Treintismo (English: Thirtyism) was a libertarian socialist political movement in the Second Spanish Republic. Initially a faction within the National Confederation of Labour (CNT), the treintistas were, after the publication of the Manifesto of the Thirty in September 1931, expelled from the CNT over the course of the years 1931 and 1932 and formed the Syndicalist Party in 1932. The treintistas and the trade unions associated with them, the Opposition Syndicates, rejoined the CNT in 1936. The movement fell into political irrelevance with the victory of the Nationalist forces of Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War.
The name is derived from the Spanish word for the number 30, treinta.
This concept of revolution, the son of the purest demagoguery, sponsored for dozens of years by all the political parties that have tried and succeeded many times to assault power, has, although it seems paradoxical, defenders in our media and has been reaffirmed in certain nuclei of militants. Without realizing it, they fall into all the vices of political demagogy, into vices that would lead us to give away the revolution.
The formation of the Federación Anarquista Ibérica (FAI) in 1927 brought a new wave of hardline anarchist influence into the CNT. The FAI advocated for the immediate overthrow of the political system and was strictly anti-electoralist. [1]
Treintismo formed in ideological opposition to the hardline positions advocated by the FAI. The treintistas protested the growing disruptive influence of the FAI radicals in the CNT, and advocate a more moderate approach to the establishment of anarchism. [1] The treintistas were sympathetic to syndicalistic forms of government, which was in turn rejected by the FAI anarchist purists. [2] The treintistas advocated the establishment of powerful nationwide industrial labor unions, which was rejected by the FAI. [3]
In the adoption of the Manifestoof the Thirty es, via WikiSource], the treintistas warned that a rushed revolutionary attempt or a failure by the anarchists to participate in the newborn Spanish Republic, which was called a historic turnabout in Spanish history, could ultimately lead to the birth of a Republican fascism. [4]
On 1 September 1931, thirty moderate CNT leaders [a] signed the Manifesto of the Thirty in protest against the growing influence of the radical FAI within the ranks of the CNT. The FAI advocated a radical and purist anarchism and rejected any notions of reformism or cooperation with the statist system, even of the newly founded Second Spanish Republic. Within the anarchist movement, the FAI with its advocacy of simplistic revolution thus represented a radical faction of anarchism, which some more moderate elements in the CNT trade union network disagreed with. [1]
After the signing of the Manifesto of the Thirty, to whose principal signers belonged Ángel Pestaña, Joan Peiró and Juan López Sánchez, the unions that supported the moderate signatories were systematically expelled from the CNT network on pressure of the FAI-aligned radical purists. The trade unions in question then formed the Opposition Syndicates (Spanish: Sindicatos de Oposición), representing a split in the anarchist and syndicalist trade union movement that was not healed until May 1936. [1] The expulsion of the treintistas and moderate syndicalists prevented the CNT for several years from forming national industrial unions, which had been favored by the moderates. Instead, the CNT opted for localistic and subnational models favored by the FAI purist hardliners. [3]
Ángel Pestaña then went on to become the leading founder of the Syndicalist Party (Spanish: Partido Sindicalista). [5] The anarchist and syndicalist movements thus continued in two different directions, as the CNT came increasingly under FAI dominance of anarchist purism, whereas a significant amount of the more moderate syndicalists coalesced around the treintistas and the Syndicalist Party. [2]
Geographically, Treintism was strongest in the cities of Valencia and Alicante in the east and the city of Huelva in the southwest, but also represented a significant minority in Barcelona, where it broke the pattern of CNT dominance of the local anarchist and syndicalist movements especially among the metallurgy workers. By contrast, the mainline CNT was powerful with non-metallurgy workers in Barcelona, and had significant power bases in Catalonia, Galicia, and Aragon. Both movements were weak in the Province of León, Old Castile (with the exception of minority support in Logroño), Extremadura, New Castile (with the exception of minority support in Madrid), and the Basque Country (with the exception of minority support in Álava). [6] : 40
