The Alliance fell slightly short of the 201 seats needed to govern alone.[1]Lothar de Maizière of the CDU invited the SPD to join his Alliance partners – the German Social Union (DSU) and Democratic Awakening (DA) – in a grand coalition. The SPD was initially cold to de Maizière's offer, in part because of the presence of the right-wing populist DSU in de Maizière's grouping; the SPD had originally been willing to govern alongside all parties other than the PDS and DSU.[2] However, they ultimately agreed, and the four parties formed government. The government, which was able to amend the constitution thanks to its two-thirds supermajority of seats in the Volkskammer, subsequently organised and ratified the reunification of Germany, resulting in the dissolution of the German Democratic Republic into the Federal Republic of Germany on 3 October 1990.
The Peaceful Revolution of 1989 resulted in the Socialist Unity Party of Germany giving up its monopoly on power, and permitting opposition parties to operate for the first time. They began to form in large numbers throughout November and December 1989. Opposition groups formed the East German Round Table, which was joined by representatives of the SED to negotiate reforms; at its first meeting on 7 December 1989, the Round Table agreed that elections to the Volkskammer would be held on 6 May 1990.[3]
The campaign was short and presented the parties with major organizational challenges. The election, originally scheduled for May, was brought forward to March 18 after negotiations between representatives of the Round Table and government of Hans Modrow on 28 January. This meant that the campaign was only seven weeks long.
Only the PDS had immediately operational party machinery, as well as the extensive financial resources required for an election campaign. The newly founded parties and groups, by contrast, were often still entangled in debates about their platform and only had minimal operational infrastructure. Civil rights activists had managed to secure offices in many places, meaning both the new groups and old parties were often lacking less in physical infrastructure and more in political and campaign experience. This gap was closed through a massive commitment by West German parties, which supported their partner parties in the GDR, and were able to compensate for the organizational advantage held by the PDS.[5] The CDU formed "district partnerships": each Eastern CDU district association was supported by a Western CDU district association. Many Western party members visited the East to aid their corresponding party in the campaign.
At the beginning of the campaign period, the SPD appeared to have a clear edge over the other parties. As a newly-founded party, it had no ties to the SED, but a high profile and ample resources thanks to its Western counterpart. Much of East Germany's territory had also been strongholds of the Weimar Republic-era SPD. Meanwhile, the CDU was deprived of a natural base by the lack of any significant Catholic population in the country, with the sole exception of Eichsfeld on the Thuringian border. Additionally, several older parties, including the CDU, LDPD, and NDPD, were former bloc parties which had been subordinate to the SED until 1989, engendering doubt about their ability to portray themselves as parties of change. Election forecasts predicted a clear victory for the Social Democrats; in a survey published at the beginning of February, the SPD was favoured by 54 percent of voters, followed by the PDS with 12 percent and the CDU with 11 percent.[5]
Oskar Lafontaine, who had been elected as the West German SPD's Chancellor candidate for the next federal election, was sceptical of reunification and pessimistic about the SPD's chances of victory in either country. At the SPD's party conference in Berlin in December 1989, he warned of a "national drunkenness" that reunification could inspire, and described the potential membership of a united Germany in NATO as "historical nonsense". Meanwhile, West German CDU leader and incumbent Chancellor Helmut Kohl made unification the primary goal for his party in both the East and West. To promote this position, almost four hundred rallies were held during the Eastern election campaign featuring around eighty top politicians from the Western CDU and CSU; the Alliance for Germany held around 1,400 election events in total. At one such event on 20 February 1990 in Erfurt, 150,000 people gathered to see Kohl; 200,000 attended when he spoke in Chemnitz.[7]
Three days before the election the lead candidate of Democratic Awakening, Wolfgang Schnur, was exposed as a Stasi informant by Der Spiegel.
