit law protecting Buddhism specifically. [20] [21] The law passed 524 to 44 in a joint session of the Pyidaungsu Hluttaw, Myanmar's legislative body. [22]
The law explicitly aims to protect the rights of Myanmar Buddhist women marrying a non-Buddhist man, defining a Myanmar Buddhist women as a citizen woman who professes the Buddhist faith or is a woman born of parents who profess the faith unless the woman has officially converted through the Religious Conversion Law. [19] Unlike the Religious Conversion Law, the Interfaith Marriage Law requires legal adults to have parental consent if the woman is under 20 years of age. [2] The Interfaith Marriage Law further allows local townships to publicly display the application for interfaith marriage for 14 days and allows any objections to the marriage to go to local court. Beyond the increased administrative burden placed on interfaith marriages, the law further requires the non-Buddhist husband to respect the free practice of his spouse's Buddhism, including displaying Buddha images, and denies him any joint property or custody if he divorces his Buddhist wife. A non-Buddhist husband is required to disassociate from his original family with all property upon his death going to his Buddhist wife and children. [22]
Amnesty International criticized the law for blatantly discriminating on both religious and gender grounds as well as relying on stereotypes that Buddhist women are vulnerable to forced conversion by non-Buddhist husbands. [18] The Human Rights Watch (HRW) criticized the violation of Myanmar's treaty obligations under international law, specifically the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women requiring signatories to eliminate discrimination against women in matters relating to marriage. The HRW further cites International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, which Myanmar did not sign for its clause to uphold the right to marry without discrimination on religious grounds. [22]
The Law Relating to the Monogamous System (Burmese : တစ်လင်တစ်မယားစနစ် ကျင့်သုံးခြင်းဆိုင်ရာဥပဒေ, lit. 'Law Regarding the Practice of One Husband One Wife System') was signed into law by President Thein Sein on 31 August 2015 [23] as the last of the four Race and Religion Protection Laws after being briefly sent back to the Hluttaw on 21 August 2015. [24] The law was criticized for its potential abuse to arbitrarily interfere with privacy and family affairs. [18] The government denied that it was aimed at Muslims, some of whom practice polygamy. [25]
The law applies makes it a criminal offense to have more than one spouse or live with an unmarried partner while either has a spouse. The person who enters into another marriage or illegal extramarital affair will have committed the criminal act of polygamy or conjugal infidelity. It mentions religion by stating that marriage conducted in accordance with any law, religion or custom shall only be legal if it is monogamous. Chapter 3 further explicitly repeats this three more times for Buddhists, Buddhist women and non-Buddhist men and for non-Buddhists. [23] The law is applied beyond citizens by including residents in Myanmar and foreigners married to a citizen. [2]
Amnesty International criticized the law for its unclear purpose since polygamy is already criminalized in Article 494 of the Penal Code including the criminalization of extramarital affairs. The law further lacks provisions for children of polygamous marriages or for transgender or intersex individuals. [26]
The first of the four laws, the Population Control Law, was passed in the wake of increase pressure from international organizations and foreign governments on the Government of Myanmar to alleviate discriminatory conditions for the persecuted Rohingya people, causing many to fear that the law is designed to target the Rohingya. [15] Amnesty International's analysis of the Religious Conversion Bill found it unclear if the bill would apply to non-citizens like the Rohingya. [18]
Many concerns raised were on the grounds of implementation and enforcement. While the laws where still drafts, Amnesty International and the International Commission of Jurists stated that the Population Control Law and the Monogamy Law required significant revisions, including safeguards, to ensure that they would not be used discriminatorily. [26] The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission, when asked about whether non-citizens would be burdened with bills only targeting citizens, was unable to conclusively dissuade concerns that non-citizens would be targeted by the four laws. [11]
Several rights organizations, including Amnesty International [18] and Human Rights Watch, [1] urged President Thein Sein to reject the laws and refuse to sign them.