After the electoral victory of the right-wing CEDA in the 1933 Spanish general election, the moderate and reformist elements in the anarchist and syndicalist movements began even stronger advocacy for participation in electoralism. The Workers' and Peasants' Block, one of the predecessors of the later Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), was the first to suggest a unified workers' alliance of all trade union groups and labor-based parties. [5] This group came to be known as the Workers' Alliance (Spanish: Alianza Obrera) and was formed in Barcelona on 9 December 1933. [7] : 42 The Workers' Alliance included the Workers' and Peasants' Block, the treintistas (in form of the Opposition Syndicates), and the General Union of Workers (UGT), as well as several other political parties and sharecroppers' associations. The radical elements of the CNT only participated in the alliance in the region of Asturias. [5] The Workers' Alliance made the advance of social revolution and anti-fascism some of its principal declared goals. It began to organize strikes across many cities in March 1934, but the strike action sowed discontent among several parts of the Workers' Alliance, as the sharecroppers found the action too severe, whereas the treintistas saw it as too narrow. [7] : 42
As the year 1935 went on, the ideological switch in the Communist International away from the social fascism doctrine also allowed the Communist Party of Spain (PCE) to participate in such electoral alliances. The general electoral coalition of the Spanish centrist republicans, moderate socialists, Marxist-Leninist communists and the Treintist anarchists became known as the Popular Front. [5]
The 1936 Spanish general election ended in a close victory for the Popular Front, helped largely by the CNT's decision to not call upon its members to abstain as they had done in 1933. Although the CNT did not itself run in the election, it moved away from its traditional strong anti-electoralism and thus encouraged each member to make their own decision on whether or not to vote in the election. The anarchist turnout was sufficiently high to likely have decided the 1936 election in favor of the Popular Front. [5]
In May 1936, the Opposition Syndicates were readmitted into the CNT in a general congress of the organization at Zaragoza. [8] After the reunification of the CNT, Juan López Sánchez became once again the most important CNT-affiliated leader in the Valencia area. [9] : 1168 Treintista influence in Valencia would prove locally important during the growth of Comintern influence over PSOE and PCE, as more and more CNT elements dissented against the strengthening of Stalinist influence in the rest of anarchist Spain. [7] : 73
The breakout of the Spanish Civil War after the military uprising of the Nationalist faction around Francisco Franco forced the CNT into an uneasy alliance with the Republican faction. On 3 November 1936, the CNT decided for the first time to take a role in statist politics in the Second Spanish Republic, and accepted the invitation into the government of Francisco Largo Caballero. [10] Negotiations had begun in early September, [11] and the anarchist movement was, on the backdrop of the civil war, largely in favor of joining the Republican government. [12] The old split between treintistas and FAI purists within the reunified CNT remained visible, as two members of each side were named to join the cabinet; Juan López Sánchez and Joan Peiró were named from among the moderates, whereas Juan García Oliver and Federica Montseny were selected from among the hardliners. The two moderates were immediately willing to assume their posts, whereas the two radicals, keeping with their anti-electoralist principles, were much harder to convince. [13] Joan Peiró was named Minister of Industry, [9] : 1171 whereas Juan López Sánchez became Minister of Commerce. During his time as Minister of Commerce, Juan López Sánchez used his position to attempt to supply the anarchist communes in Catalonia with much-needed imports from abroad to alleviate resource shortages. [9] : 1168
May 1937 brought the May Days to Barcelona, when communist and socialist forces aligned with PCE and UGT clashed with the anarchists and syndicalists of CNT and FAI. This "civil war within the Civil War", [14] which lasted until the CNT called off the hostilities on 8 May, [15] was a resurfacing of the deep divisions that continued to exist in the Republican coalition. [14] What followed was the elimination, brought about by Soviet-inspired pressure by communist and socialist factions, of the anarchist and syndicalist factions from the governments of both the Spanish Republic and Catalonia. [16] The May Days also brought about to downfall of Francisco Largo Caballero, the Republican politician who had championed the acceptance of the anarchists and syndicalists into the government in the first place and who had now become, in the eyes of the increasingly dominant PCE and their Soviet overlords, a liability. [15]