Party programs
The Alliance for Germany presented its election program under the title "Never again socialism" („Nie wieder Sozialismus“). Its key points included German reunification using the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany as an all-German constitution, the establishment of rights to private property and unrestricted freedom of trade, the abolition of all barriers to access for investors from the West, and the immediate introduction of the Deutsche Mark with an exchange rate of 1:1 to the East German mark. It also promised the establishment of a social security network, an environmental program, and secure energy supply, and the harmonisation of law with the West (in particular the abolition of criminal offences related to political activity). Other points were the promotion of monument protection, education reform, the preservation of day nurseries, the re-establishment of the federal states (Länder) and freedom of the press.[8]
At the first party conference of the revived SPD, held in Leipzig from 22 to 25 February 1990, the basic party program was adopted, as was its election program. The core was the demand for an ecologically-oriented social market economy.[9]
The PDS election program was entitled "Democratic Freedom for All - Social Security for Everyone". The PDS described itself as a democratic socialist party campaigning for a humane working world, and striving for a socially and ecologically-oriented market economy that would pursue social security for all based on merit. In addition, it demanded the disarmament of both the East and West. It sought to preserve the GDR's social values and achievements, which it held to include the right to work, the system of children's institutions, the involvement of cooperative and public property in the economy, and anti-fascism and internationalism. Central to its platform were demands to maintain the status of former SED members and land reform undertaken by the SED. Instead of unification with the West, the PDS advocated for the creation of a confederal structure between the two countries while preserving their individual statehood, and sought a gradual transition to a neutral and demilitarized German confederation.[10]
Conduct
Ballot paper
Writer Michael Schneider criticised what he saw as massive interference by Western politicians in the GDR election campaign, which he characterised as dominated by Western personalities and party volunteers and funded partly by taxpayer money from the West.[11]
Civil rights activist and founding member of the New Forum, Jens Reich, raised similar concerns. In 2009, 20 years after the Peaceful Revolution, he commented on the development of democracy in the GDR: "The Bonn hippopotamus came in such a mass that you were simply helpless. The entire apparatus of the West was simply brought to the East in the election campaign. We had nothing to oppose. These were western elections exported to the GDR."[12]
Opinion polls
In 2005, Forschungsgruppe Wahlen researcher Matthias Jung, who was involved in organising opinion polling for the election, spoke of the difficulties of the task. He attributed this to the unpredictable behaviour of the electorate as well as the total lack of infrastructure and methods for gauging public opinion, which forced the institute to build an entirely new polling model. Despite beginning work at the end of 1989, FW only released one poll before the election, which Jung claimed accurately predicted the CDU victory.[13] This may refer to a FW poll showing that 35% of voters believed an Alliance for Germany-led government would be most capable of solving the country's problems, while only 27% believed an SPD-led government would; 29% believed a grand coalition would be most capable.[14] This was in stark contrast to other polls, conducted without reliable methods, which predicted a landslide SPD victory.
Maps showing the distribution of party votes per circle. The map in the bottom right shows the largest party in each district (several circles make a district).
In order to determine the composition of the East German representatives in the Bundestag between German reunification and the first post-reunification elections in December 1990, the results of the 1990 Volkskammer election were recounted, using the new states of Germany as constituencies. This was possible since the original election results were declared on the Kreis level, and the states were re-established by simply amalgamating Kreise together. The results in each Kreis forming a state were summed up to determine the statewide result. The recount fixed the number of Volkskammer members from each party who would be co-opted into the Bundestag.[18]
The newly elected Volkskammer was constituted on 5 April 1990, and elected Sabine Bergmann-Pohl of the CDU as its president. As the State Council of the GDR was dissolved at the same time, she became East Germany's interim head of state. Four days later, after protracted negotiations, Lothar de Maizière announced the formation of a grand coalition between the Alliance for Germany, SPD, and BFD. On 12 April 1990, he was elected Prime Minister of the GDR by the Volkskammer with 265 votes in favour, 108 against, and 9 abstentions. The new cabinet was also confirmed. The partners in the coalition commanded a two-thirds supermajority in the Volkskammer, making it an übergroß coalition with enough seats to pass amendments to the constitution.[19][20]
The new parliament quickly passed several pieces of major legislation, including a new law regarding local government on 17 May, a law ratifying the monetary, economic, and social union with the Federal Republic of Germany on 18 May (which became effective on 1 July), and constitutional amendments on 17 June. On 21 June, the Volkskammer formed a special committee, chaired by Joachim Gauck, to control the dissolution of the Ministry for State Security (Stasi).[21]
On 20 September 1990, the Volkskammer voted 299–80 to accept the Treaty on the Final Settlement with Respect to Germany, which had earlier been approved in a 442–47 vote by the West German Bundestag. The treaty stipulated that East Germany would unify its territory with Federal Republic of Germany via Article 23 of the Basic Law, meaning that East Germany and the Volkskammer would cease to exist. The chamber's last legislative period therefore only lasted four and a half months. The treaty took effect on 3 October 1990; on the same day, 144 of the 400 Volkskammer deputies became members of the Bundestag (63 from the CDU, 33 from the SPD, 24 from the PDS, 9 from the BFD, 8 from the DSU, and 7 from Alliance 90 and the Green Party). The 8 DSU members joined the CDU/CSU Bundestag Group, briefly renamed CDU/CSU/DSU. The distribution of seats between these parties was determined by recalculating the results of the 1990 elections on a per-state basis. Their tenure came to an end two months later with the first all-German federal election on 2 December 1990.[22]
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↑ For the Leipzig policy program see: Dieter Dowe, Kurt Klotzbach (ed.): Programmatic documents of German social democracy (= Politics in paperback. 2). 3rd, revised and updated edition. J. H. W. Dietz Nachf., Bonn 1990, ISBN3-8012-0100-7, pp. 447-490.
↑ Michael Schneider: The aborted revolution. From the state company to the DM colony (= Elefanten-Press. 371). Verlag Elefanten-Press, Berlin 1990, ISBN3-88520-371-5, p. 114 ff.
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