The laws also generally saw criticism on its violations of religious freedom, human rights and international conventions that Myanmar had ratified. Ma Ba Tha, who lobbied for the laws, defends the laws as a way to protect the country against Muslim whom they accuse of trying to take over Myanmar by outbreeding the Buddhist majority. [27] Organizations like Amnesty International stated that beyond giving the state more powers to discriminate against women and minorities, they would also ignite further ethnic tension. [18] Human Rights Watched stated that the laws would entrench religious discrimination and expressed concern that the many local boards set up by the laws would be disproportionately or exclusively ethnic Burman Buddhist officials. Beyond discriminatory bias, such local groups could stoke communal tensions. [28] Furthermore, the laws were criticized for relying on gender discriminatory narratives associating women with purity. Furthermore, many regard the language and focus on religion and interfaith marriages as evidence of the bill as an attempt to legalize discrimination. [11]
Since the laws' passing in 2015, the country has undergone many religious and ethnic conflicts including the 2017 Rohingya genocide and the 2021-2022 Myanmar civil war. While the four laws remain in effect, they have been rarely applied. This may be due to the new 2015-2020 National League for Democracy government coming into power shortly after the laws were passed. Many townships do not have the Scrutiny and Registration Boards as required by the Religious Conversion Law set up. [29]
Human rights in Myanmar under its military regime have long been regarded as among the worst in the world. In 2022, Freedom House rated Myanmar’s human rights at 9 out 100.
The Rohingya people are a stateless Indo-Aryan ethnic group who predominantly follow Islam and reside in Rakhine State, Myanmar. Before the Rohingya genocide in 2017, when over 740,000 fled to Bangladesh, an estimated 1.4 million Rohingya lived in Myanmar. Described by journalists and news outlets as one of the most persecuted minorities in the world, the Rohingya are denied citizenship under the 1982 Myanmar nationality law. There are also restrictions on their freedom of movement, access to state education and civil service jobs. The legal conditions faced by the Rohingya in Myanmar have been compared to apartheid by some academics, analysts and political figures, including Nobel laureate Bishop Desmond Tutu, a South African anti-apartheid activist. The most recent mass displacement of Rohingya in 2017 led the International Criminal Court to investigate crimes against humanity, and the International Court of Justice to investigate genocide.
The Irrawaddy is a news website by the Irrawaddy Publishing Group (IPG), founded in 1990 by Burmese exiles living in Thailand. From its inception, The Irrawaddy has taken an independent stance on Burmese politics. As a publication produced by former Burmese activists who fled violent crackdowns on anti-military protests in 1988, it has always been closely associated with the pro-democracy movement, although it remains unaffiliated with any of the political groups that have emerged since the 8888 Uprising.
There is a history of persecution of Muslims in Myanmar that continues to the present day. Myanmar is a Buddhist majority country, with significant Christian and Muslim minorities. While Muslims served in the government of Prime Minister U Nu (1948–63), the situation changed with the 1962 Burmese coup d'état. While a few continued to serve, most Christians and Muslims were excluded from positions in the government and army. In 1982, the government introduced regulations that denied citizenship to anyone who could not prove Burmese ancestry from before 1823. This disenfranchised many Muslims in Myanmar, even though they had lived in Myanmar for several generations.
Myanmar has been under the rule of repressive authoritarian military regimes since 1962. After the 1974 Socialist constitution was suspended in 1988, constitutional protection of religious freedom has not existed, after the bloody suppression of the 8888 Uprising. The authorities generally permitted most adherents of registered religious groups to worship as they choose; however, the government imposed restrictions on certain religious activities and is accused of abusing the right to freedom of religion.
The Union Solidarity and Development Party is an ultranationalist, pro-military political party in Myanmar. Alongside the National League for Democracy, it is one of Myanmar's two principal national parties. USDP is the successor to the former ruling military junta's mass organisation, the Union Solidarity and Development Association, and serves as the electoral proxy of the Tatmadaw (military), which operates as a state within a state. Many of its political candidates and leadership are retired generals. It supports authoritarian military leadership. USDP was founded by Prime Minister Thein Sein to contest the 2010 Myanmar general election; the party was headed by Sein until 2013. Since 2022, it has been led by Khin Yi, who was installed as a loyalist of military leader Min Aung Hlaing.
The Cabinet of Myanmar, officially the Union Government, is the executive body of the government of Myanmar led by the prime minister of Myanmar. The Provisional Government serves as the current cabinet.
The 2011–2015 Myanmar political reforms were a series of political, economic and administrative reforms in Myanmar undertaken by the military-backed government. These reforms include the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest and subsequent dialogues with her, establishment of the National Human Rights Commission, general amnesties of more than 200 political prisoners, institution of new labour laws that allow labour unions and strikes, relaxation of press censorship, and regulations of currency practices. As a consequence of the reforms, ASEAN has approved Myanmar's bid for the chairmanship in 2014. United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar on 1 December 2011, to encourage further progress; it was the first visit by a Secretary of State in more than fifty years. United States President Barack Obama visited one year later, becoming the first US president to visit the country.