After September 1938, when the Munich Agreement regarding Czechoslovakia demonstrated the unwillingness of the United Kingdom and France, both of whom were largely neutral in the Civil War, to oppose Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, both of whom had intervened on behalf of Franco's Nationalists, the involvement of the Soviet Union, the largest foreign supporter of the Republican side, began to be scaled back. [17] The Soviet Union had itself always been hostile to the anarchists (including the Treintist faction), [15] [16] as well as the POUM, [18] and had instead favored the pro-Stalinist PCE, but gradual Soviet withdrawal nonetheless signalled the imminent defeat of the Republicans. [17]
The brief cooperation of CNT-aligned forces with the National Defence Council, which overthrew Juan Negrín, did and could not prevent the Nationalist victory in the Spanish Civil War. [19] On 9 February 1939, Francisco Franco proclaimed on behalf of the Nationalist government the adoption of the Law of Political Responsibilities, which declared guilty the leaders and supporters of the Republican movement and banned their organizations, including the CNT. While the CNT continued in exile, Treintismo vanished as a relevant political force. [20] [21]
The Spanish Revolution was a workers' social revolution that began at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War in 1936 and for two to three years resulted in the widespread implementation of anarchist and, more broadly, libertarian socialist organizational principles throughout various portions of the country, primarily Catalonia, Aragon, Andalusia, and parts of the Valencian Community. Much of the economy of Spain was put under worker control; in anarchist strongholds like Catalonia, the figure was as high as 75%. Factories were run through worker committees, and agrarian areas became collectivized and run as libertarian socialist communes. Many small businesses, such as hotels, barber shops, and restaurants, were also collectivized and managed by their workers.
The Popular Front was an electoral alliance and pact formed in January 1936 to contest that year's general election by various left-wing political organizations during the Second Spanish Republic. The alliance was led by Manuel Azaña. In Catalonia and the modern-day Valencian Community, the coalition was known as the Front of the Lefts.
Andreu Nin i Pérez was a Spanish politician, trade unionist and translator. He is mainly known for his role in various Spanish left-wing movements of the early 20th century and, later, for his role in the Spanish Civil War. He is also known for his work translating Russian classics such as Ana Karenina, Crime and Punishment and some works by Anton Chekhov, from Russian into Catalan.
The May Days, sometimes also called May Events, were a series of clashes between 3 and 8 May 1937 during which factions on the Republican side of the Spanish Civil War engaged one another in street battles in various parts of Catalonia, centered on the city of Barcelona.
Revolutionary Catalonia was the period in which the autonomous region of Catalonia in northeast Spain was controlled or largely influenced by various anarchist, communist, and socialist trade unions, parties, and militias of the Spanish Civil War era. Although the constitutional Catalan institution of self-government, the Generalitat of Catalonia, remained in power and even took control of most of the competences of the Spanish central government in its territory, the trade unions were de facto in command of most of the economy and military forces, which includes the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo which was the dominant labor union at the time and the closely associated Federación Anarquista Ibérica. The Unión General de Trabajadores, the POUM and the Unified Socialist Party of Catalonia were also prominent.
The Friends of Durruti Group was a Spanish anarchist group commonly known for its participation in the May Days. Named after Buenaventura Durruti, it was founded on 15 March 1937 by Jaume Balius i Mir and Félix Martínez, who had become disillusioned with the policies of the CNT-FAI's leadership. During the May Days in Barcelona, they actively agitated among the anti-government forces, advocating for the formation of a "revolutionary junta", in close collaboration with Spanish Trotskyists. Following the suppression of the uprising, the group began publishing the newspaper El Amigo del Pueblo, in which they denounced the CNT-FAI for "collaborationism", resulting in their expulsion from the organisation. Their 1938 pamphlet Towards a Fresh revolution, which reaffirmed their proposals for a revolutionary junta, became an influential text within the anarchist current of platformism. But the group ultimately failed to make a broader impact within the Spanish movement and collapsed by the end of the war.
The Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT) is a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist trade union confederation.
Jesús Hernández Tomás was a Spanish communist leader. During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) he was Minister of Education and Fine Arts, then Minister of Education and Health. After the war he went into exile in Oran, Moscow and then Mexico. He was expelled from the party in 1944 for disloyalty to the leadership, and purged from the official history of the party after writing a book in 1953 critical of the Stalinist role in the Civil War.
The Madrid Defense Council was an ad-hoc governing body that ran Madrid, Spain, for about six months during the Spanish Civil War (1936–39). It was formed in November 1936 after the Spanish Republican government had fled to Valencia when General Francisco Franco's forces advanced on Madrid. It was expected that the city would fall within a few days, but the arrival of the International Brigades halted the rebel advance, and the situation settled into a stalemate. The council was dominated by communists, who had superior organization and propaganda to the other groups. Their policy was to organize the militias into regular troops and focus on defeating the enemy, rather than to undertake revolutionary activity. As time passed there was growing tension between the communists and more radical groups. The council was dissolved in April 1937 and replaced by a new city council.
Vicente Uribe Galdeano was a Spanish metalworker and politician who became a member of the executive of the Communist Party of Spain (PCE). He served as Minister of Agriculture during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) for the Republican faction. He went into exile in Mexico during World War II (1939–1945), then lived in France and Czechoslovakia after the war. He was disgraced in 1956 during the post-Stalinist power struggle.
Rafael Vidiella Franch was a trade unionist and communist politician from Catalonia. He served as a minister in the government of Catalonia during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939).
Juan López Sánchez was a Spanish construction worker, anarchist and member of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, and one of the founders of the Federación Sindicalista Libertaria. During the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) he was Minister of Commerce under Francisco Largo Caballero. After the war he spent several years in exile before returning to Spain where he lived without persecution and participated in the "vertical" trade union movement authorized by the dictatorship of General Francisco Franco.
Women in the Federación Anarquista Ibérica were often only addressed because of what they appeared to be able to offer male FAI leadership in terms of attracting adept fighters and politicians.
The Central Committee of Antifascist Militias of Catalonia was an administrative body created on 21 July 1936 by the president of the Government of Catalonia, Lluís Companys, under pressure by the anarcho-syndicalists of the National Confederation of Labor (CNT) and Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI), which led the workers' struggle against the July 1936 military uprising in Barcelona.
The anarchist insurrection of January 1933 was an attempted revolution carried out by Spanish anarchists, with the intention of overthrowing the government of Spain and establishing libertarian communism.
The Alt Llobregat insurrection was a revolutionary general strike which took place in central Catalonia, in the northeast of Spain, in January 1932. Initially organised as a wildcat strike by miners in Fígols, who were protesting against low wages and poor working conditions, it soon turned into a general revolt and spread throughout the region. Workers seized local institutions, disarmed the police and proclaimed libertarian communism, all without any violence taking place. Within a week, the rebellion was suppressed by the Spanish Army. A subsequent rebellion in Aragon was also suppressed. In the wake of the insurrection, many anarchist activists were imprisoned or deported. The suppression of the insurrection caused a split in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, with its radical faction ultimately taking control of the organisation and the moderate faction splitting off to form the Syndicalist Party. Further insurrections were carried out by CNT activists in January and December 1933.
Pedro Herrera Camarero was a Spanish anarcho-syndicalist.
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Francesc Arín i Simó (1891–1936) was a Valencian trade unionist and journalist. A metalworker by trade, Arín became a union leader in the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT), within which he formed part of the moderate faction. He led the metalworkers' union through the early 1920s, which saw him arrested, exiled and blacklisted. He then switched professions to work in the fishing industry, within which he likewise became a trade union leader. During the dictatorship of Primo de Rivera, he joined the Solidaridad group led by Ángel Pestaña and continued to organise the CNT throughout the period.
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