The Myanmar National Human Rights Commission is the independent national human rights commission of Myanmar, consisting of 11 retired bureaucrats and academics.
The 2012 Rakhine State riots were a series of conflicts primarily between ethnic Rakhine Buddhists and Rohingya Muslims in northern Rakhine State, Myanmar, though by October Muslims of all ethnicities had begun to be targeted. The riots started came after weeks of sectarian disputes including a gang rape and murder of a Rakhine woman which police allege was committed by three Rohingya Muslims. On 8 June 2012, Rohingyas started to protest from Friday's prayers in Maungdaw township. More than a dozen residents were killed after police started firing. A state of emergency was declared in Rakhine, allowing the military to participate in administration of the region. As of 22 August 2012, officially there were 88 casualties: 57 Muslims and 31 Buddhists. An estimated 90,000 people were displaced by the violence. Around 2,528 houses were burned; of those, 1,336 belonged to Rohingyas and 1,192 belonged to Rakhines.
The 969 Movement is a Buddhist nationalist movement opposed to what they see as Islam's expansion in predominantly Buddhist Myanmar (Burma). The three digits of 969 "symbolize the virtues of the Buddha, Buddhist practices and the Buddhist community". The first 9 stands for the nine special attributes of the Buddha and the 6 for the six special attributes of his Dharma, or Buddhist Teachings, and the last 9 represents the nine special attributes of Buddhist Sangha. Those special attributes are the Three Jewels of the Buddha. In the past, the Buddha, Sangha, Dhamma, the wheel of Dhamma, and "969" were Buddhist signs.
Ashin Wirathu is a Burmese Buddhist monk, and the leader of the 969 Movement in Myanmar. He has been accused of supporting the persecution of Muslims in Myanmar through his speeches, although he claims to be a peaceful preacher and not to have advocated violence—which is disputed by others. Facebook banned his page on the charge of allegedly spreading religious hatred towards other communities, after repeated warnings to not post religiously inflammatory content.
The Constitutional Tribunal of the Union is the constitutional court of Myanmar under the 2008 Constitution. There is one chairperson and eight members on the Tribunal, who serve five year terms. Members of the tribunal are constitutionally elected proportionally by the President, Pyithu Hluttaw, and Amyotha Hluttaw. However, under the current military government, members are appointed unilaterally by the junta, the State Administration Council. The members of the Constitutional Tribunal are all required to be legal experts. Its headquarters is located in Office No. 54, Ottarathiri Township, Nay Pyi Taw City, Myanmar.
The Patriotic Association of Myanmar, abbreviated Ma Ba Tha (မဘသ) in Burmese and variously translated into English as Association for the Protection of Race and Religion, Organisation for the Protection of Race and Religion and Committee for the Protection of Nationality and Religion is an ultra-nationalist Buddhist organisation based in Myanmar (Burma). Some PAM members are connected to the 969 Movement.
The Office of the President of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar is a ministry-level body that serves the President of Myanmar. Since the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état, the position has remained vacant.
Khin Waing Kyi is a Burmese politician who served as an MP in the House of Nationalities for Yangon Region № 1 constituency from 2011 to 2016.
The Advisory Commission on Rakhine State was an international advisory commission headed by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan to ensure the social & economical well-being of both the Buddhist and the Rohingya communities of Myanmar's conflict-ravaged Rakhine State. The decision to establish the commission was made on 23 August 2016. The commission was an institution of Myanmar, established in cooperation with the Kofi Annan Foundation, and most members were Myanmar citizens. It became widely known and referred to as the "Annan commission" or the "Rakhine commission."
Nyi Sein is a Burmese politician who currently serves as a House of Nationalities member of parliament for Shan State No. 5 constituency.
The status of religious freedom in Asia varies from country to country. States can differ based on whether or not they guarantee equal treatment under law for followers of different religions, whether they establish a state religion, the extent to which religious organizations operating within the country are policed, and the extent to which religious law is used as a basis for the country's legal code.
Kyaw Zaw Oo is an Arakanese politician, who used to serve as a member of parliament in the Rakhine State Hluttaw for (2015–2020) tenure. He was elected MP as an independent candidate in Sittwe-2 constituency in 2015. He is now leading the Arakan Front Party as its vice chair.